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Welcome to this first seminar of the series or the first of 2020, and Department of the Person says of this secluded life seminar series,

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I mean Thompson and be present to my colleagues, Harry Daniels and us too.

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And we are all three of us members of the Excluded Lives Group here at Oxford.

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We're going to be talking to you both about new SLC project, which we've which started October.

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We're also going to talk about the background of excluded lives with not a little logo in the corner here, but where we come from.

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The series, you'll see that's on the chair of the Leaf.

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That is a series which is which is reflecting both the group of Excluded Lives,

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which is a multi disciplinary and a multi-site group, but also with colleagues from from elsewhere.

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So we're talking today, though we talk, we name this difference in the rates of school exclusion in the four jurisdictions of the UK.

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Actually, the differences are quite easy to talk about because they're quite stark.

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But we're going to talk about the problems with those headline figures,

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and we're not going to give the answers today because we've just started our project in October.

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We're going to give you some hints about where we'll be going next.

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We've got Martin Mills from instead of education took no alternative provision, school exclusions.

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Then we've got Matthew Purvis, who is representing Ofsted and talked about some of the research.

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They've been doing enough stead, but also about behaviour attitudes in the education inspection framework.

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That'll be a direct interest to two schools.

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We hope Mina Fazal, who's from the Department of Psychiatry here at Oxford but also works directly in schools on mental health issues,

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particularly around refugees. She should be talking about seclusion of mental health and the role of improved provision in schools.

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We have Lucinda Ferguson, who's from the Faculty of Law here at Oxford, who's going to be talking of law exclusions in school.

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And finally, we have Jill Porter and Ruth Moyes, who are normally from University of Reading, though Jill's also here at Oxford in the group,

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and they're going to be talking about inclusion to its decision, but particularly with a focus on special educational needs and disabilities.

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So we hope this series is going to lead to some wider discussions about about the issues of of of school school exclusion,

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but also give some sense of the broad disciplinary lens that we hope to shed.

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The group started really from concerns that Harry has had of oversight over some years

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that the there's some fairly obvious big figures that the that England in England,

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unlike the rest of United Kingdom at the time, school exclusion were rising sharply from a from a fairly low level.

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Under the New Labour government.

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But the sharp increase is still lower, by the way, than the highest point before you leave it, but nevertheless an upturn in England.

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And we want to know why that would be the case. Obviously different education systems,

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but why the case that England appeared to be more punitive than the rest of the United Kingdom is a strong concern,

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with links between social exclusion and school school school exclusion, the inequality and over representation of those young people who are excluded.

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But huge numbers of young people having special educational needs either diagnose or undiagnosed.

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You are far more likely to be excluded come from if you're in care,

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if you come from particular social backgrounds, if your boys actually from working.

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Working class background if you're black, Afro-Caribbean is a huge overrepresentation of those young people,

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but also a sense that if we talk, we're going to talk with broad figures about numbers of exclusions.

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But as soon as you start digging, digging underneath that and any parts of the United Kingdom,

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you find that the official figures are just the tip of the iceberg.

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And you'll be aware that because you're here and you're interested in the subject in the news,

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almost daily there is there is some revelation about the sort of things that may be happening, either officially within the school systems.

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Unofficially, the sort of off rolling type type of behaviour that's going on sometimes actually illegal exclusion.

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It's not something that's used by both very much in the education system, but our legal friends will tell you it's really illegal.

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Things go. Going on, but also the sort of things that are not normally defined as exclusion in broad, broad sense,

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so we're talking about both permanent and fixed term exclusions, but those are the things that happen within schools.

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So the seclusion units you may have seen in the garden yesterday,

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those are the little areas which were converted from from toilets where children are sent out to so so-called behave, I suppose.

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But also the simple things are being out of class. So those youngsters who are persistently outside of class are also missing schooling.

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We were also concerned this has been a concern for some years, with the lack of lack of meeting need with provisions.

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So when the and that's not just in terms of of of special educational needs or disability,

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those that are that is becoming a very stark problem, particularly in ACM, with the lack of funding,

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but also in particular types of provision that would help both reintegrate or keep youngsters within schools,

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but also in terms of the cross-disciplinary focus needed to support young people.

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And for that reason, the multidisciplinary land, which is at the core of what we've done in and it's an excluded lives and has been,

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you know, has taken several years to do build up together.

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And also, I would say, several years to get to understand each other.

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In truth, in that, though, those of us come from an education back on a particular ways of thinking about the ways the pressures on schools

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in terms of performance and the pressures to to and pressures to it to include often people from disciplinary.

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Different disciplinary lands have a complete, different focus and say,

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I see you're not looking at the child in this way or you're not looking at societal needs in this way.

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And a good example of that would be the county lines scandal, if you like.

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That's going on with youngsters who often outside of school are on fixed term on permanent exclusions,

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often extremely vulnerable to gang activity and to illegal activity and and the lack of a multidisciplinary lens

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or focus or joined up thinking between the agencies that can help to tackle the root of some of these issues.

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So if you're seeing in terms of broad concerns, this is a quote from lacking a ghost of a fairly recent one, and it's a very good quote quotation.

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And it captures one of the things that we want to talk about the fact that accountability systems,

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which which those ignore pupil background, they tend to reward and punish the wrong schools.

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And this has detrimental effects on pupil learning and a perverse incentives to to not help those most in lead in need.

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And that's certainly true in terms of of of concerns around high stakes testing, school Value-Added models and school accountability systems.

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But but what what we'd like to point out in this presentation is yes.

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Well, that's true.

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That's the situation is far more complex, that it's not reducible, just two issues of of performer tivity or the professors of the folks.

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Because if that was the case, then every school in England would be excluding and every local authority would be the same.

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But that isn't the case. This huge disparity in England, which as to say, is by far the most likely to exclude.

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Apparently, though not on a fixed term basis, which is pretty equal across the United Kingdom.

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So we're going to talk a bit about the complexity, which we think is there.

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We're going to talk a little bit about some of the preliminary work that we did to to set set up that the large grant from but to the large grant.

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And then we're going to have a look at some of the theories behind that.

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So. So I'm going to very quickly talk you through two pilot studies that we conducted as a way of kind of giving

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you an insight into how our thinking has developed since the Excluded Lives Group was established in 2014.

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So the first pilot study was an interdisciplinary view of permanent disciplinary school exclusion in Oxfordshire.

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So the aim was to overcome some criticisms of previous studies that had seemed to look at single levels of analysis.

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So be that individual, familial, institutional or societal, rather than taking a kind of holistic view of school exclusion.

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And we wanted to try and look at school exclusion as something that is multifaceted and a process over time.

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So what we did was we took the education and social care records of 43 young people

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who were permanently excluded from school in Oxfordshire in the year 2012 to 13.

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And we used the software Could Ticky Turkey, which has previously been used in schools to sort of design history project from these sorts of things.

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And what you can see over the top level, this is life events.

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Then we have attainment in progress. This is secondary school. Oh, sorry, Pretty Secondary School, secondary school support interventions.

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This is Oxfordshire County Council service history, fixed periodic citizens and permanent exclusions.

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So from the records, you can see how we mapped for one young person,

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all of the interventions that they had and all of the ways that they access different services and the different schools that they attended.

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So this is a composite case. It's not actually one of the young people to sort of mitigate against identifying anyone.

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But what it shows is that often these interventions seem to cluster in groups.

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But also, they seem to be trying to get at individual problems.

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And there wasn't a sort of oversight or holistic look at how these different problems may have been relating.

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And say what it helped us to relate to the local authority was the need to take a much

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more forensic approach and a joined up approach to looking at these young people.

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So the second pilot project, which Ian has already sort of alluded to,

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then looked at the disparities in rates of permanent exclusion from school across the UK.

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So whereas in the previous pilot, we were a team that was based solely in Oxford.

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We then joined up with colleagues at Cardiff, Queens, Belfast and Edinburgh.

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And this was really it came out of us finding that.

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In the most recent comparable data, ninety four point seven percent of all peoples permanently excluded.

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In schools in the UK, where from England?

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And so we wanted to know, well, what is behind this huge disparity is already talked about this rise in school explosions that we're seeing,

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but this actually sort of visually shows you this. Down here is Scotland, and they've well, we've had no pandemic restrictions every last year.

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Northern Ireland and Wales slightly more, but in England, we're way above and rising.

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And it's interesting that in 2012 13, there was the introduction of some new statutory guidance which reduced the powers of lack

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of local authority to direct schools to reinstate pupils who had been permanently excluded.

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So as well as that being disparities across the four UK jurisdictions,

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there's also geographical variation within the jurisdictions and certain groups are continuously overrepresented.

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So we know that, for example, if you're a boy, if you have special educational needs,

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if you have mental health problems, if you are living in a deprived neighbourhood,

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so many different factors all listed in these various different studies here can make you much more likely to be at risk of exclusion.

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And as well as these kind of formal types of exclusion and the formal figures,

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there have recently been a number of studies by the Office of the Children's Commissioner,

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which have shown that there are actually hidden landscapes of exclusion, as well as sort of informal, sometimes termed illegal exclusions going on.

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So the next step of our project would be trying to look at what are some of these other forms of

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exclusion and how do these all map into the landscapes of exclusion across the UK jurisdictions?

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Same conclusion of this pilot project, our colleague, Ted Cole, devised this exclusion inclusion quadrant,

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and what it's really showing is that when we saw this rise in explosions from 2011 12 to 2017 18,

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we've also seen that England seems to be moving more towards the exclusion side of the quadrant, where exclusion is seen as acceptable and necessary.

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And this has also coincided with the moving more towards having an academic focus,

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sort of the reduction in vocational subjects and those sorts of things in schools,

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whereas the other three jurisdictions seem to be more towards the inclusion side.

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Not completely, and are still retaining a more flexible curriculum.

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Now these are only some factors, and as Ian mentioned earlier,

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the also the pressures around performer tivity, all of those sorts of things need to be further explored.

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But at least gives you some indication of where we think the different

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jurisdictions may sit in terms of their ways of thinking about school exclusion.

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So we cooked up a proposal over about three years, I think it took us all to gather the political economies of scale exclusion.

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What we didn't want to do, it was a work study. We want you to know about much more about the relationship between policy making,

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policy forming and the recontextualize ation of policy in different some sorts of practise, as I think we'll say towards the end.

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How does the common sense of practise in an all in on authority on a school arise?

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How is that formed? By a particular policy and generation, it involves the universities that were involved in the last small project along with LSC.

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The psychiatrists, criminologists, lawyers, all different brands of educationalists,

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people who are interested in use of new technologies and the term excluded

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lives is very important because it's not just studying exclusion from school,

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it's excluded lives, trying to capture the totality of what someone's life is like and what it goes on to be after they've been excluded.

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We're working with different sectors of education and with lots of different stakeholders.

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We have a phenomenally good uptake from whether it's the different children's commissioners across the UK.

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We have the DFA photos during purdah, which is pretty unusual if you work in an education department,

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very, very high level of engagement from political policymaking stakeholders.

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We've also got very, very good public engagement, particularly through third sector organisations who represent the interests of particular groups.

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And we have a knowledge exchange group which Hillary Emery is helping to coordinate and Hillary was.

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I get it wrong. But Chief Executive, the National Children's Bureau at one time so is incredibly well connected in that world.

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We're also working directly with young people and you could say, Oh yeah,

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you're interviewing young people know what we're doing is setting up young people's research advisory groups,

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and there are groups that will be advising us on what things we ought to look at.

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As the research process develops, we'll be feeding back to them what we find and asking them to give us advice about what's important,

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what we should be really looking at. Developed by Laura Lundy, who is a barrister in Belfast who's developed this approach,

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working with people in high stress situations very successfully and which has been adopted by the UN just recently.

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We've got a very as you have to have, but we're committed to a very powerful impact strategy we'll be linking with colleagues all over the

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world who are doing similar work and in some cases with secondary datasets such as in New Zealand.

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Well, we'd be able to make direct comparisons and we'll maintain our links with policymakers and practitioners.

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Now, some of the issues that we haven't yet fully got to grips with, but about that process of what becomes the common sense of exclusion.

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I can take you to a school in Oxfordshire where if a child swears at a teacher,

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they're excluded and another school where if the child swears at a teacher.

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Don't you, huh? Come on, we've got important things to get on with.

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Just sit down, stop making a noise and let's get on with some work. Completely different approaches.

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We can point to local authorities in the country who have remained the highest

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exclude us in the country and others who remain the lowest and others who fluctuate.

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Trying to understand when, why it is. When you go and speak to people in those sorts of situations, they say, Oh, just what you do.

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It is not problematic. I'm not doing anything that's particularly policy driven.

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This is just make sense. That's what we're doing. And it's trying to understand the background,

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the tacit assumptions that inhabit the practise worlds of many people and also the histories and cultures of policymaking.

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People come into the policymaking process with particular histories and experiences behind them, and they bring that to the policymaking process.

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And those policymaking processes have cultures of their own.

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Speak to someone in the senior policymaking event venues in the country,

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and they will talk about changes that go on in the cultures in which they're working.

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There's the process of recontextualize ation, whereby something is, is reform, does it comes into a practise?

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Lucinda Ferguson, her lawyer colleague, pointed out very interestingly,

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the law on exclusion when a you speak to a barrister or a solicitor and they say,

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Oh, it's a really interesting piece of law because it rests on discretion.

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The idea is that you lose the law with discretion in order to achieve the best outcomes for young people.

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And we speak when we spoke to people in the education service, they said a set of rules you've got to follow.

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The law had been recontextualizing completely and fundamentally,

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so that's the sort of thing that we'll be looking at challenges of multiple types of multiple professional disciplinary understanding working.

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If I said to you something about children in need, the social workers in the room would know exactly what I was talking about.

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Maybe some of those folks who work in education would do would be saying, Oh, you mean special needs, don't you?

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Well, it's not bad, it's different, and there are endless examples of the tremendous problems of communication.

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The result, as a result of the sort of embedded conceptual structures underpin practise, there's a lack of clarity of purpose.

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On Wednesday evening, we're speaking with Oxfordshire County Council and they've asked us to challenge

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what their initiatives are with result with respect to reducing exclusion.

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Why are people doing certain things?

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Well, one of the answer is because we got Ofsted chasing us.

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Another answer is we got groups of parents chasing us, but actually having a clear stated sense of purpose.

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And this comes out very clearly.

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When you look at policy documents, you can very quickly see how the clarity of expression of values and purpose that this does.

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We're concerned about the inadequacies of conceptualisation of issues and the lack of comparable data.

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And frankly, the the poverty of many of the data sources,

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which when you interrogate them with any degree of closeness, reveal that they really are quite flaky.

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We're interested in the ways the pressures of accountability operate, but the perverse incentives are there.

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And one thing, of course, as somebody pointed out well, is the incentive for working with challenging youngsters in my school.

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Well, frankly, there aren't any. But the way in which so if we know, they don't mind, as mentioned, working with Coventry,

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the police and the school service, we're working together really, really well.

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When the police targets were cast in terms of crime reduction, when the police talk, it's shifted to increasing numbers of arrests.

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They found it impossible to collaborate any further, and those sorts of things will be looking at very good.

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But perhaps one of the things that might come out at the end when we we look at the cultural differences

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between the four jurisdictions of the UK are what Jim Walsh calls the deep narrative structures who we are,

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why we are, what we do that inhabit our cultures.

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And that's partly what we're going to try and get out.

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This looks like a standard tube and sign, but actually a group of youngsters in London who go round guerrilla graffiti or actually fly.

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And it says school to prison lines of sent out of class all the way up to through the young offender and prison.

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And of course, they're talking about things that almost certainly are true, that there isn't actually very robust research about that line.

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And the detail that they talk about empathy, support, access, you know, is sidelined.

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And that's there are these are youngsters who have been excluded.

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But the overarching aim of the research is to take, and we've used the term home international comparison.

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Will we stole the term international comparison? Those contacts institutional processes linked to different types of school exclusion.

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And the consequence is not just for young people, but their families, the carers,

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schools, other professionals and actually ultimately for society as a whole.

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We these are organised when clearly the work of this scale,

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and it's of a full four years with with significant funding where if we were using a range of of methods,

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but we divide into these three major strands, the first one is to get an overview of the landscapes of exclusion.

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Looking at national datasets, comparable datasets where possible, though,

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actually the datasets in Northern Ireland are particularly difficult to get hold of and even between Scotland and England,

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there are some quite big discrepancies in the compass in the comparisons.

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But the ARE is looking at landscapes. The first work package was looking at school exclusion policy levers, drivers legal frameworks.

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Since since devolution, a very different drive has taken place amongst the other jurisdictions,

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and particularly in Scotland, it seems to us, were the language of of inclusion.

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It's much higher up in rhetoric and it seems to be mirrored in practise.

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Whereas you look at the language in England, the fit, the reference to exclusion tend to start off with the head teachers right to exclude.

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That's the starting point. And anything after that is it is sort of a backdrop to two that we're looking at at explorations of explosions and their

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social origins or what were the reasons behind not just the everyday commonplace acceptance of what an exclusion is,

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but why exclusions happen in the first place. Why some young people seem to be need to be excised from from that, from schooling and from society.

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Long term, we're looking at the social costs of exclusion,

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but both in terms of medium and long term socio economic and behavioural consequences of of school system exclusions.

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Is this longitudinal of the of the time of of the study,

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we'll be picking up a sample of 20 schools from from across the UK where we'll do our really in-depth work,

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but also we'll be looking at large scale datasets as well.

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And then the landscape of public, private and third sector provision.

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And this and the sector provision is very interesting actually the way that the sector is both trying to wrestle with the problem,

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but also that some very commercial companies in England in particular are coming in and

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selling if you like them themselves as the answer to to what you do with these young people,

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when that when they're off road or put into alternative provision, that's very stark.

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And some of the the areas around the edge of the country are on the coast where it's really becoming an industry.

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You know, people making money out of the misery of of exclusion. We look also at experiences.

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So how school exclusion is experienced by by professionals, by the conceptualisation of the risk of exclusion and the vulnerabilities,

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how they pick up, who they work with and where it goes wrong.

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We will be looking at perspectives for school leaders from as of,

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from head teacher and and city of middle leaders to school teachers on the exclusion process.

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That's we're going to look at old school stuff we should really say in there,

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but we're also going to look at students and families experiences of all sorts of different forms of exclusion that we talk,

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talk about and how they play into the political economies of the four UK jurisdictions.

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And the third strand, which runs across all of these.

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So all these work packages will work in into each of the.

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We're all going to be subject to multidisciplinary analysis and cross jurisdictional analysis,

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but running along side does work, but that package is is a is a is a economic analysis of the cost of exclusion.

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This is run from our colleagues in the LSC and from some multi-model work they've done over time.

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Looking at what is the cost to the individuals for the individual who is who's excluded their families or carers,

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the schools, the local sorts, but also right up to the level of of of of of the states and of social care and so on.

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And so this work is difficult to do. And and it's and it takes a lot of of delving into into particular individual but also large analysis of data.

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But the fact that we've we've got all these work packages at the same time would allow us to do that dripped down into that analysis.

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The cross jurisdictional analysis is done throughout the project,

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but particularly to try and bring up the nuances that come from the the the multi-discipline.

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The integration, which will again run throughout the project and the idea of these these various packages and strands is to

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inform each other to give it a much more nuanced view of what's happening in terms of of its exclusion.

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This is going to be preceded. This is where we're looking for your help and many influential people in the world,

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we could say by a scoping survey so that actually three scoping surveys are

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going to go out to to to young people and not necessarily have been screwed,

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but who will understand that and any any way to to parents and carers and to to staff in schools.

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And these, though, the questions will be similar. We'll be looking at their perspectives on on why exclusion happens and what their

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experiences of of exclusion either for themselves or from people they know in school.

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What do they feel about the process, the things about fairness of it,

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but also how has it affected them both in terms of their schooling, but also emotionally?

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How has it made them feel and also trying to glean if they think the things that could be done better or differently to get a sense of the picture?

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This this will help and inform our choice of of schools and will help the work

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that we do when we we delve down into the people within within the schools.

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Well, this we've chosen as a as a provocation, really, this is a from a paper in a forum by Carl Parsons,

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who's been working in the in the field of exclusion for some time.

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And I'm not necessarily going to suggest to you that these figures are correct,

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but it's the order of difference from the public imagination that I think is important here.

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He's saying, well, how many young people are missing out on education, how many are removed from schooling in one way or another?

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And not included in this are the young people who are told to stand outside the door, of course they point you out of my classroom.

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Our Welsh colleagues are beginning to assemble some of the evidence that actually

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persistent removal from a classroom is as it has negative consequences as a temporary fix,

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a temporary, I'm sorry, fixed term exclusions, and they're beginning to publish on them.

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But. OK. Six to eight thousand youngsters are permanently excluded.

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There are forty seven thousand per pupil referral units, alternative provision,

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where 75 percent of the young people who are supposed to be attending are persistent non-attendance.

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Managed moves, we've not put the figures in here.

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There's some work I mentioned in the moment, though, on the extent of managed moves, elective home education, I believe on the 15th of February,

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the English Children's Commissioner will publish a report on a major piece of work that has looked at every school in

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the country through the eyes of all 153 local authorities on the extent and distribution of elective home education,

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which, as we know in some cases, it's someone who wants to take the kid out of school and give them a highly personalised form of tuition.

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In other cases, we think Jack would be much better off at home, you know,

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because he really likes being at home and we don't like him here in school and please sign this form and go and do it,

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which is offset a lot of evidence of that sort of thing going on and.

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Karl is estimating that 35000 out of the 55000 HP youngsters are probably being removed.

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Youngsters on reduced timetables, which most of the way it's done is illegal.

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Maybe 15000 children. Extended study leave, which is an interesting euphemism and attendance code,

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be approved offsite activity whether enter does attendance code be on the register supposedly receiving full time education off site,

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but is sometimes very difficult to actually find what they're doing and where they are and children.

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Missing Education Data Lab did an exercise while they've done it twice where they picked up youngsters

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in year nine and said How many young people are there in the country in year nine in school?

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OK. A year later, how many are in year 10? A year later?

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How many are in year 11? Well, you have a figure of about 50000 plus go missing in that time.

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Now, some will have moved abroad. Some may have died and one or two other possible explanations for a number of those young young people,

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but certainly there is there is major concern around about where these youngsters have gone.

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Now, if we had that often behave in a scurrilous way, we come out with a hundred and fifty thousand children, not not based in school.

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Now I think that's probably an overestimate. But we tend to talk about permanent exclusion being roughly 8000 and look

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shameful when we find out that only five were permanently excluded in Scotland.

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So I think our argument is the scale of the issue, particularly when you put in the negative consequences of being removed from the classroom,

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albeit only for an hour or so, but maybe the same hour every week is pretty.

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So the suggestion here is this is a much larger issue and the question about the response we know in the late 90s,

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when government suggested to local authorities, you must reduce the number of exclusions, the number of exclusions went down.

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But when you want to look at what was going on in those local authorities,

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a lot of the youngsters concerned would be receiving exactly the same provision as they would have done had they been excluded.

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They just did not go through the exclusion process, which was maybe a very good thing in terms in forward,

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the psychiatrist from Exeter pointing out that mental health is not only a precursor for being excluded,

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it's also an outcome of being excluded as well. A once excluded your chance of getting in touch with mental health services almost disappears.

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So that the. There is a large issue here and.

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Our suggestion that this operates at a cultural level beyond the school,

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I think is important and maybe is borne out by a systematic review that was conducted

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by the Cambridge criminologists and published last year or the year before 2018,

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in which they looked at all interventions designed to reduce levels of exclusion from school.

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And they found relatively few made any difference. Those few that did make any difference only did so for six months, and then the effect wore off.

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In other words, tweaking things up at the local school level doesn't seem to make much difference.

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There's something bigger going on and it's going on across all these things.

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And our suggestion would also be that we only see one part of the SO SATs Guardian was full of VHA stuff in the past.

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It's been county lines. County lines type stuff is not new.

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The paramilitary organisations were recruiting kids outside special schools in Belfast during the height of the Troubles.

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But you go to places like Brazil, Russia, South Africa, it's full of those very vulnerable youngsters who are footloose.

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And they're they're very easy to recruit into into activity where they have some sense of meaning to want to do something for the organisation.

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Oh gee, like 100 pounds. But taking this rucksack to Luton and a family where there's three generations of worthlessness,

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it's not surprising that these youngsters are easily picked off so briefly on managed moves.

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No one reading this is from DataLab again, no one really knows how many manage moves.

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There are more how many are attempted but unsuccessful. The outcomes are pretty dreadful,

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and there are interesting demographic differences between those who go through managed moves as accounts through permanent education,

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a public education through permanent exclusion.

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So there's a complex area out there to sort out.

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So overall, what are we going to be trying to do in the next three and a half years?

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We're trying to understand the cultural variation in the political economies of scale exclusion across the four jurisdictions of the UK.

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And interestingly, how widely different those are. But it's understanding that cultural variation this is not going to be saying

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zero tolerance will sort this out or anything vaguely remotely like that.

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It's an attempt to go beyond the information given we retain.

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A concern about the veracity of certain available sources of data, and certainly,

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as Ian has suggested in some of the jurisdictions of the UK, those data are maybe even weaker than they are in England.

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But overall, this will help us to understand marginalisation and risk from multiple perspectives and actually asking questions really

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about whether the form of schooling that it is put in place is fit for the purposes which it was originally designed.

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Thank you.