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So. Good afternoon and welcome.

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Uh, as always, a pleasure to present the speaker, but today's an even special pleasure to present an old colleague of mine, Dr. Isaac Shoham,

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who is an associate professor in the Interdisciplinary Program for Hermeneutics and Cultural

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Studies and the co-director of the Centre for Cultural Sociology at Bar-Ilan University in Israel.

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He's also a research fellow in the Kogut Institute for Advanced Jewish Studies at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.

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Hezekiah's works consist of anthropological history and sociology of Zionism, the issue of in Israel and cultural theory.

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Among his publications, the book A Carnival in Tel Aviv,

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Purim and the Celebration of Urban Zionism and Israel celebrates festivals and civic culture in Israel.

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And the title of his talk today, as you can see,

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is the emotional scripting of boycott the Nazi Zionist Agreement in Jewish public culture during the 1930s.

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Thank you for coming. Okay. Thank you, Yaakov, for this kind introduction for the invitation.

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Uh, it's a real pleasure for me to be here. Uh, special pleasure.

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Not only because of, uh, our, my host is a friend, but also because I have many good memories from this place.

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Peter There is tying in some of them. Several visits here.

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I'm going to read my, uh, from the paper, uh, in order to keep with them.

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Okay. So our boycotts practical or are they mere emotional outbursts?

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Are they effective? We know very well that political discourse is not always so-called practical.

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In addition to treating of the common good, as the liberal tradition would have it,

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it also takes up emotions like fear, anger, love, hate and so forth.

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Boycotts, in particular seem to exhaust a mix of practical with emotional language.

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My talk today will attempt to offer a theory of boycotts and social dramas by looking at the emotional aspects of the

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public debate that raising Jewish Palestine in the 1930s about the transfer or have the agreement with Nazi Germany.

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Focusing on emotions. They're all in politics and the right way to contain or release them.

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And we revisit the standard dichotomy between the emotional and the practical in politics,

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which will immediately have our debate in real time and influence.

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Influences the current literature about the above argument and about boycotts in general.

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The emotional responses in these shoes to the persecution of German Jews varied between fear, frustration, pride, humiliation and more.

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Here, I will not focus on a specific emotions as most stories of emotions have done,

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but on the discourse about emotional control and emotional management in politics,

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and on the viability of non-emotional so so-called practical behaviour,

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I would begin with an introduction about emotions and cognitive schemes and will demonstrate

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how this idea can be used in the analysis of boycotts and bi national campaigns.

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I will then move on to the reading, the emotional language of the contemporary political debate about the other argument,

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and try to demonstrate the conflation of the so-called practical with the so-called emotional and within place.

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The public debate about the other argument in the context of the by Jewish campaigns conducted in the issue between the two world wars.

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Finally, I would suggest interpreting boycotts as political dramas whose activity depends mainly on their emotional scripting.

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The nature of emotions has been a matter of debate throughout history.

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In recent decades, though, historians have joined experts from other disciplines in studying emotions from social constructivist point of view.

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Some call it the emotional turn.

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Roughly speaking, this approach goes beyond the unification of emotions in ordinary language, where they often seems seem to be entities out there,

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or more accurately, in their historians such as John Oberg or Peter and Carol Stearns followed.

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Norbert Elias is a classic work on seeing emotions as mediating between the individual body

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and social space and proposed that emotional expressions be studied as communicative acts.

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Whose meaning is context dependent? Of particular interest for us here is the constructionist approach of psychologist Theodore Sowerby,

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who suggests that emotions be understood as emotional acts feelings with a strong psychological effect such as fear,

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love in anger, anger, and are regularly woven into social narratives, acquiring meanings, and then turn into acts.

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This may happen, for example, when weird or scary dreams receive an interpretation or when obscure in anxiety,

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focuses on a specific threat and is transformed into fear and so forth.

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Following sociologists, every government serving also suggested that emotions be analysed as as a dramatic act

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in which actors enjoy a limited ability to manipulate the scene they participate in,

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but they participate in or limited a limited ability to rewrite the script.

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Grief, jealousy, anger and so on are not only bodily feelings, but also social.

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Social positions, dramatic roles, knotting, knotted into social plots through the specific roles assumed by the actors.

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According to solving these emotional drama, these structures are not learned systematically,

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but rather are derived from, quote, half remembered folktales, fables, misses legends in other stories and quote,

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Sarbanes ideas are particularly suggestive for us because unlike the traditional understanding of emotions as automatic and inhibited reactions,

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he assumed we have a plot logic that follows a social logic, for example.

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I mean, what is a social logic? When I'm running late, if the person waiting for me is my child, I feel guilt.

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If it is my spouse, I may feel annoyance.

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Right. Emotions are the part of cognitive schemes with a meaning that depends on the social context.

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More importantly, emotions are scripted by social agents.

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To apply this approach to the study of politics,

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I will use sociologist Jeffrey Alexander's suggestion that we understood political to understand political opinions

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voiced in the civil sphere as symbolic narratives and analysed political debates as social dramas and emotional scripts.

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Reading the minutes of meetings, newspaper articles and commercial posters from the 1930s,

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I look for emotional expressions in order to analyse them as symbolic narratives rather than as merely ideological.

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In political positions. Two good examples of such political emotion narratives are boycotts and bi national campaigns.

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Campaigns in the two categories, sorry, are similar in that they encourage consumers with varying degrees,

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degrees of militancy, to avoid purchasing specific goods.

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In the case of a boycott or all foreign goods in the case of a binational campaign,

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such campaigns need to balance between emotional motives and so-called practical motives and motives.

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Or the advocates in an opponent's habitually debate their practicality and tend to blame each other,

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as the sentimental scholars have often followed suit,

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portraying a dichotomy of practical versus emotional in these campaigns,

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whose squarely treatment's tended to focus on the actual economic and political effects, such as eliminating an oppressor or a political rival.

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Or alternatively, on their emotional effects, such as maintaining and strengthening group cohesion and the sense of belonging.

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Or venting harsh emotions on the other.

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On the other extreme,

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I argue that we can better understand boycotts and binational campaigns by analysing them as social dramas whose political impact is dependent,

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among other factor factors on the nature of the emotional script performed in them.

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Before campaigns do something, before their political communicative acts in the mode of, say, Habermas.

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They communicate emotions by telling a story about us and them, about our struggle against their injustice,

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and about the possible path to redemption by the adoption of a particular consumer behaviour, behaviour available to all of us,

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thus performing boundary work between us and them for the boycott or by national campaign to be effective, the story must be effective,

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and that depends mainly on its ability to provide meaning to the lives of the people involved in the political drama and evoke an emotional reaction.

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In other words, to assess the effectiveness, the effectiveness of work,

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of a boycott, assessing its practical effect does not suffice, would not suffice.

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We should begin with its emotional effectiveness, which depends on the way the boycott is plotted.

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That is, on the emotional reaction of the other actors in the drama and first and foremost, its target.

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Having been cast as the villain, the boycotted party may develop emotional responses of fear, insults, self-righteousness and the like.

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This assuming the role of a victim in the social drama.

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Another conceivable response to being boycotted is plead guilty, accept responsibility and repenting.

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Let's bring in the story, the happy end intended by the initial authors of the script.

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Such responses may become common when the target of the boycott is a commercial or administrative entity,

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but are quite rare in ethno national conflicts.

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Another possible reaction is to shrug off the boycott when the boycott fails to elicit an emotional response.

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The script is cut short.

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The story like this made conflict and may even become boring when it fails to sway the politics and social life of the boycotted party.

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I suggest that a boycott is a dramatic performance of emotions like anger, fear and righteousness invoked to serve to serve a group's boundary work.

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It does not reflect these emotions as the internal state of individuals, but creates and communicates them in the civic sphere as a political act.

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If it is communicated well, it may also have economic and political effects.

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Although there is a wide range of possibility as this script proceeds.

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Escalation, compromise, submission, repentance and so on.

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However, the historian must not confuse narratives with norms.

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In the seminar, a study about the history of anger in the United States, Peter and Carol Stearns,

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suggest a useful distinction between the actual emotional experience of a given society or historical context and what they call emotional ology,

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which refers to normative opinions and attitudes about emotions frequent in the society under discussion.

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There usually are complex and reciprocal connections between emotionality and the actual emotional experience.

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We have a controversy to which we now turn exemplifies how the Zionist emotionality did not totally

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govern the actual emotional experience of dealing with the Nazi persecution of German Jews.

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So let us now descend from the highs of theory to actual history and discuss the commercial boycott of Nazi Germany.

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And then we have our agreement, what is referred to then and now as the overall transfer agreement was,

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in fact, a series of agreements between the Nazi regime and various.

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Zionist organisations signed between 1933 and in 1935, starting in 1936.

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The Jewish Agency took over the enterprise and concluded additional agreements with the Germans.

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The common element of all these arrangements was that they made it possible for Jews to leave Germany with most of their capital

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on condition that it was transferred to Palestine in the form of German industrial goods to be sold there by the immigrants.

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Such bilateral arrangements were common in those years as a way to bypass foreign currency restrictions placed on emigrants.

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Not many know, for example, that the World Zionist Organisation signed a similar agreement with Lithuania in 1936 and with Poland in 1937.

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In the case of mandatory Palestine,

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it enabled German Jews to report a personal wealth of £4,000 sterling and register with the British authorities as capitalists.

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As such, they received emigration certificates automatically and were not counted against the annual quota.

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Do I have to explain? Do you remember this certificate systems system of the British mandate?

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The reminder that there were a certain annual quota that was calculated every year according to the economy capacity,

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economic absorption capacity of the country.

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But those who reported personal wealth were not counted in this quota, and there is no restriction about their immigration to Palestine whatsoever.

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So this is very, very important for the development of the issue, even for the for the for the immigration to to Palestine during the 1930s.

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Okay. This this arrangement overrode a German foreign currency regulation of 1931.

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It wasn't an anti-Jewish regulation that allowed immigrants to take no more than approximately £200 out of the country.

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The other arrangement, which remain enforced until the start of the Second World War,

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resulted in the transfer of about £8 million from Germany to Palestine and within

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six within six years and enabled about 52,000 of Jews to leave Germany to Palestine.

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This agreement went against the current of an almost global storm of boycotts

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and counter boycotts following Hitler's rise to power in Germany in early 1933.

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On April one of that year, the 1st of April, we have to say here, am sorry.

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On the 1st of April that year, the new regime announced a boycott of the Jews of the Reich, bringing long decades of emancipation to an end.

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At the same time, many Jews in England, Eastern Western Europe,

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North America and the Muslim world joined other anti-fascist fascist forces in declaring that in response to the Nazi boycott of the German Jews,

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they would not watch German movies, use German ships or buy German industrial products, at least on a declarative level.

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Jewish public opinion everywhere seemed to be channelling the distaste for the new regime into a boycott.

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Historians still ponder about the Nazi practical interest in the agreement whose usefulness for German fiscal,

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industrial needs and consistency with the regime's Jewish policy are unclear till today.

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Part of the story, according to historian Abraham Burke,

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was determination the determination of the new and not fully secure Jim, to break the anti-Nazi boycott with its first year.

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Clearly, the Nazis superstitious, somewhat superstitious, somewhat superstitious belief,

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believe in in fear of the power of Jewish global finance, played some role, at least when the arrangement was first formalised.

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More generally, the Nazis themselves had a deep faith in the power of boycotts.

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A boycott, which has had been a focus of their political activity before 1933 and which escalated after coming to power.

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The Jewish boycott of German products was emotionally effective then,

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in the sense that the nascent Nazi regime really feared it and was emotionally in them and was ready to go a great distance to break it.

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In a sense, the Nazis and the Jews had all gone to the same school in the borderlands of Central and Eastern Europe.

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I can't expand about it too much right now, but this is where the modern phenomenon of boycott actually began.

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During the 19th 19th century, we have an language arrangement became the subject of a heated public debate.

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The split the Jewish world throughout the 1930s and in Palestine.

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In Palestine sometimes even slipped to violence in the eyes of the opponents.

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It weakened the moral basis of the international Jewish boycott of Nazi Germany in the eyes of its supporters.

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The arrangement was a way to save German Jews from persecution and help them build a new life outside Germany.

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Of course, this was also an ideological controversy about the future of emancipation in Germany,

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for which many Jews in America, Europe and elsewhere fought. But regarding which many Zionists were sceptical in the first place.

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But this controversy also erupted within Zionism, where many objected to it, to the agreement,

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not only among the right wing which waved this flag in the political sphere,

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but also within the Zionist labour movement, which was steadily acquiring political dominance in Zionist institutions during the 1930s.

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The news from Germany evoked harsh emotional responses in the issue of sorry,

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in the demonstration of Jewish pride via protest became widespread in the public loud calls to boycott German goods.

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Newspapers all across the political spectrum published columns that spoke the language of Jewish

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pride and accused the hesitant citizens and leaders of complicity in the national degradation.

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Here's an example. And that's, I mean, quite representative.

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Committees for boycott of Germany were established throughout the country by the

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British Man of Palestine and applied constant pressure in the civic sphere.

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But unlike Jewish communities elsewhere, the leadership in Palestine.

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And so it seemed public opinion was slow to respond.

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The issues official representative body value mirror National Committee discussed the matter and announced officially,

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somewhat ingeniously that, quote, no authorised Jewish institution had has declared a boycott of Germany.

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End quote. Why? So the issue had practical reasons not to join the boycott.

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Germany was a major market for its oranges, among the only export products that brought foreign currency into the country.

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A boycott could erase the past in Germany trade that continued until September 1939.

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There were also the Nazi threats to escalate the brutality against German Jews in response to the boycott.

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But this practical reasoning was relevant for Jews elsewhere.

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I suggest that the issues, ambivalence and reluctance to engage in a boycott which eventually eventually led to the very agreement,

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stemmed from the dominance of a New Labour Zionist emotionality.

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Labour's only circus in Palestine developed what historian Anita SPIELER calls a culture of silence,

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which meant that certain emotional experiences were not to be spoken about in public and sometimes not even in private conversations.

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The emotions to be suppressed run the gamut from love through individual distress, at the sight of atrocities,

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or in the wake of bereavement to anger and a desire for vengeance regarding personal, political and national enemies.

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In the remarkable similarity to the civilising process described by Norbert Elias,

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being a pioneer or activist of the Labour Zionist movement meant not only building the country,

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but also developing the personal capacity to manage one's emotions in all spheres of life,

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as opposed to the so-called exile like emotional Jew about this culture of silence.

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There was, of course, endless talk, and it had it had implication regarding handling antisemitism, too.

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Numerous texts and speeches, mainly those produced by the dominant labour movement,

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accentuated the need for emotional restraint so that Zionism could extract what it needed from the loathed regime.

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For example, Moses Shelter later later surveyed the head of the political department of the World Zionist Organisation at that time.

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Later, the second Prime Minister of Israel preached again what he against what he called boycott ism.

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Opposing sentimentality due practicality and emotion to reason or good the medicine.

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Later, Meir and the fourth prime minister of Israel, but then a delegate to the 1935 Zionist Congress.

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Congress, sorry, which officially approved the other argument, said the following.

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There was a time when we responded to Jewish suffering only by wailing and protesting.

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The only point of light in the current disaster is that a partial wailing in Palestine,

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we now have practical possibility of doing something real to save tens of thousands of Jews.

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The Zionist movement has matured to such an extent that it considers the transfer today and under today's circumstances absolutely essential,

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is willing to accept responsibility in this matter.

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What stands out in this quote, which in this regard is representative, is not only the overt disgust, disgust for waiting and protesting,

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but also the narrative of growth and progress which facilitated accepting responsibility and doing something.

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Myerson and Shattuck prioritised practical reasons over the sentimentality they attributed to the boycott movement,

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where its supporters saw the boycott as a manifestation of Jewish pride.

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Labour movement speakers characterised it as an instrument of the weak who lack better political weapons,

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implying to it its resemblance to the historical devices of political submission in the in the diaspora, such as lobbying by core Jews.

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It was indeed the case. The boycott was a political tool to that.

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That was something Jews learn about, learn about from the eternal struggles of Central and Eastern Europe,

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which starting in the mid-19th century, were often waged as economic wars.

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As I said before, Shattock Myerson and many others countered that political activity in and of itself,

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even regardless of the outcome, is a better way to maintain Jewish pride.

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Supporters of the anti-German boycott's boycott share with their opponents the emotional experience of humiliation.

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But through different political conclusion, useful.

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Novick is also a member of the labour movement, said I have the feeling right.

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I have the feeling that we are breaching the boycott and have no way to justify this.

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We shall accomplish lifted a little and pay for it dearly.

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We shall befall ourselves irreparably.

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In other words, in addition to practical concerns,

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he was worried about defilement and felt that the achievements were not worth negotiating with evil.

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Most Zionist opponents of the agreement across the political spectrum used the language

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of Jewish honour and accused the Zionist establishment of exiling submissiveness.

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The debate that in more than its practicality or the fate of German Jews,

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it was about the relationship among pride, humiliation in endure and about the boycott emotional effectiveness.

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Supporters of the boycott route wrote an ethnocentric emotion a script that cast the Jews as the victims of the universe, the universal villain.

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This filled them with a sense of self-righteousness that fed the urge to refrain from any contact with that,

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with this devil, in order to maintain their pride.

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The boycotts opponents emphasised the Jews ability to control the anger as the mark of their newly acquired dignity.

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For them, singling out the practical political challenge of Nazism implied excluding the Jews from regular political,

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regular practical politics and from world history as they understood it.

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What historians like? Well, several names and others who opposed practicality or practicality or rationality to emotional emotionality may see.

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I just have an argument with people that, I mean, it's not instrumental that, you know, these references, but most of these stories discuss that.

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But this argument in terms of practicality versus emotionality,

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so what they mean here is that both sides of the argument spoke the language of Jewish honour and pride.

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And so the other side is submissive but held to different emotion analogies.

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Opponents of Obama identified national honour with open expressions of anger.

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Supposedly, the other supporters identify identified honour with emotional restraint and head on

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to the labour movement efforts of practicality of another do name in another goat,

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a symbolic system that praised hard work and derided sentimentality.

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The difference in language can be understood through a comparison of these two posters.

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The one that and doesn't. And I don't have to translate.

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Just look at the graphic. The graphical language, the one that supports the boycott and the right side is concise with a few words in large letters.

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The poster against the boycott and in favour of Hezbollah urges people to buy German marks to support the immigration from Germany.

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If the intersection is confirmed by the company and the poster overwhelms readers with tons of information.

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Now, the question we have to ask now is what was the correlation between this

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emotionality and the actual emotional experience of dealing with Nazi Germany?

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In other words, how well did the mainstream of the issue really contain its fury, at least among those who tried to do so?

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To examine that, I would now like to place the controversy in the context of the binational campaigns of the era.

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The interwar era was the heyday, not only of boycott ism is sure to put it, but also of economic nationalism more generally.

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Governments imposed tariffs on imports while subsidising local production.

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Even when this work to the detriment of consumers,

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often forced to pay higher prices to protect local goods and local workers, manufacturers, merchants, labour unions,

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journalists, consumer organisations and in some cases government waged intensive bi national

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campaigns that linked the mundane act of shopping with the nation's strength,

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associated the consumption of foreign products with national disgrace, disgrace, and implored consumers to favour local products,

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even if or precisely when they were more expensive or of lower quality in terms of emotional effectiveness.

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These campaigns considered the creation of a national export economy not only a key economic enterprise,

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but also a source of national pride, while viewing the purchase of foreign products as a cause for shame and national humiliation.

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Such campaigns do place in British mind percent as well among both the Jews and the Arabs.

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And when they Jews, there were no us by to their talents like the products of the land.

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But that was a clean language for by Jewish. Right after 1933 in England, the United States and other countries,

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local firms and by local campaigners enthusiastically encouraged the boycott of Germany.

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This could have happened in Palestine too, where a loud by Jewish campaign was waged by supporters of Jewish economic nationalism.

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Indeed, they have never flooded Palestine with German industrial goods to start a new life.

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The immigrants sold these goods for whatever they could get with depressed prices in local Palestine markets.

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Sometimes this inundation aggravated the Baiju supporters twice over because not only were these cheap for goods,

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but those produced, but those produced by the devil himself.

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They have about trust and transfer office claimed that it imported only goods that were not produced locally in Palestine.

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But it was this. This was not always the case. In August 1939, for example, they a still working with war engines.

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The union for local Jewish products demanded that they have an office cancel a deal to import 16,000 brass phosphates from Germany.

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Inasmuch as the particular financial circumstances of the other meant that they could be sold at 50% below the market price.

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The other office was accused of jeopardising the living of 50 or 60 Tel Aviv families and of undermining local

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industry with its limited ability to compete with German products that were cheaper and of better quality.

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The half of our people retorted that there was no discount and that the lower

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price of the German phosphates stemmed from normal market market factors.

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In a further attempt to mollify public opinion, it seemed to support local production.

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They also promised to order two or three thousands new forces from the Tel Aviv factory.

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So sometimes when German merchandise threatened the local Jewish equivalent, the opponent of the idea played the binational card as well.

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However, the consensus by Jewish campaigns in the issue did not usually single out German products as more unacceptable than other imports.

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And this happened to be in line with the new labour movement in Oceanology.

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And by the way, the average imports did threaten British commercial interests in Palestine.

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But this is another story beyond our scope today.

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Nonetheless, the by Jewish movement made it possible to channel the anti-German sentiment to a boycott of a local community of Germans in Palestine.

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The Templars religious sect whose settlement in Palestine in the 19th century preceded the Zionist wave waves as waves of immigration,

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immigration and who founded six agricultural colonies in the country.

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They were known for their diligence, dedication and. Funding agricultural produce during the 1930s,

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the Templars most prominent leaders stridently identified with the Nazis in 1933 as a response to the Nazi boycott of German Jews.

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The Jews in Palestine instituted a boycott of the Templars.

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The Jewish Press published stories about the Templars animosity toward Jews.

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And between 1935 and 1937, in the emotional climate of the escalating violence between Arabs,

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British and Jews in Palestine, I'm talking about the the the Arab revolt of that began in 1933, in 1936.

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But the escalation began even before.

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So in light of this escalation, the bi Jewish movement also turned up the volume.

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Now the Jewish boycott of the Templars had a real effect.

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Until the mid 1930s, for example, the Templars sold between 4550 hundred litres of milk a day in Tel Aviv, or about a third of the city's consumption.

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But according to reports submitted directly to Ben-Gurion in March 1936, the boycott has reduced the consumption of German milk to 2000 litres a day.

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There are similar reports with numbers about dramatic reductions reductions in the consumption of German milk by the Jews in Haifa and Jerusalem.

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It should be mentioned that the Tel Aviv branch of the Templars Bank played an

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important role in the transfer of money from Berlin to Tel Aviv under the agreement,

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even though, for reasons that remain unclear, the Templars themselves objected, objected to the arrangement to the other.

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Again, I'm not sure why.

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I mean, perhaps it gave the German Jewish immigrants a franchise is to sell German products in Palestine at the expense of the Templars.

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But. But I'm not sure. I don't have access to Templars resources.

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Nonetheless, the Tel Aviv Harbour office cooperated.

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They have office itself cooperated with the campaign, quote, for a graduate end to the sale of the German milk and quote.

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As one administrator put it in an official letter.

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German was indeed the adjective of contempt used to describe Templar products in all Zionist correspondence of the mid-decade.

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The Templars unpopularity with the British authorities also made them an easy target for an economic war.

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The Templars, its market share was in fact minor,

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as compared with the flow of German products into the markets of Palestine before the start of the Second World War.

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But it was only with regard to the look of Germans that the boycott was effective and

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enjoyed consistent support in all the Zionist factions as well as among the British.

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Well, it was while at the same time it was business as usual between Germany and Jewish Palestine during the 1930s.

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Look again in this in this table.

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Even without the other arrangement and all other more considering it,

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Zionist institutions did not boycott the Templars with the same intensity and zeal throughout the decade.

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There's some evidence that the German milk business rebounded in 1938.

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Nonetheless, the boycott was effective in the sense that it severely strained the finances of the German colonies

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in Palestine for a while and punished them for the Nazis brutality towards the Jews in Germany.

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Even though there was no sign that this boycott troubled the German authorities.

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Back in the life, I have found no discussion of any change in in in Nazi policies due to this boycott,

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and no one seems to have seriously hoped it might happen. The successful book of the Templars in Palestine did not help the German Jews.

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It was a punishment that vented the anti-German feelings and challenged them into a form

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of political action that enjoyed a consensus among the Zionists and even the British,

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who eventually deported the Templars to Australia in 1940, where the descendants live until today.

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In other words, the by Jewish campaign, which was usually positive and cause cautious in targeting specific targets,

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was easily transformed into a negative campaign, a boycott and quite an efficient one.

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The Templars openly identification with the Nazis made it even easier.

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Even those who were disgusted by the sentimentality or in what they saw as the childish behaviour of the boycott movement and and dignified,

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never saw the economic war against the Templars in that way.

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Despite the emotionality that dictated anger control, the presence of a small,

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hostile and vulnerable German community in Palestine loosened the leash.

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The local boycott of the Templars reveals the gap between the new Zionist and Oceanology and that British emotion and restraint in politics and the

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actual emotional experience of the public culture in the issue which implied politics and political economy as an outlet for rage and frustration.

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The emotions were deliberately unleashed, which is not to say that the boycott of the Templars had no practical benefits.

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From the perspective of economic nationalism, but before 1930s by Jewish campaigners had difficulties gaining the consumer's attention.

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This minor episode really minor, demonstrates that practical policy and discourse, too, are always emotional.

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There was an emotional difference between the boycott of the Reich and of the Templars.

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The boycotts of the writing of the Templars.

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In the former case, the disgust with the Nazi regime clashed with a distaste for for the boycott as a childish and sentimental Israeli political tool.

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In the case of the case of the Templars,

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the boycott was joined by the by Jewish campaign and was thus construed as part of the economic struggle for survival.

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It was never meant to apply political pressure, but rather to channel the anti-German sentiment to the economic conflict.

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It was meant as a revenge for its own sake.

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As such, it performed badly work to fortify the social boundaries between Jews and Germans in Palestine,

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constructing the Germans as the significant other of the issue.

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When it came to the Templars labour movement, emotionality of governance, mainstream Zionist politics dissolved.

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To conclude. As practical and even utilitarian as the language may be.

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Campaigns that encourage consumers to allow political considerations to influence the purchase their purchases,

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write social scripts which portray the distinction between us and them as a social given,

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which is in fact produced and reproduced by the emotion language of repulsion.

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The symbolic narratives thus blend practical and emotional language.

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On the one hand, even what we call realpolitik, may in fact be an emotional response to the aversion to sentimentality.

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On the other hand, as we saw in medicine initiative quotes before.

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On the other hand, even unvarnished emotional responses that express pure anger can achieve practical political goals,

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such as increasing the sales of our produce at the expense of the other.

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Both booth boycotts and binational campaigns are social dramas that include practical suggestions as well as emotional scripts.

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Thank you.