It seems like.
I want to introduce you before we start today, I've got a life singer Benedict,
and he's the Benedict Turner cleric who has been released for today by the director of music at King's College.
Rather healthy.
So you think this would be very pleased to have you to thank you so much for coming this week and the other announcements want to make the most of it?
Is this come back on Tuesday. The special treatment treat when it reaches that we'll be covering is organised that we get three manuscripts.
The three that I'm going to talk about, and because the key to confusing exhibition case is next week,
we can actually this here to look after the next.
So that's a special case and very grateful for that. Good.
Might like to work. Above the Office for Mellitus in a book from St. Augustine's,
this cannot have been written out before 10 91 below a book made at Christchurch, the little gradual taken to Durham by William S. Kelly.
It was made sometime between the late 10 eighties and ten ninety six.
In these two more or less contemporary examples,
we see quite different ways of writing news this into and scribe wrote a long established English music script typified by names written with long,
straight, perpendicular strokes.
Well, the Christchurch scribe wrote with noticeable curves and added little square heads to everything, even the simple point is rendered as a square.
So just look for I mean, it's just a thick band pulled across.
The open space above the text in which names were written was read in terms of higher and lower pitches,
as implied by this movement of signs up the page. Yes.
OK, you can see it at the top, but a straight vertical stroke occupied a good deal of that space.
So where did the actual pitch indicated by it sit?
That was the value of adding square heads to vertical strokes acting to clarify,
meaning these new heads were much more than a simple graphic modification.
The most important result of this extension of new forms was to make it possible to indicate more detail of into public relations,
not just generally higher and lower, as in this notation, which shows four separate pitch levels for deterrence.
And they are really quite I mean,
if you don't worry about the fact that one's a third in the other sizes are four tones, but they're very, very precise.
So we see here a sharp contrast between old and new, the old and calligraphic,
the elegant English music script still written at St. Augustine's in the closing
decade of the 11th century and a quite different music script in use at Christchurch,
possibly written out even a few years before the military office.
New aspects of this Christchurch script included both redesigned news and a new approach to dividing the space between rumoured lines,
allowing a higher proportion of that space for the musical signs.
In the immediate post conquest period, ways of writing music at the two Canterbury houses had diverged despite both having Norman Abbotts.
After ten seventy nine Frank at Christchurch and Scotland at St Augustine's,
one had maintained all practise in the writing out of musical signs, while the other had adopted a new practise.
I know we jump into the next century on the right.
Underneath is the Office of Saint Mildred included in the book, which has Gosselin's Vitae and his account of the translation of Saint Mildred.
The book was certainly made at St. Augustine's. Above is a page of hymns composed by ADMA of Christ Church in honour of Edward King and Martin.
This is set at the front of a collection of the Adams own works. So this is most text hand writing late in his life.
The entry can be dated between 11, 23 and 11:30. That's to say Webbers work that stated it.
In other words, by the third decade of the 12th century at the latest,
the music scribes at both Canterbury houses were writing on tri pointe lines and at both houses using squared.
News connected by curved lines. It's a given of music history that when states appear, the name of the Benedictine monk flashes into everyone's mind.
The current Wikipedia article describes Guido as the inventor or developer of modern stuff notation.
A more careful description in the online group dictionary states he is remembered today
for his development of a system of precise pitch notation through lines and spaces.
Guido was born in the last decade of the 10th century and was active in the
10 20s to 30s long before the two manuscripts we've just seen were written.
The general conclusion has long been that the rest of Europe adopted the Guido Naeun system, read.
In this way, the use of state lines in these Canterbury manuscripts would be linked with the transmission of Guido's ideas,
whether through his theoretical treatises or through actual notations seen by Canterbury scribes.
And if we could not see more than the extant examples from St. Augustine's, it might be difficult to argue against this inherited view.
Yet the examples from Christchurch written between the conquest and the 11 toes thoroughly contradict this historical hypothesis.
So these examples reveal a process of change captured in the manuscripts in separate steps moving from the old,
insular in the old English script to eventually News Online's the changeover from news written in
Campo Operative in open space to notes written on lines was not accomplished in one direct step.
None of those separate stages in the process of change has any connexion to the Guido Indian model,
even when writing on lines, the Canterbury examples are distinctive neither using the F and C cliffs.
Recommended by Guido Noor using the yellow and red ink for those lines that he recommends.
I'm certainly not the first musicologist who's tried to diminish credos responsibility for what was effectively a
widespread change in musical practise reflected in diverse modifications to musical scripts in different parts of Europe.
Yet in the past, attention has been overwhelmingly directed to the newly introduced lines and how they were made.
What I offer today is a study of how the placing of signs in the open space over the text changes over time.
The Christchurch survivors provide an unusually detailed record of musical notations written in this crucial period of change,
as it can be reconstructed through those notations.
That process of change in musical understanding of the writing space was underway long before the introduction of lines.
On that basis, it's possible to interrogate changing understandings of the use and meaning of musical notations
without resorting to the teleological projection of the musical stuff as an inevitable goal.
Before talking about the technical details of the Christchurch notations,
I need to provide some information about the relation of the post conquest Christchurch notations to previous notations.
That is in relation to the placement of names over the text.
And I should also say something about the relation of the post conquest Christchurch notations to Norman music scripts.
So first, I'll just quickly juxtapose some examples of English and Norman music writing.
But Bosworth Soltan was made in the last quarter of the 10th century, but clearly used over a long period.
Here you can see two contrasting notations, both added well into the 11th century.
So at the top, this is an entry written out annotated in the second quarter of the 11th century.
At the bottom, you see part of the original manuscript the late 10th century manuscript,
but with a notation written in a quite different music script with the same squared hand heads that we saw a few minutes ago.
This second notation is like several added to a Christchurch hymnal, which had been made in the middle 11th century without notation,
although written in The Soldier with more finesse,
the news in both entries shown here you squared forms of the names for a single note and for two rising notes.
So. Let's see up here.
OK, that's a single note. And you see it square. This single note, and that's two rising notes.
Two rising note. And then the new four two falling notes.
That's here to fully notes here. Here. Which is which is really quite a run for finished with a horizontal stroke.
Discovering the provenance of those new ways of writing musical notes is rather easy
for these same forms can be quickly found in notations written in Norman Houses.
In the third and fourth quarters of the 11th century.
Now, at this point, I should admit that when my husband read this lecture, he said, You've got to explain this.
It would take another, you know, another half hour for me to do it.
You're just going to have to believe me and trust me. It would have been a sixth line lecture, I'm afraid.
So please believe me. And what is interesting in the Canterbury hymnal is that both kinds of music script,
insular and Norman are written alongside each other and probably contemporaneously
here and on a recto and verso of the same folio notation for the hymn us.
Ezra at the top is written in the old English music script.
Well, notation for a chain of Agni is written in the Norman script.
Indeed, because of the contrast of the English script, and it's like the early date,
and I think we have to say that this the this notation done here was written by a Norman.
That is it's not only a normal rotation, but it's a No.
One rotation written by a woman. This appears to provide the earliest evidence in an English manuscript of the
scrabble techniques introduced by Norman's arriving in England after the conquest.
The other introductory explanation that I just promised you is about how the open space over the text was
exploited in relation to the Nordic pitch in notations written before the second half of the 11th century.
The basic signs themselves in code simple directional information, so you have a single note which is written.
Just as a stroke and then you've got to know it's descending so that it goes up and down and then tuna is rising across enough.
And then this is across up and down. So low, high, low.
I'm very deliberately not using the Latin names for these because nobody would follow what I was trying to say.
For single news, directional information was recorded by the choice of sign along, vertical stroke was higher than a simple point.
So the syllable Benedictus. Has got a long stroke because you go up to it.
Whereas Parchin has got just a puncture because you go down to it.
It's as simple as that. And then there are a few refinements.
There's a special sign that indicates the repetition of a pitch. It's this sign here called in a risk is.
And there are letters that mean higher or lower or the same pitch.
I mean, you've heard already about equality. This you can see outside the room, it's in the exhibition case.
And each time it says E, it means this is the same pitch as the one before.
But if it says L, it means go up.
So you see there that you see, that's the scribed reached that highest point, but the next note has got to be higher, so he has to write it.
And if he's being healthy and this is for use as a good done, this is probably, you know, don't go up too far.
Now, all of this information was intended to guide a musically trained reader to recall a melody already held in the memory.
It's all suggestive. This approach to the writing of science depended on antique Greek theory, whereby musical sound was described in physical terms,
that's the basis for the metaphorical descriptions of acute or shrill signs as high and heavy signs as low.
And health, and it's also the basis for writing that moves higher and lower on a page to indicate higher and lower science.
In the old, enigmatic notations, this understanding provided a framework for reading news but did not control the formation of individual signs.
So here the new for all room.
You can see that the new goes up and then done, and then it goes even higher up and down, but actually the picture's going down.
And ABH and it goes up and then even further up and then done,
but the pitch of the last note is the same as the pitch of the first note, which I've written it quite a different place.
And I thought Benedict could sing these things for you so that you could just
look at the new and hear the music so that Benedict to sing one after the other.
But oh.
Said thank you. I'm afraid it's a hard thing for a singer to do, to have to sing lots of little bits, but that's what he has to do.
At the end, he gets to sing a big piece. Right.
This is just to show you the first three notes. And here you can see that they're going up, up, up, but actually they just mean the same page.
And the design of individual Nunes did not result from an intention to indicate pitches in a fully iconic fashion.
More importantly, reading this script depends not only on understanding the meaning of individual written signs,
but also on perceptions of how they sit in the space above the text.
The open space or camp will appear to as it was named by Henry Marriott, Bannister,
I think deserves to be remembered here because he was the acting sub librarian of the Bolton
Library between 1917 and his death on February the 16th 1919 from the famous Spanish flu.
Anyway, he named that come through a parachute. This camp apparently was used in different ways by different music scripts.
In the old English music script, all long lines of names were written in diagonal strings, moving up the page,
whatever their pitch content and returning to just above the text for successive syllables.
So the news for this passage, I thought Kwekwe was a nice fit to look at because you can see the news just going up and up and up and up,
but actually the music comes down and Benedict is going to sing it. Cool.
Oh. Oh, cool, uh, thanks.
So the space over the text was not perceived as mapped with fixed positions as we are used to thinking of it.
But it was a space which accommodated general information about direction of movement from one Newman to the next.
Rather than being understood by scribes as static and fixed, this space was perceived as dynamic and constantly interactive with processes of record.
Scribes and Pagliuca in the room will by now have seen that this habit of moving upwards on the page is the result of writing quickly.
Each successive stroke made without adjusting the position of the writing hand, it's sort of a natural behaviour.
So no one last comment on early mediaeval notations from the beginnings of music writing in the early 19th century.
There were always two distinct directions of travel records of the kind that we've just seen indicate note groupings,
articulation, a variety of types of nuance and above all, the relation between text, syllables and a melodic pattern.
But there was another quite different approach, which is often present in 19th century records of music theory, which indicates interval detail.
Precisely the first kind of script was orientated towards quality of sound and correct delivery.
While the second, as shown here, was concerned with tonal grammar.
There's simply no question about early mediaeval musicians not knowing how to notate exact pitch.
They did know putting champ books chose not to use those techniques.
No, I'm going to talk through a series of examples of musical notations written at Christchurch between the middle 11th century and the 20s.
The Canterbury benediction was made in the second quarter of the 11th century, and at some mid-century point,
the hymn already common was entered beside the Christmas celebrated on Monday Thursday.
This version of Old Attempt or is not the same as that which came to England within the Romano German Pontifical,
underlining the early date of this addition. But I show it here to illustrate a habit.
Oh, I'm sorry, there's a spelling mistake here which lots of people will see,
and I apologise for the spelling mistake I should hear to illustrate a habit which can be seen widely in
mid-century English notations that of writing the long vertical stroke in shorter and longer lengths,
and those lengths indicate lower and higher pitches. So here you can see a bit of it.
But here you can see really clearly the low point and then a long stroke, a longer stroke on an even longer stroke.
Thank you. Oh, you would accent more to war.
Great, thanks. Um.
So now in notation for the him estate confessor added to the buzz with Salter at sometime in the second half of the century,
the same kind of information about the relation of successive notes is conveyed not by lengthening or shortening
the vertical strokes by simply but simply by placing the news at different heights in the space above the text.
So this is very clear here you see that just really moving up and down.
And again, we're going to get a musical illustration. So.
He used to call first or a dinosaur and keep.
So this potential for indicating higher and lower single notes had been available since the beginnings of pneumatic notation in the 9th century,
but it was really exploited in the early period.
It's worth reminding ourselves that the written musical record had always been a roosa was created in relation to memory,
not vice versa, and did not have to include such nuance in order to be comprehensible and usable by a well-trained reader.
So not to move to notations written after 10 66 at Christchurch.
We've already seen what I believe to be the earliest examples of new mistreatment by Normans at Christchurch for him,
the conversation 12, was made at Christchurch in the middle of the century, but as a book with musical notation.
Norman scribes entered notation for several hymns.
Such entries were surely made in order to secure him melodies which were different from those being sung at Christchurch,
apart from musical recitation of the soul to hymns, were the one musical element of the daily offices in which all monks would be expected to join.
And I think we all know the extent to which a change from familiar to unfamiliar hymn melody can make life difficult.
So it's no surprise to find the earliest signs of Norman driven change in musical practises at Christchurch in a hymnal.
Other hymns were added to the collection and here,
combined with a text hunt that Michael Golic tells me is either English or a Norman writing in an English fashion, whatever that means.
The new seem more square than those four even more square than those four chorus movie,
and this marked movement of the news in the space above the text, especially above the top line of the page where there was space to do it.
So the scribe here has been able to differentiate between four different pitch levels,
even if the interval relation of those levels remains on clarified.
It so happens that because one can find the same chin and it's possible, it's possible to see that those four levels are s.d. a death.
And you can see that here, but it's really striking how extremely precise it is.
In as much as notations written well after the text they accompany can be dated.
The normal notations in this hymnal must be associated with land frank and the monks he
brought with him a wide estimate of their date would set them between 10 70 and 10 90.
No Corpus 44, is the pontifical made in one of the two Canterbury houses in the middle 11th century in its first form.
The book was on notated. Later, and certainly at Christchurch, various scribes added notation for specific offices.
The notation on this page is a little more elegant than some of the additions to the cotton hymnal,
but it's self-evidently of the same kind with thick added strokes to make heads.
And some news still written in curved lines. And there's an important refinement the use of a new to indicate the placement of the semitone.
So this is what I've. This is this one here, and you can see it integrated into a bigger name that.
And it's a zigzag from that signals that the note above is not a tone, but a semi turn away.
And it's now often referred to as the medium. And we're just going to hear this, but thank you.
Just as far as me. Yes. He noted at all high evil, those ha ha ha ha ha.
I mean, Benedict was using that again, just just so that you get the sense of the semitone sound where that name comes.
You tell all your daughters, ha ha ha.
Uh, thank you.
It's worth noticing that the menu is not used to indicate a specific pitch like E or F.
It only appears when the singer is about to engage in a movement by semitone,
so either upwards towards the note above or downwards from the note above to the sound indicated by the new.
Of course, given this conceptual basis, the minimum was not written when the singer was moving below E to D,
which set a futon tone below, and therefore the information would have been wrong.
Then we can compare the record of the same chant in the Caussin gradual Britain in the late 80s early 90s at Christchurch.
The deployment of the signs in the available space is similar and sometimes more precise than in Caucus 44.
The main contrast is that the Caussin rooms are all written with squid rather than curved strokes, and you can see the room again.
He doesn't use it as much as the other scribe, but it's clearly there.
So the process of clarification through squaring new heads had begun long before the Coson Gradual was made,
an entirely new graphic feature in the Coson Notations is the reconfiguration of new shapes in this and to form for the dedication of a church.
The new fosu are written in the Anderson Pontifical Additional five seven three three seven in its old form indicated the movement low, high, low.
So you can see that low, high, low.
This sign conveyed information about the relation between the first and the second notes and between the second and the third,
but not between the first and the third, the equivalent Newman.
The Coson notation has been altered not only to be squared, but also to indicate that the third notes should be sent lower than the first.
So you see, so I know, but this is much higher than this one like this and it has to sing for notes night swore.
Oh. So here I've included a Norman form of this new as written by one mom, said Michelle in the 80s.
It's written as in the earlier English form, without clarification of the relation between the first and third notes in the notation in the case.
And gradually we see an attempt to map the separate elements of a new more precisely within the open space above the text.
More examples of reshaped news include signs for three and four notes.
So here at the top, the old low, high, low,
high sign is reconfigured in such a way as to indicate that the first and last notes are at the same pitch level,
with a second note higher and a third note lower. Thank.
Look, who's this? Uh, thank you.
And you can see there's the old forms of the new, which you can see is.
This notice looks like, I mean, it's written low and this is written high, but it's the same pitch.
One other Christchurch manuscript has notation very like that of the coson gradual but written by a different music scribe.
This is a pontifical night in Trinity College Dublin. The new teacher of this pontifical has been associated by Michael Golic with a very specific
text and allowing him to show that that scribe was active at least between 11 15 and 11 23.
The pronounced closeness of his notation to that of the Caussin gradual suggests
that this scribe might have been trained by someone of an earlier generation.
I mean, I'm not going to agree with too hot so that these are the same scribe.
I'm sure they're not the same scribe, but the relationship of this notation to this is very, very clear.
With the Trinity Pontifical, we've almost reached the end of the Christchurch manuscripts written in news in an open space.
But there's one more and it's perhaps the most extraordinary coffin.
Julius EH6 is a collection of hymns and articles with an entire linear,
exquisite seal and old English probably written at Canterbury in the middle of the century.
The association with Christchurch is not secure, but it's a strong possibility.
In the last decades of the 11th century, two hymns by Peter Damian were added on the last photo.
The notation for these hymns is written with the most extreme degree of movement of numbers up and down the page that I've ever seen before.
Now it seems so it looks really precise and there's lots of space, so I was convinced there were lines.
But I've sat before this manuscript. There are no lines that just are not there.
It's not that they've disappeared, they're not there. And the only lines on the page are those removed for text.
But I did attest to this because obviously it's a hymn. It's a it came, the melody repeats.
So it's possible to print the page out and the parchment quite flat.
It doesn't kind of bubble, so you can print the page out and draw lines on it. And then you discover.
That. I mean, if you can read musical notation, you realise that each one of these transcriptions is different.
And that's what comes out of reading lines on the page. That is, it's nonsensical.
The melody, it looks as if the melodies, the melodies vary from strength to strength, but they don't.
So it's a notation which was written in such a way as to use the generous open space above the text to record pitch information even more extensively.
But even if this scribe was using physical distance to differentiate between pitch levels,
his placing of the notes remains rather imprecise and inconsistent.
He was still working from an old model of music reading, whereby the reader was expected to use memory as the starting point.
Under those conditions, the inconsistency of new placement in parallel melodies would not have been problematic.
Even if more attention was paid to international relations between notes,
this notation was still conceived of as indicating directional movement from one room to the next.
And read as a flow of distinct movements. The open space over the text was not yet mapped in a static fashion, but remained dynamic.
This was the point reached by music scribes working at Christ Church at the end of the 11th century.
And then there were lines in notation for the sequence of DNA resonant, resonant Gowda,
which is what Benedict is going to sing at the end in this notation in of this sequence in honour of St. Dunstan.
The lines are runs dry points.
You might or might not be able to see them, but they are there in the collection of Benedict as domino melodies on the right.
The lines are plummet, ruled. Unfortunately, the use of lead does not help to date the introduction of the state because
Nucléaire observed plummet ruling in two country manuscripts made before 11.
And Michael Tulloch has noted plummet ruling in this in manuscript made in the 1880s that Christchurch.
So that's not the direction that we can fully.
A third early 12th century example of Steve notation written at Christchurch is the entry of hymns in Adler's book that we saw a minute ago.
This dates from the eleven twenties and then there's a fourth example.
This is a book of music theory copied at Christchurch, containing most of the writings of veto threats, as well as other recent music theory texts.
Amongst these four examples, the earliest is likely to be the dance and sequence,
which follows Osbourne's Dunstan Vitae and a set of mass prayers for the Saint Archbishop.
The scribe who wrote out the sequence text was one and the same as the Dunstan feature scribe.
And this manuscript is usually dated. Check the time frame for the introduction of Steve Notation at Christ Church.
Thus, it's between eleven hundred and eleven twenty.
This group of Christchurch spooks offers one further fascinating insight into the process of moving from news
written in camp warfare two to news written on lines since we can see the same scribe writing it in both ways.
This pontifical known Dublin and probably made between 10, 93 and 11 09 includes at the end of its first part,
a ceremony for the public conferring on a new Canterbury archbishop of a pallium blessed in Rome.
This ceremony was added at some undefined time by the scribe, who wrote the Christchurch entry in the Sydney Mortuary Room in 11 22 23.
More significant for his for my purposes than his work as a tech scribe is Michael Goodix
argument that the music was notated by the tech scribe because of the evidence of erasure.
I mean, he's worked it out very clearly for the hand, which notated this later added Pallium ceremony is exactly the same as that,
working earlier in the book, underlining the gap between the books manufacture and the entry of musical notations.
Author appearances of the scribes work showed him to have been active at least between 11 15 and 11 23.
But no look at this juxtaposition. In this lower manuscript corpus for 11,
we can see the same scribes text and probably writing in the 11 twenties and comparison of the notating hands in the Dublin
Pontifical and this Benedict Thomas Domino Collection unquestionably allows the speculation that they are one and the same.
And I've put various coloured circles here so that you can compare the individual news, so I'm.
The sign for two descending notes, which has this very, very clear and curve on the on the upper stroke, which is really quite typical.
Then this funny way of writing this, a risk is here, which you can see here, and there's a menu.
Sign on again there. It really does look like the same script.
Whether or not the notations were actually added by the same hand hardly matters, however, since these ways of writing names are so similar.
That similarity illustrates how directly news could be transferred from the open space to lines as long as they were already reconfigured in shape.
Besides having to prepare the page for writing music in a new way, with lines ruled first.
The music scribe didn't have to change very much except to write the reshaped news precisely.
And then, of course, the scribe had to write clefts so that the position of tones and semi tones would be clarified.
Across the food, Christchurch examples, the choice of class shows a clear preference for the use of three signs d always written larger school
than a b written lowercase to indicate b flat and decide we call natural to indicate b natural.
And here I've been showing you the right thing. All three of these signs can be used on their own or combined with others.
So D and B natural or D and B flat and occasionally another letter is introduced as here you can see E.
Over the natural cliff, when the melody has risen to a higher texture and in a book, we also see a.
In the contemporary St. Augustine's manuscript containing an office for St. Mildred, the same choice of is made d b four b flat b natural b,
combined with the as a supplementary choice and very occasionally f but only verification.
It's worth underlining the historical significance of such choices of Cliff,
since they fully disassociate Christchurch notations from Guido's writings,
even in the manuscript of Guido's texts made at Christchurch in the second quarter of the 12th century.
In this passage, we do advises that a sea lion be written in yellow ink and an F9 in red ink and continues.
And if by a letter by which he means a clef, if by a letter or colour, sorry,
if a letter or colour does not sit between the news, it would be like a well when it does not have a root.
As we have seen, the Christchurch scribe who annotated Peter's examples nonchalantly wrote his usual class were not at all taking no notice at all.
I think we don't in practise described on those same pages.
No, let me make a brief summary of the characteristics that I set out steps in a process of change.
First, the squaring of note heads for some news clarifying position in the open space and thus pitch.
And in an English situation, this is first seen in immediately post conquest annotations.
Second, the exploitation of the open space above the tanks to differentiate pictures,
this is visible to a lesser or greater degree across all of the steps that I've outlined.
Third, further refinement of this process of squaring and the use of a special minion.
Fourth, notations in which names are reshaped to clarify the Interpublic relation of the content.
Fifth, even greater exploitation of the open space to differentiate note heights.
And finally, the introduction of cruise lines and clefts rendering the relation between Ryton position and note pitcher's exact.
At Christchurch, the remodelling of music script from News in Campo operative to news written on lines had been accomplished by the 11.
But these various examples indicate that the process of modification,
which underlies that pivotal change was underway during a period of over 50 years.
We should be very wary of teleological explanation of this decisive change regarding it as an inevitable goal.
And I believe that these examples argue for more emphasis on the process of change than on the eventual relatively stable outcome.
Yet moving the emphasis from result to process, Hartley dismisses the need for explanation.
And it's with that challenge that I shall and this account of the changeover.
Besides the typically squared and hated names that you know, I know so well, there was another kind of musical notation in use in Normandy.
This consisted of a system of letters which recorded individual pictures in this sequence,
the letters f to o are used, but the full system went from A to P.
There are many examples of such letter notations written into English books.
I was here for two hymns by food better shot and added to a known book taken to Durham by William Olsson.
Kind of an example from St. Augustine's.
We already saw this in the last lecture.
This example was probably written in the 1880s and has both letters and news for an end to phone in honour of Saint Augustine.
And it appears just after a group of musical, and she's written unmistakeably by a hand trained at more submission.
There's plenty of evidence that this letter notation system crossed the channel,
but it's equally evident that it was not further adopted where there's enough information to categorise the writing hand.
These letter mutations are always associated with Norman's. With the exception of just one leaf Britain in England in the early 12th century,
and this is the only substantial example of the use of this system written in English and and the rest of what this went with is gone.
No idea if it was a full and if it were not for my consideration of changing ways of thinking about musical notation.
It's not this letter notation that matters,
but the mentality it exposes based on a system which may have been brought to Normandy through the reforms of williamsville piano.
This notation provided exact pitch and into information, as you can see from this Hereford example.
These elements of the musical record are privileged over articulation of note groups.
Although this scribe has indeed separated groups of notes, above all,
it would take rather longer to read this notation than to read a pneumatic notation which spoke quickly to recall.
I note also that many of the Norman instances of use of this notation are for new compositions.
As for this August, an example. Such a notation could provide basic information about melodic shape from which a
reader could first learn a melody recorded in writing rather than learning orally.
And that was an entirely new phenomenon.
With such letter notations, we come back to a common to a contrast already evident in 19th century musical notations between,
on the one hand, the recording of information about articulation and flow and on the other information about tonal grammar.
The new element in these late 11th century letter notations is that Norman counters are using
written means to record interval information in books made not for learning about music theory,
but for practical purposes. That's a sign of altered concern in practical,
written records of music provides a useful clue towards explaining the progressive integration of more and
more detail about melodic movement into Christchurch notations written in the later 11.30 12th centuries.
For all of the various modifications made over a long period between the conquest and the 20s can be explained
as the outcome of a drive towards increasing the amount of antibiotic information represented in writing,
while practise remained largely memory based.
And once we can understand this process of modification of musical notations not only in terms of writing technologies,
but also more significantly as the outcome of a changing balance between memory and reading
in musical practise than the length of the period of change becomes much more explicable.
Once available, new technologies can promote overnight change, but the reshaping of human cognition,
the alteration of habits and above all, the loss of memory treasures, the long and longer timeframes Benedict is going to see.
I thought because we had a day thinking about Canterbury, we should have the sequence in honour of St Dunstan,
which is probably not been performed since the 12th century.
Or yeah, I don't know. I will read one or two, got your year to write a lot of law and order, order,
order Luzardo court order to reduce what I know it is hard to alive and was good enough to.
Next exit in the email, as long as you read your.
So that will give you some more. Oh yeah, and all the.
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There are and to see an awful lot, and we need a new party and you going to see it, but I'm more like the more.
So sure, Dodge is a law and order her provided rules.
And you can't imagine it, we see use of word will cause across.
100X things loom large was a part of it.
The Regarder model have altered cartels,
so you could turn this programme on Sundays or personal items yearly or to Kaj Larsen hands and other technology.
Well, of course, all you have to put the licencing of suicide is a lot of Bob Woodward's the price sort of the rich and how much,
you know, the challenge for so long. Oh, I see that movie, it was called, what was that about a dodge?
Who? She is hard on hard work, was our a long adhesive on him, on humidity,
the lawyer nor the judge put it to him or it was her sort of alternative on all you determine what.
Sudan signed it, it was a little fast for his wallet and already to Todd, your kid reliable Chris is a long,
cool marquis who I mean, should you go to the store and as he turns sexual, rose 36 or.
Quit her clothes and her wardrobe, her soul.
You will. Cronies of her or.
Diffuse, Christy Hogg loves me.
Oh.