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So graciously, thank you for agreeing to spend time with us.

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I speak of is Atelier Omer, who is a professor of religion, conflict and peace studies at the Cato Institute.

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I'm sorry for international peace studies at the Kiel School of Global Affairs at the University of Notre Dame in the United States.

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Professor Almer is also the Dermo T.J. Dunfee, visiting professor of Religion,

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Violence and Peacebuilding at Harvard University and a senior fellow at the Religion

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Conflict and Peace Initiative at the same university's Religion and Public Life Programme.

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She earned her Ph.D. in religion, ethics and politics from the Committee on the Study of Religion at Harvard University.

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And most importantly, her research focuses on religion, violence and peacebuilding with a particular focus on Palestine,

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Israel, as well as life, as well as theories and methods in the study of religion.

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Professor Ohmar was awarded the Andrew Carnegie, the prestigious Andrew Carnegie Fellowship,

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in 2017 to complete a manuscript titled Decolonising Religion and Peace Building,

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amongst other publications, or is the author of When Peace Is Not Enough How the Israeli Peace Camp Thinks About Religion, Nationalism and Justice.

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And there is of all, reimagining Jewishness and solidarity in solidarity with Palestine.

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She is also a co-editor of the Oxford Handbook of of Religion, Conflict and Peacebuilding.

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And the title of her talk of her talk today is Pathways towards a Jewish Israeli Restorative Ethics Today.

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Thank you so much for coming in.

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Thank you so much for inviting me and for hosting me today and taking me to the Harry Potter's dining room, like the version of the Oxford Themepark.

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Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. It's I'm really excited to be here also because, you know,

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I had conversations with you and I'm glad that that finally those conversations are not only in my head.

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So thank you for all your scholarship, too. And and really for for being here for all of you.

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So I revised the title of my talk just a little bit.

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I call it Jewish non Jewish Restorative Pathways in Palestine, Israel.

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So in my most recently published. Oh yeah.

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Sorry, I kind of anyway.

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OK, so in my most recently published book, which was just mentioned, Days of ah Reimagining Jewishness in Solidarity with Palestinians,

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I examine American Jewish solidarity and its relation to reimagining American Jewishness as multiracial,

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multi gender and anti-racist as well as relatedly other centric rather than ethnocentric.

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Today I will examine how Jewish Israeli restorative justice practises, including those articulated by the feminist organisation,

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the support and the petition of Jewish Israelis against Israeli apartheid,

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propelled by the escalation of violence in May 20 21 just now,

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and settle in trouble and move to the diasporic as the primary Jewish source of ethical critique of Israelis.

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OK, so first, what is restorative justice?

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Restoration and reparation constitute interrelated processes designed to redress harms and injuries and imagined pathways for alternative futures,

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informed by the concreteness of historical realities and intergenerational relational patterns.

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For the present reflection, it is important to underscore what restoration and repair are not in the context of Palestine Israel.

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So the reigning paradigm interprets Israel, the supposed Jewish state,

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as a response to the to the Shoah or itself a form of repair or atonement for question.

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Europe's crimes, as Mahmood Mamdani writes recently called,

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This claim makes sense only if we accept secular rather than immigrant logic and of course,

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obscuring of settler colonial logic by religious language and biblical claims.

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As the Palestinian Israeli scholar Nadim Rohana sees,

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it enables Jews to make nativist arguments about their link to the land, namely that finally, quote unquote, restored.

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They are the real indigenous people of Palestine in the same way in which the settler colonial.

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Tournament model displays historical responsibility for genocide of Jews from European Christians to Palestinians.

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So does the discourse of restoration of the Jews in the land of Zion has deep Christian roots where the

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restoration of the Jews has constituted an important move for Christian eschatology kind of end times theology,

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while also serving Western Christian colonial designs in the MENA region.

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So the concept and practise of restoration, often relying on the mechanism of biblical archaeology, as Nadia Abu Alhaj has demonstrated,

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classically therefore needs to be reclaimed from this theological imagination and or what Mark Ellis,

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Jewish Palestine Liberation theologian, has called the ecumenical pact.

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This is restoration, to reiterate, that has exhibited the settler colonial logic.

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Patrick was captured.

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This logic with the often quoted phrase invasion is a structure, not an event which seeks replacement and elimination of the natives.

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Unsurprisingly, this confluence of geopolitical agendas and Orientalists underpinnings has also involved projecting the empirical

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presence of Arab Jews in the region over centuries to as fossilised proof for Jewish claims of indigeneity.

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Of course, Arab Jews were marginalised from Europe, Zionism and continue to be marginalised within Israeli Ashkenazi hegemonic discourse,

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even if they do participate in and benefit from Jewish supremacy.

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Hence what many Jews lament as the hijacking of good old secular Zionism by

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religious settler and annexationist discourse is both misplaced and myopic.

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Since the settler colonial Christian atonement model and the Jewish restorative approach both reveal a reliance

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on theological imaginations and blindness to Palestinian experiences at the receiving end of such grammars.

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They are neither restorative nor reparative in their claim to be pair, quote unquote,

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and restoration of the Jews in the land fall short of the sine qua non of restorative justice approaches,

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namely such approaches and victim centricity and intentionality in bringing into the circle all those affected for their justice.

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Part of restorative justice. To be meaningful, it needs to be multi perspectival and robustly account for the human rights of all those affected here.

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Intercultural human rights norms constitute deskin qua non for in interrogating Jewish and non Jewish critics of Zionism.

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Next, not only about the Jewish moral exile, bringing Europe, so to speak,

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into efforts to develop a new ethical grammar for peace and justice paradigm is precisely what recent academic efforts.

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And here I'll only cite the book by Bashir The Work of Bashir, Bashir and Almos Goldberg,

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who build on all their intellectual genealogy dating back to,

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at least to Edward Said, and their effort to think about the relationship between the Shoah and the Nakba.

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As interweaved, such scholarly interventions exemplify relational restorative justice potential because of their resistance

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of erasure and their centralising of the imperative to redress historical injustices and memories.

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Not surprisingly, they emerge from within Israeli the Israeli academy,

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where increasingly there is a coalescing of scholarly output by Palestinian Israeli scholars deploying the lens of settler

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colonialism to interpret their realities and potential future finial cite a few reached Sabawi LANATA tour via Facebook.

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Just a few examples of Palestinian-Israeli scholars who are thinking in those spaces.

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But the loudest voices come from the US. Peter Beinart, a self-described repentant American Jewish liberal Zionist,

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concludes his widely circulated piece, Teshuvah A Jewish Case for Palestinian Return,

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addressing exclusively the broader English speaking Palestine solidarity movements as well as American,

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but not at all necessarily Israeli Jews with a sense of agony over the Jewish moral exile.

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Accordingly, his appeal to the Jewish practise of CUV or Jewish return qua repentance ought to translate into concrete policies of Palestinian return,

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at which point he refers to some attempts by Palestinian and Israeli Israelis

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to imagine even concretely the possibility of Palestinian return of refugees,

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the engine for the practise of repentance, but which in return is the Jewish desire to undo the moral exile, according to Beinart,

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that the idolatry of Jewish power represents for Boehner the depth of Chuvash

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as undoing this moral exile therefore functions ultimately to restore Judaism.

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Save It from Israel LATISM. Well, this is certainly a critical task.

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Undoing the moral exile is not the same as the concept of restorative justice,

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which is grounded in the victims and their needs and in the moral imperative,

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along with actual hermeneutical or interpretive task for Israeli Jews to be imagined their home.

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OK, so started by Israeli journalist Ron Rapoport and Palestinian activists only al-Mashhadani and Xiaoying.

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In the case of Jewish Israeli interlocutors, Boehner's aspiration to end this moral exile Avieson manifesto called a land for all two states.

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One Homeland presents a vision of fluidity and a Tumnus across the space for, quote, both peoples because quote another quote,

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Both have a profound connexion to this land or parts of it, whether they call it Earth, Israel or Palestine, and both consider their homeland.

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Jewish Israelis and Palestinians live side by side, sometimes intermingle throughout the land and of quote,

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what is opening lines of a section title we are meant to live together do is to accept

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as axiomatic the supposedly equally valid claims of Jews and Palestinians to the land.

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The words meant to live together may sound generative of alternative scripts for an

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egalitarian cohabitation in the space from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea,

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but immediately begs the question meant to live together by whom and whether

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such a construct obscure any race rather than redressing Jewish nationalisms.

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Reliance on settler colonial structures.

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The draughters point of departure for their vision of reconciliation or repair is the familiar a competing nationalisms one land conundrum.

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Well, not in itself a settler colonial atonement or resurrection paradigm.

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A land for all. This manifesto normalises the notion of men to be as an ethical foundation for the manifestoes justice script.

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The reconciliatory schema, therefore doesn't amount to a restorative justice opening, but rather expresses a desire,

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especially of Jewish Israeli signatories, to feel at home both territorially but also, as we saw in Boehner's case,

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ethically in terms of their self perception as enlightened Democratic and committed to international laws and human rights norms,

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Israel leaves them manifesting in communism, in apartheid, expel them from this self understanding which they seek to restore.

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They depart from the separationist ethno religious nationalist peace formula of the Oslo

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Accords by articulating the connexion of both peoples to to the entirety of the land.

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And here is another quote. No intentional borders could change this connexion, this identity.

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No international borders could ever could sever Palestinians ties to Jaffa,

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Haifa or LOD any more than they could sever Jewish ties to Hebron, Nablus and Bethlehem or Bethlehem.

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And of course, so despite the stated aspiration to preclude supremacy by one nation over the other,

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a land of parallel construction that just that in the quarter they just read that analogises Hebron and Nablus or Bethlehem on the one hand,

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and Jaffa, Haifa or Lod on the other,

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normalises the aggressive Jewish Israeli colonisation in a striking departure from international legal norms of the.

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Territories occupied in 1967. Now Jaffa, Haifa and lot, of course,

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refer to Palestinian cities now binational cities occupied and partly depopulated in 1948 and thus within the jurisdiction of Israel proper.

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This analogising simply exposes that the principles of reconciliation build on a settler colonial act of erasure.

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I therefore referred to a land for all as an obscuring the conciliatory frame.

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The settler colonial erasure is an axiomatic starting point to establish that two people, one land problem,

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otherwise a land for all justice vision relies not on Jewish ethical principles but

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on supposedly secular narrativity and in international human rights conventions,

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seeking explicitly a European model of fluidity, of territorial fluidity and movement across space.

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Others to whom I now turn seek to ground their ethics of plurality and inclusion in Jewish sources and traditions.

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OK, so living ethically as Jews in Israel.

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So Professor Yagur questions in his recent Israel's Jewish identity crisis.

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What is the meaning of Jewish sovereignty in Israel? He then laments, I think in his own response to the question that it relies on biological,

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quasi racial exclusionary logic reverberating are based on a different register.

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Both this question and response Jewish Israeli anti occupation activists Mikhael Manekin articulates

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an aspiration for Israel to become meaningfully and ethically Jewish in its political ethics,

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not merely in its demography. After serving as the executive director of Breaking the Silence and organisation

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of veterans that educate the Israeli and other publics about the occupation.

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The testimonies of soldiers and tours, Manekin found that the Alliance for Israel's Future and directed Mullard,

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which is a think tank dedicated to Israeli democracy.

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Both the Alliance for Israel's Future and Molad channel resources to deepening and

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strengthening relationships across Jewish and non Jewish Palestinian communities,

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as well as recognising the plurality of the Jewish Israeli sectors,

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encouraging progressive activism of communities traditionally not recognised as candidates for pluralistic social outlooks.

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Manekin opens his recent book, Dawn of Redemption, which sounds nothing like the Hebrew title, by the way,

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with an anecdote from his military service where he felt ashamed and blasphemous in a moment of confrontation with the

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direct gaze of a Palestinian woman whose home mannequin's unit of her took for security reasons during the year 2000,

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which is kind of that the start of the second intifada. The soldiers violated the place.

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And this violation was embodied in a moment when, due to a backed up toilet in the house, he had manakin went to urinate outside.

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The woman who was standing outside looked straight at him, not with fear, but with disgust.

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At that moment, Manekin became acutely aware of the keepa on his skull.

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He knew in no uncertain terms that he violated everything Jewish,

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that his presence there was an act of ululation, of blasphemy, even if the mission, quote unquote,

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he and his fellow soldiers were sent to accomplish was framed in Jewish terms

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with excessive symbolisms and righteous claims in the opening pages of his book.

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He therefore possessed the nagging question and the one that echoes Professoriate Garthe enquiry.

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What is the link between Jewish belief and ethics and political power?

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He asked. Is it the case that his Israeli ness sentence sentences him to be an entirely different view than his gentle diasporic grandfather,

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one who can never be compassionate and justice loving like his grandfather was in the shtetl?

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He longs for that gentle diasporic Jew in the midst of an Israel that prides itself in a Judaism of Faust.

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At the same time, Manakin distinguishes himself from Jewish powerlessness.

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He underscores that he doesn't want to erase and deny his Jewish Israeli life.

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He feels comfortable, nor does he want to unwind their power, make people accumulated over the past decades.

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And of course, in other words, he repeats a tenet of a Zionist ethos, but wants to inject it with substantial rather than superficial Jewish content.

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I'm angry because the power of the state was intended to serve the Jews and their ways of life,

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but instead the Jews became subjugated to power, he writes.

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And that's my translation. This, quote, telegraphs manikins outlook as a Jewish Israeli critique of Zionism qua Israeli ism,

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who contemplates the possibility of subverting the aggressive Judaism of religious

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Zionist with an ethical and non-belligerent Jewishness of his grandparents.

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Gentle. Still, this reclaiming of gentile Judaism unfolds within an Israeli frame, not a diasporic one of powerlessness.

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Therefore, mannequin's task is to reconfigure the past,

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as he says it is to reconfigure or define for the first time Jewish Israel leanness that doesn't rely on Zionist masculinised discourse.

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Such a Jewish Israeli ethical critique of Israel ism is not unlike Banaz aspiration to rescue Judaism from its moral exile.

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Once again,

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the point of departure is how bad it makes Manekin and Beinhart feel about their cherished understanding of their Judaism and how Israel ism

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makes it so ugly and grotesque in Judaism and embodied in the person of the keepa wearing IDF soldiers urinating in a Palestinian garden.

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Manikins, Jewish Israeli critique of a Jewish Israeli nesse, drunk on power and embedded in narratives of self-defence and powerlessness,

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nonetheless doesn't amount to a critique of Zionism as a settler colonial

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discourse that cannot be nice about its displacement slash replacement agenda.

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As someone who has been long dedicated to anti occupation work, Manakin is not an apologist.

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But his starting point for critically engaging with Israelis is not from the perspective of the real victims on horseback,

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Jewish returned to and your Christian atonement to its crimes against Jews that happen instead.

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Like Beinart, mannequin's starting point is his own shame and sense of diminishing Jewish

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authenticity and moral exhale for one and a moral transgression for another.

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Clearly, there is a relational sense of obligation and responsibility to the Palestinians in both interventions.

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However, the overall task is to repair the Judaism of Yavne in the case of Beinhart,

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meaning the Temple Judaism, the decentred Jerusalem, and we imagine Jewish Israeli ness.

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In the case of Manekin,

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Manekin writes that Jewish sovereignty exiled traditional ethical modes of reasoning that had shaped previously Jewish thought and ways of life.

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Yet unlike Diaspora Jews,

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whose ethical outrage with the militaristic sovereign Jewish state can translate into an outright rejection of Israel is an Israeli ness.

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Manekin doesn't and cannot forgo his Jewish Israeli ness.

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He simply wants to make it more truly Jewish and more a move which takes him in the opposite direction to them,

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in his view, to the mass killer trajectory of religious Jewish Zionism, but situates him in broader Israeli Jewish trends,

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preoccupied from across a spectrum with imagining a truly Israeli Judaism that is

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both kookiest suppost messianic and diasporic diasporic mannequin's intervention as

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an Israeli Jewish critique of Zionism shows the limits and Blinder's blindspots of

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a Jewish ethical response that is not relational nor reparative in distinction,

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a thinker who has been propelled by a relational encounter with the realities and grievances of Palestinians as a

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source of herher critical Jewish critique of Zionism is the philosopher Judith Butler bucklers book Parting Ways,

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that was published in 2012, offers an important intervention in contemporary Jewish ethics.

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For Badler, justice is not something Jews can access only by re-examining Jewish sources and traditions.

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Her argument reflects that the concept of justice as relational,

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which constitutes a central dimension of a victim centric restorative justice approach,

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Butler argues that unless Zionism is fully dismantled, it is impossible to articulate a Jewish account of justice in Palestine.

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Israel, if battler's ethical intervention is reparative in its relationality,

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manikins critique seeks to repair Zionism itself from the perspective of the Jewish tradition and its ethical principles,

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even if the source of his critique is the the repeated confrontation with the ugliness of

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Israeli occupation and is experiencing the occupation as something fundamentally and Jewish.

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His main concern is with repairing, as I said, Judaism or imagining an Israeli Judaism.

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He will feel more at home in this vision of repair lacks in the kind of relationality Bagla demands.

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At the same time, bucklers ethical intervention lacks manikins insight that a shift in the justice

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discourse cannot simply happen through a priority dismantling of Zionism,

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but has to be the outcome of reimagining Jewishness in Palestine, Israel and in conjunction, embodied political belonging is not an abstraction.

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Mannequin's reflection on Jewish ethics in an era of Jewish power seeks to centralise Jewish ethics as regulative political norms for their,

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quote, Jewish state. He is critical of the position of the of the late, often known faith to refer to him as the conscience of Israel.

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This is the real Liebovich whose secular confinement of the religious life of the individual's relation with God facilitated

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the manipulation of Jewish sources by other self-appointed interpreters or religious authorities for Leibovitch.

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No holiness whatsoever can become attached to the state because this serialisation necessarily sanctifies its power.

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The power of the state and its institutions. Further, he rejected the validity of the construct Jewish ethics.

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For him, conduct was either ethical or not, and this does not need to be qualified through appeals to the Jewish tradition or not.

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Liebovich therefore rejected any political content to the Jewish tradition.

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What gives content to Judaism for him is simply observing the mitzvot, the commandments and to the degree that Jewish ethics emerge.

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This was merely contextual, contextual, historically located.

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The suspicion of power accordingly was merely a function of Jewish powerlessness and marginality for most of European Jewish history.

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Manekin, in contrast, wants to imagine the possibility of an ethical Jewish state, Israeli Judaism and Jewish politics.

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But a myopic normalisation of the settler colonial underpinning of the Jewish state precludes, and nonetheless every operative ethical grammar.

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This is where I finally come to a few loci where Jewish Israelis articulate restorative pathways by naming their position

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ality as beneficiaries of and complicit with a Jewish supremacist regime as well as their agency or our agents.

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Because she's really assiduous in resisting and transforming its logic.

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The sources of a restorative ethical Israeli Jewishness are like in Bagla relation

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with a relationality with Palestinians and their narratives of displacement,

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oppression and suffering, as well as aspirations for political freedom.

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At the same time, like in mannequin's account, they refuse.

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Indeed, they cannot afford any Batia of the realities and contents of Jewish Israeli ness and simply reclaim a diaspora belonging further.

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What makes restorative practises Jewish is precisely the resistance to the logic of Jewish supremacy.

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As Jews and Israelis, I now will turn to an analysis of Israelis against apartheid,

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which was released in the midst of the violent escalation of May 20 21.

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So hashtag Israelis against apartheid. Israeli Jews call Stop Israel's Apartheid is subtitle an open letter to the international community and.

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Constitutes a plea. A call almost 20 years after a Palestinian civil societies call for the international community to engage in boycott,

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divestment and sanctions tactics to stop the Israeli occupation and the manipulative use of the court

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peace process as a mechanism to further entrench the occupation and annexationist policies of Israel.

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Launched by the campaign group Jews for Decolonisation,

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the Jewish Israeli plea to the international community comes with a realisation that the only truly costly consequences

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in diplomatic and economic Avina and thus a disruption of the almost total impunity Israel has enjoyed internationally,

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especially under the patronage of the US, can actually change realities and dynamics on the ground.

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The letter opens with a declaration, quote,

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We Jewish Israelis oppose the actions of the Israeli government and hereby declare our commitment to act against them.

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We refuse to accept the Jewish supremacist regime and called upon the international

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community to immediately intervene in defence of the Palestinians in Gaza,

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in the West Bank, Jerusalem, the Galilee, the Negev, and lead Yaffa, Ramallah, Haifa and throughout historic Palestine.

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This opening statement accomplishes multiple tasks, first, inhabiting the particular identity of Jewish Israel ness.

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The signatories to this call explicitly subvert the Zionist logic that weaponize US anti-Semitism to silence criticism of Israeli policies.

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Then the call unsettles the settler colonial logic by underscoring a refusal of the Jewish supremacist regime and defragment in 48,

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67 and other Palestinian communities.

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Their enemy, in other words, is the regime itself, just like it was for white Africans who joined the struggle against apartheid in South Africa.

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Identifying the Jewish supremacy needs to be dismantled and that this will also necessarily require international sanctions to

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pressure Israel and to remove its cover of impunity reveals an effort to think of imperatively on the ground from the ground.

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This reparative work entails first, recognising how Palestinians have been harmed over decades,

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which is a principle of restorative justice to see what, what, where the harms done.

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So the culprits. Jewish supremacy is the cornerstone cornerstone of the Israeli regime,

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and its consistent objective is to transfer and obliterate the Palestinian people, their history and their national identity.

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This objective manifest in continued acts of ethnic cleansing by means of evictions and home demolitions,

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brutal military occupation, denial of civil and human rights,

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and legislation of a series of racist laws culminating in the nation state bill

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defining the state as the nation state of the Jewish people and them and them only.

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The fact that the call for international sanctions comes from people who inhabit Jewish Israeli identity

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itself constitutes a source of an ethical Jewish intervention with concrete political ramifications.

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The letter reveals Jewish Ethical Agency, in a clarion sense for Badler.

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For a concept of justice to be derived from a specific tradition means that there must be some way

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for it to depart from that tradition to demonstrate its applicability outside that tradition.

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She, then Judith Butler, appeals to a process of departure from the tradition as a precondition of any tradition yielding strong political principles.

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This point has tangible explanatory force for a far engagement with manikins,

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Jewish Israeli ethical critique of Israeli ism as a source of more just and inclusive political practise.

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It exemplifies a refusal to relinquish a Jewish exclusionary paradigm, a refusal that obscures the settler colonial paradigm upon which it relies.

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Bagla captures the dilemma astutely, quote, If the critique of state violence relies on principles or values that are finally

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exclusively or fundamentally Jewish understood variously and broadly as.

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A religious, secular or historical set of traditions, then Jewishness becomes a privileged cultural resource and the Jewish framework

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remains the only or privileged one by which to think the critique of state violence.

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End of quote. For Butler, any articulation of an exclusionary Jewish critique of Zionism fails to recognise the settler

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colonial mechanisms and realities that Zionism has inflicted on its Palestinian victims.

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Therefore, the clarion approach is imperative in this centralising of Palestinian perspectives within the settler colonial grammar.

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She and, of course, equality, justice,

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cohabitation and the critique of state violence can only remain Jewish values if they are not exclusively Jewish values.

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That, according to Badler, the language of the call by Jewish Israelis exemplifies, therefore,

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the clarion point regarding ethical self departure as an important relational process that destabilises identity as ontology.

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Butler further underscores dispersion itself as an ethical rather than geographic modality.

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This is where bucklers intervention is also distinctively Jewish in her reclaiming of Altegrity and dispersion as pivotal for Jewish ethics.

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This is not an ontological claim about Jewish authenticity, but rather a plastic account of relationality with non Jews critically.

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And this is a quote from Badler The kind of relationality at stake is one that interrupts or challenges the unitary character of the subject.

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Something happens to the subject that dislocated from the centre of the world.

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Some dimin from elsewhere lays claim to me, précis itself upon me, or even divides me from within.

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And only through this fissuring or of who I am do I stand a chance of relating to another end of quote.

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The call captures what Butler means by her articulation of Altegrity and interruption

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dispersion as ethical sources for V4 imagining a justice discourse in Palestine Israel.

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It amounts to what she calls Jewish non Jewish ethics, by which she means that Judaism as a source,

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as a resource, only becomes available for ethical purposes.

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If it first enters into a field of translation and transportability, it means that what begins as a resource apan one draws upon one.

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DROs undergoes a set of changes in the process of being drawn upon.

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This is Butler. So unlike Manakin, the call, the plea of Israeli Jews doesn't make an appeal to specific Jewish traditions and hermeneutics.

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Nor does it make conceptual arguments about what makes their criticism of Israeli policies and Jewish supremacy particularly Jewish.

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Indeed, the very realities the signatories embody as Israeli Jews make their criticism of Israel ism,

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Jewish supremacy, Jewish, but also non Jewish in the clarion sense as in land.

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For all this manifesto, the explicit grammar of the of the core are global norms, or at least they appear to be of equality, democracy and justice,

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which themselves constitute a field of translation and possibility,

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not belonging to any one tradition in the same way that democracy is not owned by the Greeks, unlike unlike land for all.

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But like Butler,

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many of those same on the call articulate their ethical outrage and departure from ontological claims and criticism of state violence.

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Relationally confronted with the ongoing realities of the Nakba,

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the call also capture the recognition that what is the enemy of justice is a regime of Jewish supremacy,

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which also demonises the signatories, the oppressors and those who benefit from this regime at the expense of their humanity,

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like the urinating soldier in the Palestinian garden where the call of Jewish Israelis expen and departs from the battlecry and formulation

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of Jewish non Jewish ethical intervention is in the signatories concrete realities inhabiting Jewish Israel leanness relationality for them.

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It's not a matter of a textual elitist discourse with the likes of Edwards,

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Saeed and Mahmoud Darwish from the Palestinian landscape and the usual European Jewish stars such as Hannah Arendt and Walter Benjamin,

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but rather a politically concrete interaction and exposure of the settler colonial

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grammar that persists regardless of their efforts to shift the discourse within Israel.

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This is not to discount the Bulgarian intervention, but to illuminate the degree to which the call of Israeli Jews conveys a more

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historically located and embodied interruption of Jewish supremacist frames.

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Such a Jewish Israeli critique of Zionism is Jewish specifically because it's its non Jewishness.

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Another blind spot in backlots account. Most reflective in her interlocutors is the lack of engagement with the other victims of European Zionism,

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namely non Ashkenazi Jews, Muslim Ethiopians and other marginalised communities.

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Many of the signatories of the call are also people who work to bring to bear an expansive account of victimhood,

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inclusive of Mizrahi dispossession and marginalisation,

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as well as cultural ambassadors as they are linked to the ongoing Nakba of Palestinians without equating those processes because Muslim,

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for instance, have to become beneficiary's and executioners of the settler colonial entrenchment.

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Still,

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a reparative and restorative justice prism must bring into focus the interrelatedness of narratives of victimisation and targeting by state violence.

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Those multiple communities experience and such and such work on intellectual and

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sociological registers cannot simply be confined to a conversation with Levinas,

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Binyamin Arend and Primo Levi or Bubar. This is where the profound butlering and insights remain diasporic.

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The Diaspora that I.

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The prism of her account is not in her introduction of dispersion as an ethical principle of Altegrity constituting a source of political ethics,

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but rather in her confinement of the discourse of Jewish non Jewish ethics to the European Jews,

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European Jewish canon of the early to middle 20th century.

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Finally, to Noah, the organisation's work literally they remember in the female form conjugation emerged as an intentional effort to

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excavate the memories of the Nakba and educate the Jewish Israeli public about Israel's definitional creation moment,

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the Nakba. As an organisation, it engages in research and public outrage and education to dispel myopia and force

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Israeli Jews to confront their mythologies and presumed presumed innocence.

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The formative years of the world focussed on researching the stories and events of the Nakba.

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As I said, taking Israelis and others on tours of depopulated and destroyed Palestinian villages,

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collecting oral testimonies of Palestinians and creating an app sarcastically

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referred to as a GPS to nowhere of the land and its lost villages and their stories.

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And in towns and with those lost towns are lost.

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Lost are Palestinian indigenous lives and practises. The more recent time,

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and partly because of the kind of global patterns of linking the Palestinian struggle to transnational and global struggles of

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indigenous peoples as they intersect with a critique of settler colonialism and white supremacy supremacist ideologies globally.

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The turn to interrogate concretely Israel's own enmeshment in European settler colonial discourse.

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A campaign, a recent campaign targeting the settler colonial institution and mechanism of the Jewish

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National Fund J.A. captures that this deepening of the so-called restorative justice work.

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It doesn't only confine Zionism as an abstract, but its concrete and sacred institution,

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the JMF and its sexualised bluebox, circulated for weekly donations amongst Jews the world over for over a century.

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This focus conveys an intentional decolonising work and settling a pillar of the concrete mechanism of the Zionist project,

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demystifying its function, exposing its violent character.

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So using the hashtag. Exposed kale with kale, referring to the Hebrew acronym for the JMF,

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the hot social media campaign that is ongoing now September, October, 2021 explicitly pushes the story itself far beyond 1948.

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In 2021, it tells a story of one hundred and twenty years of Jewish intentional policies of dispossession targeting Palestinian lands.

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The campaign exposes the systematic dimensions of this process of dispossession, its violence and its ongoing nature.

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In describing the hashtag Expo's scale campaign,

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Zuhause acknowledges that this arm of Jewish colonisation is still romanticised amongst Jewish publics.

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It is time finally to confront it for what it is, Zahoor argues it.

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It's spearheaded and implemented the systemic depopulation of Palestinians, framing its work from its inception as redeeming the land.

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Get Willapa Owlets. You look at the map through land purchase and an establishing Jewish settlements.

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So you think the concept of Ethiopia and later which later became hit include this framing of hashtag KCL begins with asking a question,

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otherwise not asked because of the unquestioned status of the JMF in Zionist discourse in Jewish Israeli life.

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Why is this foundation still in existence? Ask for instance, now Bingara Aluf.

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In an article that provided in an alternative media outlet the campaign's background,

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she quotes Ecuadorans description of the systematic purchase of land in the late 19th century in Palestine,

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where he underscored that this is neither an easy nor cheap task, but ultimately it constitutes a good economic deal for the natives.

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The JMF, however, purchased the land from offenders who lived in major centres of the Ottoman Empire.

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This is a well-known story.

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Once lands shifted ownership, the Palestinian peasants were forcefully expelled from the lands they worked for sometimes centuries,

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leaving them in poverty, but also in a state of this uprootedness.

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What Bingara Aluf does here is to emphasise that this is the starting point of a restorative approach is not 48,

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1948 or the Nakba, but comprehending what a venerated institution such as the JMF was designed to do.

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So hashtag Expo's K.K Ill is not yet another Jewish Israeli critical engagement with Zionism Khoi Israel ism.

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Calling the JSF a settler colonial instrument constitutes atemporal, but also conceptual shift of focus.

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The deepening of its vision and analysis of the Janette's role in redeeming the land one land purchase at

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the time therefore constitutes a significant move that exposes an overarching continuity between the early,

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systematic colonisation through real estate and contemporary realities of evictions.

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In occupied East Jerusalem, for example, the principle of redeeming the land has been remarkably constant in expanding

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Jewish territorial presence and minimising Palestinian presence on the land.

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The practises of demographic engineering that manifest in the territories Israel occupied in 67 are no departure from

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the settler colonial logic that had informed the JMF and its explicit agenda of today's judaisation of the land,

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the judaising of space. So Lence century Jewishness has been entangled since the late 19th century with blood based Judaism,

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but has converted politically and sociologically in recent decades.

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Very clearly, very explicitly.

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This manifests in policing communal boundaries, as in the highly gendered discourse of protecting Jewish girls and women from Arab men,

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a rhetoric that defines Jewish Israeli gangs such as Laravel but also echoes and reinforces the increasing

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mainstreaming of communism with its racial logic and its obsession with Jewish power and blood,

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purity and continuity. What can be identified?

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Therefore, it is a blood and lence centric Jewish nationalism.

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While the violence of Zionism and messianic messianic settler ideologies is clear for

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many Jewish Israeli critics of such of such expression of Zionism or Jewish nationalism,

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00:49:49,340 --> 00:49:59,380
their critical interrogation, as well as proposals for rescripting futures in the land, remain beholden, as I highlighted.

394
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To a settler paradigm and the example of land fall is is one,

395
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so even if a land for all constitutes an attempt by Palestinians and Israelis to imagine an open land, namely two states, one homeland,

396
00:50:14,080 --> 00:50:23,560
the very conceptualisation of the space as the homeland participates in erasure of how indeed it became a home for third,

397
00:50:23,560 --> 00:50:27,640
fourth, fifth, sixth generation of Israeli Jews who colonise.

398
00:50:27,640 --> 00:50:39,400
And today's the space. This is where the hashtag Boscastle constitute a Jewish, non Jewish ethical interruption of ontological claims,

399
00:50:39,400 --> 00:50:46,240
thereby illuminating a restorative and therefore relational justice pathway.

400
00:50:46,240 --> 00:50:51,640
Zuhause approach as a Jewish Israeli critical interruption of Zionism is restorative

401
00:50:51,640 --> 00:50:58,090
in that it confronts and names the root causes of injustice for Palestinians,

402
00:50:58,090 --> 00:51:03,640
thereby decolonising the peace discourse and exposing its myopia.

403
00:51:03,640 --> 00:51:14,350
And in ways reminiscent of the battalion intervention to conclude bringing the bringing in the language of restoration

404
00:51:14,350 --> 00:51:23,230
or reparation as an exercise in reclaiming Jewish authenticity is not only counterproductive and reactionary,

405
00:51:23,230 --> 00:51:31,840
it is also a story and abstract. More often than not, Jewish critics of Zionism or Israelis are more preoccupied with the hurt,

406
00:51:31,840 --> 00:51:39,280
the Israeli occupation, annexationist agenda and settler colonial dynamics inflict on the Jewish tradition itself.

407
00:51:39,280 --> 00:51:44,650
Indeed, such Jewish critics are more concerned with how to repair Jewishness or restore

408
00:51:44,650 --> 00:51:50,950
it into diaspora ism by undoing its moral exile or moral transgression,

409
00:51:50,950 --> 00:51:56,200
rather than concretely redressing the harms done to multiple publics,

410
00:51:56,200 --> 00:52:02,950
including non Ashkenazi Jews within the racialized framework of Jewish Israeli discourse.

411
00:52:02,950 --> 00:52:10,180
The focus on Palestinian experiencers or on the victims of this set of relationships and

412
00:52:10,180 --> 00:52:18,350
structures will also then generate a set of reparative practises to attempt to right the wrongs.

413
00:52:18,350 --> 00:52:24,280
In contrast to a settler colonial atonement paradigm, a grounded Jewish,

414
00:52:24,280 --> 00:52:31,240
non Jewish Israeli reparative outlook cannot incr itself on a biblical restorative grammar

415
00:52:31,240 --> 00:52:38,110
that transforms the settler into native through acts of displacement and replacement.

416
00:52:38,110 --> 00:52:44,110
Thank you. Thank you so much.

417
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Let me press the button.