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These two pictures were taken in South Sudan in 2002 and 2003 during the second civil war.

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In my work as a field delegate gate, I encountered very many challenging situations and it will certainly experience that shaped my life.

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Upon my arrival in Europe, I read this paragraph in a book and it said groups such as the South Sudanese

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suffer systematic discrimination that might well meet the definition of apartheid.

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This was the beginning of a long,

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long assault process and finally ended in an application for PLDT Research Fellowship at the University of Oslo with the title.

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The Crime Against Humanity of Apartheid under special consideration of the conflict in South Sudan.

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That was the project I was hired for.

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And when I started researching, which was for me, a new topic, of course, one encounters South Africa's apartheid regime.

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So this is what most people understood by the term of apartheid.

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And also it originates the term itself in the South African apartheid regime.

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Apartheid is also used in a modern legal way of describing discriminatory practises like fear, for example, sexual apartheid.

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The case system as India's apartheid or education apartheid.

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A bit more of a legal take to the to apartheid as a as a lead, as a legal motion.

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Is this UN Special Rapporteur report on North Korea that was published in 2014,

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where the rapporteur in a public speech mentions that North Korea was, in fact, an apartheid regime.

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However, in the published report, it was not mentioned. The word does not appear.

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And, of course, the more common, most common case is this one here.

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Richard Falck, the then special rapporteur of the occupied territories.

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In his report of 2014, performed illegal on an analysis of the situation in the occupied territories and

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concluded that's the crime against humanity of apartheid was committed there.

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This was also the conclusion of a recently published report in 2000 here in mid-January by a human rights group.

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So off the current situations in the world, probably apartheid is the one term that is used most frequently with regards to Israel.

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But then in my research, I was trying to figure out what apartheid really is in legal terms.

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And it was not very easy to find out because so far there has never been a prosecution for the crime, not in South Africa nor anywhere else.

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So how can I define a crime if it there's never, ever been a judgement rendered?

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It did also not figure in any of the previous statutes of the ad hoc criminal tribunals.

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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at the ICC.

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Why? Or the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.

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The ICC are the term or the crime of apartheid was introduced into the Rome Statute

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only in a last minute compromise during the Rome conference in nineteen ninety eight.

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This is widely considered a diplomatic or political compromise in order to honour the victims of the apartheid regime.

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Remember, that's the first democratic elections in South Africa were held in nineteen ninety four at the Rome diplomatic conference,

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took place only four years later. So it was still relatively fresh and this was a very appropriate way of honouring the victims.

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The legal definition of the crime poses numerous challenges, and I will not bother you with all of them.

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The crime itself is defined as a committed in that institutionalised regime of

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systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other racial group.

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There are any number of challenges with the author terms.

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But when I started looking at the racial group, the elements of crimes were not able to help me because they do,

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in fact, not further discuss what racial groups are in the term of this crime.

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So I turned to scholarship, legal scholarship on the crime against humanity of apartheid is very,

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very scarce and it was even more so at the time when I started researching for this PFG project.

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Some scholars suggested turning to the genocide convention because that also contains the term racial group.

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Yet others said turned to human rights law because their racial discrimination, which is not quite the same.

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But racial discrimination, is more broadly defined as any discrimination based upon race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin.

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So it's a much broader concept of race.

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Yet also, scholars said, well, race, that's just the old fashioned way of calling something that or what is nowadays called ethnicity.

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Yes, Ulcer's said. Take an anthropological perspective.

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And yet others look at biology. So I was left with a number of very confusing suggestions on how to interpret this term.

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In looking down into the genocide, into the law of genocide.

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That's when I started digging deeper and deeper and deeper into the term of racial.

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And the term of race is contained in three provisions in the Rome Statute and the Deep Red Dog.

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The more I realised I'm not really researching what I was employed to do,

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but I was actually researching the concept of race in international criminal law.

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So I changed the focus of my thesis have to unfortunately submit a new project proposal because I suddenly had narrowed the focus dramatically.

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And my thesis was then published in a revised and shortened version in 2000.

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Nineteen. But then again, what this race.

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I'll provide you with a short historical backdrop. The white race is superior to the Oscars and is found in Europe and America.

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This picture comes from a children's book,

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and the concept of race is undoubtedly connected to colonialism because it was white people discovering uncharted territories with new author people,

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other people that they had to classify as of a lesser value in order then to justify the subjugation and their exploitation.

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This was the time when the creation of the so-called five five groups of five races of mankind happened.

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As you can see in this picture here, the European man elegantly dressed,

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sophisticated places himself in the middle of the picture and around him, the answer for indigenous races of mankind.

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And that Eurocentric picture remains very strong in the racialized on the standing of people.

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It also influenced science in a very a very large extent.

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We are entering the time of social Darwinism here, a picture from Norway, the man standing,

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measuring with a special tool, the head size of a woman is a Norwegian anthropologist called Alfred Mune.

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The people's standing and sitting around the table are the saw me indigenous people.

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He performed head measurements of the saw me here also with an also tool say man talking with Asami.

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The idea is that Darvin created in order to classify the animal kingdom or biology, were then transformed to people.

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And the mission. That's the Norwegian, the anthropologist here.

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He created these placards with Ed with comparisons of.

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Measurements between this lap, which was the name at the time for the saw me and the Norwegians.

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So he compares here, for example, the size of the head.

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The eye colours. Body size and hair colour.

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And the problem is not that the measurements were performed. The problem is the comparison.

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And by comparing, they created hierarchy's in this particular case.

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Of course, in the eyes of this mirror and the majority Norwegian population,

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the Norwegians were the superior people that saw me were considered inferior based upon anthropological measurements.

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We are entering the age of race hygene. This is a publication of nineteen twenty one.

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Better babies, race, infant welfare and race.

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Progress published in nineteen twenty one, and as shocking as this might seem for us today.

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This was come please. The ordinary and recognised scholarship at the time very widely disseminated and very widely embraced.

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Another publication in 1921 by a professor who says, I deem it probable that crossing between widely differing races leads to degeneration.

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We have also examples of this in the vegetable kingdom.

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So so understand what is happening here.

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They're taking knowledge from biology plants and transforming it onto people, and they're creating racial hierarchies in doing so.

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You probably understand where this is heading. This is heading to the science of eugenics.

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This is, again, a placard by Mune and his laboratory of so-called harmonic race crossing's.

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So what the scientists and those are in a primarily physical anthropologists

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conclude is that races should not not mix because it will lead to D generation.

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And it also led to a new science where one was encouraged to keep the so-called races as clean as possible.

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And you can see a similar figure of salt in, for example, the the Jim Crow legislation,

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where it was about one drop of blood or apartheid, where it is as soon as you mix bloods.

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That's when when the races are seen as on harmonic are crossed.

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And of course, the consequences, especially of ideas like this, are extremely grave.

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The mass sterilisation, for example, of the Roma originated directly from Sing's.

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Think, think or thought processes like this here at eugenics and race crossing scholarship.

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And also, we know where it ended. It ended in publications like, for example, this one here published in the German Reich.

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As you can see, the text is not very well visible, but it's on the my left side.

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It says about the Jews. They are the leader of the sub humans, whereas the Germans in uniform are presented as the fighter for the noble and the good.

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So what you do is not only you create races,

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you also give them certain stereotypes and create prejudices according to which group a person belongs to.

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This salts, these kind of thoughts were also transformed into children publication.

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This is a children's book that was published prior to the SEC and WorldWar Jews are here on a wanted.

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It says on the picture and also look at the way the people are drawn.

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It is the two little blonde or many also little blonde Aryan children playing.

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And then the Jews, their noses are drawn in a much profiled white way.

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It is about creating stereotype types of people.

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This publication here juxtaposes German youth versus Jewish you use and it bears the title.

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Ask them, Gazi. Sure. These a'la that lossa.

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From the soul and from the face speaks the soul of the race.

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So you might look like a person, but actually you're not.

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That's what the idea was. Here in the Jewish understanding of it.

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Sorry. My apologies in the area and on the standing of Jews that they belong to another race.

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So let's still talk about the elephant in the room. But why should we why should we talk about the elephant?

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Why it is a lot easier to ignore and focus on as a group categories rather than

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having to deal with a very contested and very difficult concept such as race?

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Race has been tainted by history, as we have seen from the pictures.

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So wouldn't it just be easier if we could ignore the elephant?

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I argue that because of the principle of effectiveness,

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which is one of the core principles of treaty interpretation, we have to deal with every prince, with every term.

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It compels us to deal with race. So the word of race is in and in a number of treaties amongst ourselves.

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The genocide convention, the apartheid convention, the Rome Statute to talk at tribunals, statutes.

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The term is contained and it is not supposed to be interpreted as lacking a meaning or a purpose.

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Rather, we should import interpret them in order to giving it a meaning to an attribute, meaning to the racial group.

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Because, for example, if you imagined the crime against humanity of apartheid,

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if you do not and cannot interpret the word of racial group, there is no Özer group to revert to.

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It's the only one that the law provides. Let us for now focus on the law of genocide.

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This is the standard definition which is also reflected in the ICC statute.

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And I'll talk tribunals, a most actually also national legislations on the crime of genocide.

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And as you can see, it protects four groups, only the national, ethnic or racial and religious group.

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And the group, it seems, is contained in the men today are which is the so-called special intent.

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It's the intent to destroy a group, but also in the OCTA states.

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So it's the killing of the group or causing harm to members of the group.

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And I will return to the group element later, because it is very important for the definition of the crime.

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So if one turns to the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties and tries to figure out,

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well, what then is the ordinary meaning of race or racial group,

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it becomes nearly impossible because no matter which discipline you turn to, you will get 10 different definition.

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And topology uses a different one than the social sciences, like sociology or social psychology, biology that uses another one.

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Maybe law has yet to. One more. So it was impossible to really find the core of the meaning of race or racial group.

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So it is probably a wise step to go back to the prep preparatory works, because if you define race as in the original way it was used,

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when in times of colonialism with the so-called five groups of mankind,

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five races of mankind, I think it would lead to an absolutely manifestly absurd result.

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You cannot classify people into coherent groups of races.

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There is no biological DNA or there's no DNA for race.

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So if you look at how the draughting process occurred, of course,

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genocide and the crime of genocide was heavily influenced by the writing of Rafael Lemkin,

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who later took part in the in the committee for the Genocide Convention on behalf of the United States.

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He termed the word genocide as a combination of, again, those which is an ancient word for ancient Greek,

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for race or tribe and see there, which is the suffix of Khadra, the old Latin word for killing.

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So the term of race is already included into the word of genocide.

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It is the killing of a race or the killing of a tribe.

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And in the time when he wrote his book, which which was the foundation for the creation of the crime,

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he understood and people around him, there are many examples.

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Race is a combination of both an understanding of people belonging to a nation state, but also being subgroups of people, for example.

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He talks about the Polish race or the Jewish race.

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This was uncontested. This was the way one refer it to groups belonging to different countries and.

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In the case of the Jews, many different countries. But maybe what we would term ethnicity nowadays.

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But there was also in Baik notion of hereditary biological understanding of races.

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When the genocide convention was draughted and adopted in nineteen forty eight race,

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and for the matter of sake, none of the three also categories was defined.

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And there are some indications from the from the press prior to works that this was done purposely and since it was done purposely.

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One can argue that an evolutis development has occurred.

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So it leaves the term open to develop in the course of time in order to adjust to an understanding that might have changed from 1948 to today.

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I argue that race evolved to a pure perception based concept.

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And I will lead you through this understanding.

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So recall, the convention was adopted in 1948. And it took 50 years until the first ever judgement on the crime of genocide was rendered.

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We had to wait for 50 years until a court was forced to interpret the law of genocide.

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One hundred days of killing in Rwanda led to the astep establishment of the ICC TR

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and the court was given the very difficult task of classifying the primarily Hutu,

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the Tutsi beke Tutsi victims. My apologies as one of four groups.

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And it defined the national group as a collection of people based on common citizenships citizens.

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So it juxtaposes citizenship with nationality, ethnic group.

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Our people share a common language or culture. Religious groups share the same religion.

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So it's somewhat of a circular definition then nomination or mode of worship.

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And finally, the race group, hereditary physical traits often identified with a geographical region.

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The court did not provide any sources for these four definitions except for the national group, where it refers to the ICJ Noteboom judgement.

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What it tried to do here is create a legal on this or excuse me, an objective category for the different groups,

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an objective definition where it would be easy to place the different victims into different groups.

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However, it already ran into trouble because of the Tutsis, because the Tutsis and the Hutus did share their citizenship.

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They had the same language and culture. They more or less shared the same religions.

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So what would they then be? Race.

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Well, there are some authors that argued that they have spin a racialized understanding of the Tutsi group prior to the genocide.

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But we do not have to enter that pass now.

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So by creating this objective approach to the groups, Kasuke started a larger process because it led also its sister tribunal that I see

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T.Y. only one year later to conclude that the defining groups using objective and

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scientifically irreproachable criteria would be a perilous exercise whose result would

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not necessarily cause correspond response to the perception of the persons concerned.

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So your message clearly moves to the perception of a person's group membership.

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This sentence does not show who the person is.

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It is the perpetrator. Is it the victim? Is it a third party?

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But it then is a bit more precise and says, well,

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it is in fact more appropriate to evaluate the status of the group from the point of view of those persons who wish to single that group out.

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So they clearly moved the focus to the perpetrator and they.

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Right.

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Rightfully recognised that it is the stigmatisation which allows to be to determine whether a group is a group in the eyes of the alleged perpetrator.

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This was a very progressive interpretation, especially considering, though, the KSU judgement only one year earlier.

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And it seems the ICR was influence. But what what about what was happening in the ICP?

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Why? Because four years later in Khajeh, allegedly it held well, yes, of course,

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membership of a group is a subjective rather than an objective concept where the victim

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is perceived by the perpetrator as belonging to a group slated for destruction.

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However, it also demand that some kind of objective criteria and it never made clear what those criteria are.

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If we move on to the quasi judicial view and look at what's the international commission of enquiry on Darfor in the report.

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Right. The report has notably no legal force, but it was led at the commission was led by Antonio Casesa,

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one of the fawzia's of modern international criminal law, and did perform a legal analysis.

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So there is a legal value to their analysis. And also the report was used by the ICC in the indictment of all Bashir.

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Later on. It said that the approach has evolved to taking into account that collective identities are, by their very nature,

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social constructs, so they're imagined identities entirely dependent on perceptions and what is what is very nice.

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Here it is. The commission takes inspiration from the very famous book of Benedict Anderson on imagined communities and transforms it into law.

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It then also says. That the process of formation of this perception can harden.

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So from being initially subjective on what doesn't quite know where it's going.

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It becomes hardened and it crystallises into a real factual opposition.

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And then the two opposing groups become visible.

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So if we try to look at the different approaches that the that exist or that could exist,

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I tried to create an overview here and I tried to place the different judgements.

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Surprisingly, not one single judgement ever took a victim based approach.

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So where the victim perceives him or herself as a member of a certain group and the majority of the cases are perpetrator based.

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So it's the middle part. However, they demand some kind of objective elements that unfortunately usually remain on defined.

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I argue that all of those cases should be moved over into the pure subjective approach where it's only the perpetrators perception that counts.

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Why is that a problem or why has it not be done? Well, because subjectivity sits at odds with legal predictability.

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So remember, even if the perpetrator has an idea of what the groups are like,

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they still have to be coherent to the groups that the law puts at our disposition.

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We only have four to choose from.

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So in any case, we will have to classify the groups as one of the four protected groups in order to both prosecute as they see there,

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but also to provide protection to victims.

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And since the group in our case, the racial group appears to be in the OCTA suit is,

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one could wonder whether it also demands an objective determination.

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But then how can you objectively determine a group if it only is created in the fantasy of a person's mind?

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Or shall we turn it around and say, well, does the group at all have to be objectively definable?

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Perception and I argue not only perception, but any mental element is, of course, a challenge to international criminal jurisprudence.

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And why is that so foremost? Because of the principle of legality.

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The law has to be foreseeable and specific enough.

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And also because of the procedural rights of the accused. He or she has to know what he's accused of.

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So you cannot just suddenly create some groups that nobody has ever heard often that originate in the fantasy of a person.

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The courts have to be able to render verifiable judgements that show some kind of

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coherence in the way they're applied to different cases and not least how do you prove?

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Perception. I will now bring you from the law into the social sciences.

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And why do I do that?

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Because I believe the social science is understanding of genocide is highly relevant for the legal interpretation of the crime interconnected.

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Also the understanding of racial groups or racial racialized discrimination.

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Genocide is an identity based crime where there are two or several competing groups.

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So the group notion, again, is very important to understand the crime as whole.

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The individual is attacked not for being who he is in his own right, but for being a member of a group that also makes the individual replaceable.

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Because you are just one of many. You're just being targeted because you belong to a group or a presumed group.

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This is based on what social scientists often called the authoring, it's the creation of negative identities.

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It's us.

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Our group, the ingroup and them, it's the outgroup that is visible in any genocide or also pre genocide where those group categories are created.

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And that is also what the Darfor commission, for example, noted. Social psychology and more specifically,

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the social identity theory has found out that just the perception does not belong to different groups without actually belonging to them,

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is sufficient to trigger intergroup discrimination where you favour your own group.

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It's as we we have to go first because we count more.

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We are more valuable.

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And you see, it's, again, this hierarchical thinking that we are on that different level or on a better level, a more valuable than the others.

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The competition is very important because it creates the groups and it then escalates to group.

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So you you create a process that can hardly be stopped because the more you identify as is,

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the more you will see the answers as incompatible with your own group.

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And it's not only the groups, but you you give the group certain characteristics, whether they're real or not,

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it doesn't matter because you assign them values and prejudice and they're seen as of lesser value.

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And by being of a lesser value, of course, they become much more susceptible to attacks.

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They're just people of a lesser value. So they they don't really matter as much as our valuable group.

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So did the other group is seen is perceived.

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As containing some immutable characteristics, those characters,

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this cannot be changed because they belong to your personality, to your group personality.

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And since they cannot be changed, the members cannot really be assimilated to your own group because it's something that is innate,

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at least in the understanding of the perpetrators. So that.

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Innate characteristic that cannot be changed constitutes a threat in the eyes of the perpetrator.

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And therefore often is is pre-emptively goes into a defence mode where the other group is attacked.

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And in the case of genocide, also with the intent to be destroyed.

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So there is an understanding of the other group as a fretful and that is created based on stigma and.

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As we have seen in the picture in India in the earlier pictures off the Jews,

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the victim group is seen as maybe they look like people, but what they really are, they're subhuman here.

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In the case of a publication where the Jews are seen as gift fail things.

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So it's a poisonous mushroom or here as rats.

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But also, for example, in the case of Rwanda, in a publication several years before the genocide,

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where in the writing at the bottom, the Tutsis are compared to in the NZD and Tutsi.

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So it is the cockroach Tutsis. And you can clearly see the picture of Marchette, the.

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Or here, where a patient is lying on at the doctor's office and says, I'm sick doctor, and the doctor says, well, what's your sickness?

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The Tutsi. The Tutsi. The Tutsi. So what is it?

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The the the group. The group of others.

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The outgroup. The victim group is perceived as something that does not.

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That is a sickness. It's not real. It's subhuman.

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And you see it commonly in the way language is used when victim groups are mentioned in publications or elsewhere.

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In the case of Armenia, for example, a doctor who was involved in the killings of the Armenians and he was asked why he as a doctor could murder.

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He answered the Armenians had become hazardous microbes in the body of his country.

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Well, isn't it a doctor's duty to kill microbes?

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And by presenting the Armenians in this case as something scary, dangerous.

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That's a threat to your country. It's a lot easier to justify attacking them.

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They're not people anyway. They're microbe starer there. Did they have to be eradicated?

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There's been a lot of research on how those genocidal processes occur and a contested one, I admit, but nonetheless,

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useful tool is the eight stages of genocide by Gregory Stanton, where there are some early warning signs.

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And then in all of those different stages do occur, although not linearly, but they do occur at one point or another prior or during genocide.

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So, for example, classification, we have here a picture from a 17 20.

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So it's a very old one where the different people of Europe are compared.

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And then what is my left side is, is the Spaniards, and they are seen as male.

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And why is it then on the opposite side, you have the Turks and the Greeks.

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And I have to move away the picture here where it says they are tender but also lazy.

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This is a classification of people. This is trying to create some objective framework into which you place people.

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And it's certainly not meant in a evil way.

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But it is very dangerous. This was a classification in the case of Iran, though.

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Where are you in the identity cards? See the ethnicity of the person which makes it much more easy to single them out.

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So and roadblocks in Rwanda. They would cheque the I.D. cards and then just took out whoever had the Tutsi marked in their I.D. card.

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symbolisation, the symbols are very strong way of singling out people here in the case of the German Reich, that the J.

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The Red J for Jew or of course, the yellow star of David.

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And again, dehumanisation here from Poland, where Jews in a in a poster were described as lice.

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So it is creating this sub human understanding of the victims.

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But we don't have to look at genocides only. I can show you two very recent publications.

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Welcome to Europe, it's us and the Muslims crossing the European borders are portrayed as rats.

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They're crossing the borders. And you also see there's a picture of one man carrying an AK 47.

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So not only are they subhuman, they're rats, but they're also a threat.

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They're carrying weapons into Europe. The next one is disturbing, but this is a very recent one.

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I don't think I will have to comment it any further.

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The important part about this is that it is the perpetrator who controls the identity creation of the victims,

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the victims is has no influence on how the perpetrator perceives him or herself.

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So it is inherently perpetrator driven and therefore subjective in many cases,

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or I would say in most cases, the victim is reduced to one identity marker in the case of the Jews.

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It was a racial understanding. It was not a religious understanding, but it was race.

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And one can also see that in Orser Genocide's.

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The stigmatisation of the perpetrator then will reveal the way he perceives the victims and talking in legal terms,

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that would then be the intent to destroy a group.

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So it's the special the special intent TORDJMAN Serail.

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And how we'll be figuring out what the perception is.

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Well, by looking at the behaviour of the perpetrator, the perception will be revealed in the way the perpetrator speaks, what he publishes.

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For example, comments and utterances can actions as well.

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Of course. And that behaviour then will make the group at objectively identifiable in terms of law.

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So for a court of law, that's where you should start looking.

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If if we try to show this as a process where we have the perpetrator with his definitional power over the victim stubbled

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be his special intent because he creates the victims and then his creation will be shown in the way he behaves,

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in the stigmatisation, in the dehumanisation. The way he labels.

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What kind of prejudice as he has towards the group. And then, of course, that behaviour makes the group objectively definable.

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Whether the group exists or not is another question. So is it at the end only an issue of proof?

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I will revert to what Yellow Sage said. In the eyes of the perpetrator, and I believe what comes closest to a feasible solution is what movie MOLLE,

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not the isotropic judgement of two thousand five,

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said the prosecution has the burden of proving eser that the group that the victim belong to the targeted group,

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or that the perpetrator believed that the victim belonged to the group for the case of race.

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I do not believe one is able to prove that someone belongs to a racial group because there is no such thing as an objective racial group.

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They are no races of mankind. But if the perpetrator believed that his victims has a different racial being,

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then it would be possible to classify the victims as belonging to a racial group.

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So if the perpetrator perceives his victims as members of a group with a different race.

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In my view, they do acquire protection under the genocide convention, irrespective of their actual group membership.

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And irrespective of so-called objective elements that the courts have demanded.

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But we do we can we can transform this kind of logic if we want to, other crimes.

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Well, and I'm now pulling you a bit out of the international criminal law side into other areas of law.

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So if we have the pyramid of hope at the apex is genocide. The same logic can also be applied, be applied to acts of discrimination, for example.

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And I will show you two very recent cases at a judgement that was rendered by the Danish Supreme Court last week.

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Now, it's probably more than a week ago now that.

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Health, that's an understanding of the perpetrators of the victims as non Western migrants, asylum seekers and refugees was not racism.

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So they acquitted the perpetrators because they said the group of non Western migrants,

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refugees and asylum seekers could not be classified objectively as belonging to the same group.

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And of course, in my view, that is a very narrow reading of race or racial group or racial discrimination,

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because in the view of those of those perpetrators who who were distributing so-called asylum spray in the streets of a Danish city,

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the victims very much belongs to a coherent group. They knew exactly who they are talking about.

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And let's face it, they were talking about the Muslim immigrants to Denmark who they considered as a threat.

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And also in their political pamphlets, for example, said that they were a threat or a danger to the Danish women.

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So you have, again, this understanding of the Osas as being dangerous threat.

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And you give them a stigma as being rapists, for example, in this particular case.

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So I think in this very case here, the Danish Supreme Court did, too, in our reading of the law.

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Here, a case from Norway, a man wrote this comment on a public Facebook page.

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Hello? They do. They belong on the video, not here with their ridiculous clown costumes.

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They're marching around in. If you smell lighter fluid, Asami is not far away with his one metre Sarti on his smell of fire.

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The perpetrator's understanding he was convicted. I must say his understanding is heavily influenced by the and informed also by the

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racialise science from the early 20th century that I have showed it to you earlier.

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This is the understanding that the saw me indigenous group or at the LOP, as they were called at that time,

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or ah, a back word development of mankind, that they are inferior, that their childish.

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This is that thinking that on the standing of a whole group that lingers and is very visible in those hateful comments that are published online.

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So if he returned to this case, according to the perpetrator, and this is parts of the judgement,

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the Saami do not belong to the civilised parts of Norway and actually not to the rest of the world easer.

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He asked them to go to [INAUDIBLE] and then a lot of other lovely words.

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And luckily,

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the Supreme Court of Norway did recognise that these comments are just yet an extension of our understanding of the Salmi as being of a lesser value,

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of being inferior, of being not as valuable as the majority Norwegian population.

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So they they concluded that it was a gross denigration of the saw me as an ethnic minority.

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The racialized thinking was not highlighted in this judgement, which in my opinion is wrong,

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too, because the Norwegian domestic law does not protect racial groups,

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but only hate speech based on skin colour, which is a very, very narrow way of looking at things.

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And we must also know that in most cases, the victims, both in this cases, but also the answer once earlier presented,

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belong to minority groups that already experience increased discrimination here.

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In the case of the saw me in a in a what I hope is a very developed and progressive country such as Norway,

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a ten fold discrimination compared to the majority population.

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This is a huge problem that lingers and has also to do with the racialized understanding.

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The Human Rights Committee concluded the same.

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There is a persistence of hate crimes in Norway. And it is concerned about the under reporting of crimes.

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But Norway is by no means alone because Euge EU survey found that one in four from

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minority and immigrant groups have been a victim of racially motivated crimes.

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This these are huge numbers.

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If you look at the European Union as a whole and another problem that is connected is that the perpetrators bias is not reported and the bias is,

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is stigmatisation. This perception, this understanding of hierarchies of lesser value, of why they are supposed to be so different.

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And according to the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, overlooking that bias,

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motivation amounts to the violation of the right to protection from discrimination.

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Some now bringing you into the human rights side of this problem. It is important that racially motivated crimes are understood as such.

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They're based on a perception of inferiority, hierarchical thinking and based on.

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Perceived or real characteristics. And I will end with a picture.

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Do you see a little man playing a saxophone? Or do you see a woman's face?

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Because we don't see things as they are, we see them as we are.

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Thank you for your attention.