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OK. So today's speaker is not certain.

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She is currently in Oxford as a visiting scholar, working on her Pierde Steve project on The Unseen Homelands.

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The construction of Tibet and contemporary discourse and belief in the Tibetan diaspora.

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And she is enrolled at the University of Tartu in Estonia at the Department of Estonian and Comparative Folklore Studies.

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She also M.A. from Delhi University.

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And today she's going to talk about the natural oracle and the deconstruction of identity in the Tibetan diaspora pinholes.

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On your microphone and take it away. OK.

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Good afternoon, everyone. And my topic for today's presentation is the nature of Oracle and the construction of identity in the Tibetan diaspora.

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As Daniel has already mentioned, first of all, I want to say that this presentation is based on my work in progress,

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and I'll be very happy to get any feedback later.

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All scholars have long studied irregular practises of minor as well as high status or records inside and outside Tibet.

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Many have also been interested in visit the Tibetan or EKOS, characterised by spirit, possession can be link to the concept of shamanism or not.

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From this point of departure,

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I will shift the focus of this study to the status of Orozco's amongst Tibetans in the diaspora and what or I guess signifies to them.

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I will focus on the nature or I go today, popularly known as the official state Oracle of Tibet.

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And the controversy surrounding it in recent years.

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I will do this against the background of its historical and religious context,

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but in particular I would refer extensively to how Tibetans in exile from different age groups

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and walks of life relate to or EKOS based on a survey I have taken in April this year.

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As far as I know, this survey is the first of its kind.

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In this presentation, I want to show how the natural or accord, besides being part of a religious belief system is also one of this,

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one of several cultural elements that contribute to more the identity of Tibetan in the diaspora.

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Nowadays, they're very conscious of what they regard as their traditional culture and specific cultural

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elements that they regard as particularly significant for the making of their unique ethnic identity.

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Amongst these elements is the Natu Oracle. Irregular, irregular trends is characterised by possession.

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By a formless being and an orrego is a person who in this state of consciousness can predict he or advice members of the community.

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I will use the term or go to refer to the person who at certain moments acts as the medium of the deity.

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Being an Auriga is a status which is permanent. Whether the person is in a state of trance or not.

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I would also use the word in the sense of the institution.

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Off the record as an ongoing tradition. Confusion arises, however, when the word or echo is used to refer to the deity as well as its medium.

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These other try to avoid in the following. Although they have many features and functions in common.

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One may distinguish two main types of Tibetan or records.

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There are high ranking and highly institutionalised spirit mediums cutting physical bases for the duty,

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while at a local level there are pole heroes, all hubbub.

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On whom? Distance. The differences in the status and function of the Oracle mainly depends on the status of the DHT.

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According to him, to God, Dean Bolgar, there were numerous records inside Tibet at the time off of field work at the turn of millennium.

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In exile, however, only a few have remained. Mainly the ones that were consulted by the House of government before the uprising in 1959,

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especially the need to recall the Gödel or recall and the female oracle of the sitting Chinua goddesses of these three need,

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you'll recall, is of particular importance to Tibetans in the diaspora.

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Today. Thus, the need to record is the only state or local in the world.

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The only remnant of widespread practises that once prevailed in ancient Greece and Rome.

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Took them notebook is the current national record and the voting record in the line.

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Nowadays, he is the medium of the day, the daughter doctrine.

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The emanation or emissary of BEHA, the letter duty's was at least until the 17th century, believed to be the day.

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Who spoke to the Oracle? The tradition of Tibetan government in exile,

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of consulting the natural record goes back to the 17th century when the fifth the Dalai

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Lama became the head of the government based in Haza that was known as got put on.

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These close ties between the Dalai Lama and the DTP ha ensure that the major or accord became most prominent of all the Tibetan oracles.

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The popular belief is similar to what is written.

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What is written in the nature, Katja and oficial inscription still preserve inside the natural monastery in Passa?

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The culture was composed partly by the fifth Dalai Lama and partly by the subsequent regent Sanjay Ghetto.

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It has been translated by Christopher Bell, who gave a fascinating presentation of it in this forum a few weeks ago.

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It state that behind was captured and brought to some a monastery during the reign

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of King to song that's in in order to protect the newly founded monastery in Tibet.

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The narrative goes on to say that the Indian country must put Muslim Bullah subdued

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the subdued BEHA and bound him in an oath to protect the Buddha's teaching in Tibet.

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According to the nation, carjack the relationship between the Dalai Lama and the Oracle goes back to the second Dalai Lama.

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Genden Guelzo. It is further believed that the J.G was installed in the neutral monastery in Pozole during the reign of the 5th Dalai Lama.

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After the 1959 exodus to India,

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the nature monastery was re-established in nineteen eighty four in Dharamsala and is and the data is believed to reside there.

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Although the nature or record is not mentioned in the charter of the central Tibetan administration seat formerly known as CGA.

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It is now known as CGA. It is nevertheless recognised as the official state oracle of central Tibetan administration.

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Conforming to this tradition, the need to orrego is consulted twice, once in winter and once in summer.

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By by the CTA and the Dalai Lama consortium seven to eight times a year.

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The nature of Oregon plays a significant role, both politically and spiritually.

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In April 2020, I did an online survey of Tibetans from different walks of life and living in the diaspora in different parts of the world.

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Regarding the status of neutral or record and the local records, the letter generally known amongst Tibetans in the diaspora as public.

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The question now was returned by 54 men and women aged from 82 to 14.

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Out of 54 respondents, 40 responded that they believe in the nature of recall and in practise as an ancient Tibetan tradition.

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The most important result of the survey was that it showed that these Tibetan regarding the Oracle as a

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protector of Dalai Lama and therefore of Tibet and hence regard regard it as the state oracle of Tibet.

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Some of my respondent respondents, as well as three other informants,

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we counted the historical narrative in 1959 which in which the Oracle played an important role by saving the life of 14 Dalai Lama.

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This and similar similar narratives run deep amongst Tibetans in exile.

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Firstly, in 1949, when the present Dalai Lama was 14 years old,

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the record was ask about the danger looming from China and responded with an action rather than by speaking looking towards the east.

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He bent his neck 15 times, ignoring the weight of the heavy headdress and first leaving no one in doubt that the danger was coming from China.

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Secondly, in March 1959,

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the record insisted that the Dalai Lama should escape and even drew a map showing the route to India more over the 14th Dalai Lama.

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Dalai Lama statement regarding his close relationship with NATU in his autobiography legitimises the importance of the Oracle.

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Now, against this historical background and to the disappointment of many during the meeting

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on the 21st September 2017 of the Tibetan parliament in exile in Dharamsala Temple,

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you been a member of the parliament, then the practise of Tibetan government of consulting the Natu Oracle.

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He forcefully expressed the opinion that the institution of Oracle should be abolished.

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Maintaining that consulting duties for political reason is not in accordance with true Buddhism.

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This was not the first time he had spoken in the Tibetan parliament on this topic.

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As a year earlier, he had expressed similar views. I quote from his statement in 2016.

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I called Natu is a state or record. I wonder what sort of state does this refer to?

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Does it mean the state or local consulted by the garden,

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putting in former times implying that it is functioning at present, or does it refer to the government in exile?

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Somehow we need to make a clear distinction between these two governments.

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The nature Oracle and the DG of Nature are not something that is known to be known by every Tibetan.

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I, for instance, have nothing to do with it. Every Buddhist tradition has its own records.

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I unquote. However, he is not the first to speak against the practise of record in the diaspora.

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Indeed, in 2006, documentary film by David Your Neck, The Record Reflection on Self.

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Jamil Norvell, a Tibetan writer in exile. Also openly criticised the practise of mutual recall as a means to evade one's political responsibility.

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Moreover, in the contemporary Tibetan community in exile, criticism of Oracle is not limited to verbal communication.

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But they also become the object of mockery in social media. That anonymous person post means ridiculing them.

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It is not only a 21st century phenomenon amongst youngsters, but also includes second generation Tibetans in the diaspora.

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However, unlike others who have spoken against the Oracle,

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despite your bill was condemned by hundreds of Tibetans around the world, mainly older or middle aged women.

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One. One could witness a very peculiar way of protesting against him.

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When a group of Tibetans. Mainly consisting of women weaving pieces of black cloth at him, shouted slogans such as, We totally opposed you.

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Shame on you, shameless man. You are an auspicious man.

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And aiming at the people who are with him. Supporting him is like going against the wish of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

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Similarly, Tibetans in Toronto organised to protest against them by your bill,

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holding a poster sized photo of the Dalai Lama draped in Tibetan traditional white scarf together with a poster saying, I could be by your bill.

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We are demanding your resignation from Tibetan parliament, member of parliament.

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We are not protesting against ours. Government, CGA.

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Stop disrespecting state or local. And stop causing friction in Tibetan community.

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I uncle. In my survey, out of 54 respondents, only five were totally opposed to the idea of consulting the Natu Oracle, for instance.

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One of them responded.

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A student aged 30 wrote that he does not believe in Oracle because I quote, It is simply superstitious and mockery of democracy, unquote.

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Another respondent who is 25 years old, working as a teacher, wrote, I quote, I think it's a psychological issue with the people and their brain.

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I uncombed.

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A man of 60 who did not write why he is opposed to the practise of the NHL, Oracle nevertheless stated that Gambi over his criticism was right.

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One of the reason for the controversy concerning the exiled governments consulting the Oracle is the

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perceived conflict with the modern democratic system that Tibetans have adopted in the diaspora.

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According to my survey, there were 14 Tibetans who who are doubtful of the practise of consulting the record on a political level.

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Although some might accept private consultations of the records.

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A young man who believes in the reality of oracular possession. And who has witnessed his uncle consulting a local record for medical reasons?

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Nevertheless, wrote, I could. It is absolutely ridiculous for a government to consult an oracle.

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And if so, what is the use of parliament session? I uncoached.

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Until a generation ago, there were a number of local erectors in the Tibetan diaspora.

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One of the very few Iraq scholars who have studied local records in the diaspora

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before they virtually disappeared is the Swedish anthropologist Bert and Buckley.

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Now, the situation has changed, however.

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None of the five Tibetans in my survey who were completely against the practise of records has ever consulted an oracle.

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However,

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it is worth noting that as much as half of the respondents who believe in the nature or recall still feel that it is no longer relevant today.

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There were also eleven people who were not clear about their belief in the Oracles using mortifying words like somewhat do not know, a bit sceptical.

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It depends. Etc. A woman aged 25 wrote, I got with modernisation.

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Many of us have become more rational in making decisions on our own without help of any third party.

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Which in traditional practise are mostly based on medical practise.

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I unquote. I will now suggest a number of reason why some Tibetans no longer share the belief system underpinning the natural oracle.

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Firstly, local records have almost disappeared. And with it with this, ordinary Tibetans have lost touch with their tradition of records.

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At least eight of my respondents had heard about local records when they were children or Van Devault still inside Tibet.

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Amongst them, for mention the names of local or Iraqis who are old or who had already passed away.

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Full fury for for a few Tibetans,

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the local oracle are just distant memories from their childhood in the early period of Tibetan settlements in Nepal and India.

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Out of 54 respondents, 42 had never consulted any local or record and were not aware of president local Iraqis in their community.

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Although the practise of hubbub seems to be disappearing in the Tibetan diaspora,

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a few high status or echoes, including the nation recall, have successfully continued till today.

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This is the opposite of what Dimbulah debugger describes in her study of female records inside Tibet,

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where after the 1959 Exodus and the Cultural Revolution, local records survived, whereas height records disappeared.

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Ethnographic studies show that the primary function of Tibetan records was to cure people's illness.

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Both Dornberger and Burkley point out that the most frequently posed question to the DG concerned health problems.

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This brings me to the second reason for the virtual disappearance of local records.

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Namely, a modern health system, health care system, as well as the development of large scale availability of Tibetan traditional medicine.

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Together, they have replaced the tradition of consulting or records in case of illness.

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And that's been crucial to the demise of the local Oracle oracular practise.

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In other words, words, the function, the function as healer was crucial for the for the records to retain their importance.

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In the community, in the Tibetan diaspora today, dysfunction is becoming largely irrelevant.

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A few Tibetans who still consult local Iraqis responded that they generally do so when they have problems

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in choosing the right hospital for medical treatment or sometime for choosing a college for the studies.

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All the right country to immigrate to. There therefore seems to be a shift in the function of echoes from curing illness

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to the less crucial role of helping people to choose the right hospital.

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A third reason is the vill organise modern education system in the exiled communities.

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Berkeley writes that I quote, The Heritage Trust transmission of the office was very important.

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A long line of Powell in the family was taken as a guarantee of the tourist worthiness of performing eye, unquote.

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This is bad. The advent advent of modern education has reduced the practise because it is unlikely

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that children of the first generation of adult or EKOS would carry on the tradition.

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Two of my informants stated that they had friends whose parents will Pough.

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But their friends, not themself, can continue the tradition.

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Likewise, two of my respondents. Who are 25 and 30 years old, wrote that their grandfather and great uncle respectively were local oracles.

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However, both of them were sceptical about the relevance of records in today's society.

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Now, coming back to the controversy, the protest against it by Yarber goes deeper than being simply the expression of religious belief.

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There are other cases, as well as of public demonising and ostracising, which have nothing to do with the nature or what concerned the Dalai Lama.

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Luke Jim, who stood for the post of Signal in 2016, was demonised because he had posted on all the jury to end its Berling in which he wrote, I quote.

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Not out of loyalty. But speaking of your ethical, courageous position, you, Elliot Sperling,

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are the one who should have lived for one hundred and thirteen years, I quote.

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This statement was taken as directed against the Dalai Lama by many Tibetans

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because the letter had many times mentioned in public that he would leave.

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One hundred and thirteen years. The reference of the symbolic number by Luke or Jim to walk the Tibetans around

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the world in the same way as to imply Yarkas criticism of the nature Marechal.

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Moreover, when standing for the election in 2016 of prime minister in the Tibetan government in exile.

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Lugar just called for the full independence of Tibet.

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Rather than the middle way that was introduced by the Dalai Lama in 1987 calling for autonomy rather than independence.

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In other words, Lugo's jumps position contradicted that of most Tibetans who had incorporated the Middle Way approach to the struggle of Tibet.

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Just public remark that people believed was directed towards the Dalai Lama provoked an

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open letter signed by two thousand two hundred twenty one Tibetans entitled Lugar Jum,

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Enemy of Tibetans.

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She was not only verbally criticised, but in one case he was turned out of the restaurant in Dharamsala, in another case his car was damaged.

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And some people even threatened to kill him and his family. The Tibetan in the diaspora was sunderer into two groups,

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one consisting of few who were sympathetic to him on the basis of right to expression and other of the majority who were against him.

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Now, in order to analyse such internal conflict, we should look at how culture plays a part in politics.

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As mentioned, Tibetan in the diaspora have become highly conscious of what they regard as a traditional culture.

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In other words, you believe that there are specific, specific cultural elements that indisputably identify them as people belonging to Tibetans.

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Hence, there is no doubt that Tibetans in the diaspora have created a separate ethnic identity that did not exist before 1959.

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In my survey, thirty nine out of 54 respondents pointed out that the Natu Oracle is important for the Tibetans.

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And Tibet. They've suggested several reasons.

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Denature Orrego is an ancient Tibetan tradition. It is a part of Tibetan culture.

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It is the state oracle of Tibet and it is important for the well-being of the Dalai Lama and for finding his reincarnation.

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This also confirms that what is believed to be important for the Dalai Lama is important for the majority of Tibetans.

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This brings me to Frederick Boortz, influential work, ethnic groups and boundaries,

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where he deconstructed ethnicity and culture that were once read as inseparable.

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According to Bart.

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Ethnicity or ethnic identity is an aspect of social organisation characterised by ascription and self ascription of certain characteristics,

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creating not culture but cultural difference.

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Furthermore, but emphasised that I quote, The critical focus of investigation becomes the ethnic boundary that defines the group,

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not the cultural stuff that it encloses, I unquote.

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I will argue that.

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That it is to show the cultural difference from the Chinese that Tibetans have created an ethnic boundary distinguishing Tibet from China.

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In doing so, they have moulded clearly demarcated ethnic identity.

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But emphasise, emphasised, emphasise on ascription,

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emphasis on ascription and self ascription is crucial to understanding the ethnic Tibetan identity in the diaspora.

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Today. As it has developed through, they're embracing certain cultural elements over the decades.

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Sitting Shuka has argued against his identity construction by observing that with regard to the word paper,

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traditionally, I quote, There is no indigenous term which encompasses the population denoted by the VESTINE usage.

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A local term paper can be used only restrictively. Even today.

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The nomads of Chang don't use it for the people of the Hudson Valley, why,

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for the people who come and undo it means exclusively the inhabitants of Central Tibet.

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Significantly, the person using the word people never identifies himself as part of the group.

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Both statements regarding boundaries is relevant in the case of the construction of gridded Tibet,

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consisting of Come Ondo and Rusholme, sometimes referred to as the three provinces.

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Talk us from. Regarding this, Shuggie argues that I could.

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Unification of entire Tibetan speaking area under virtual classroom has become deeply embedded in the political culture of the Tibetan diaspora.

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Where the core of the refugees political identity lay in the conception of Tibet as the unity of come on, though, and some I unquote.

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The Tibetan ethnic identity in the diaspora today places the Tibetans within these boundaries.

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In spite of the fact that they share many cultural similarities with Bhutan and with

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Indian regions such as the Doc and Sicking and the Sherpas and others in Nepal.

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These cultural sharing is cut across by the imagined as well as political voters, so that in spite of similarities in culture,

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religion, script and language, inhabitants of these regions are not counted as Tibetans.

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When Tibetans call them so Poupart today,

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it signifies Tibetans from the Tibetan regions that are under Chinese occupation and Tibetan in the diaspora,

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implying a population having a common history, tradition and sharing, Worldview admits.

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Having been placed into one single ethnic category, Tibetans in the diaspora, although originating from different regions,

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are now striving to define a shared culture, thereby create a unified Tibetan community.

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Richard Jenkins referring to Bart States. I could.

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Shared culture is best understood as generated in and by processes of ethnic boundary maintainance rather than other way around.

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I uncoached. In this connexion,

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the national record is one of the cultural tradition that is being promoted as an element of shared culture in the Tibetan diaspora,

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irrespective of religious schools. There is no doubt that consulting the natural recall is an ancient Tibetan tradition.

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But it does not seem that it was known as it is today in the diaspora nowadays as the state or as the oracle of Tibet.

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The tradition of consulting the Natu Oracle by HUSA based Tibetan government is indisputable.

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But whether this tradition apply to all parts of 1959, Tibet is questionable.

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Hence. Rather, we seem to see a shift of regional symbol, the you or recall to was becoming a pan Tibetan one.

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This is a part of a broader process.

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The Tibetan community in exile, namely a process of unification of Tibetan identity under a homogeneous culture and tradition.

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Another related element of what is regarded as constituting Tibetan culture is the Dalai Lama.

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As the supreme spiritual and traditionally also politically political leader of all Tibetans.

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This idea has been constructed or at least vigorously promoted in exile after the Chinese occupation of Tibet.

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Shuka argues that the supreme leadership of the Dalai Lama has been constructed in the diaspora.

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And that's the Dalai Lama's political authority, never extended beyond central Tibet.

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Invention of tradition are not unknown in the Tibetan diaspora today.

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For instance,

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Claire Harris states that the construction of a shrine are Chambal for the Dalai Lama that is now found in every sizeable monastery in the diaspora,

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irrespective of their religious affiliations. Affiliation was a practise limited to the Gilks School in Tibet prior to 1959.

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Likewise, cultural elements such as the national flag, the national anthem, and, above all, the Dalai Lama as a spiritual lead,

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spiritual and political leader of all Tibetans, including the natural Oracle, have become markers of Tibetan identity.

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However, by your bill and or Jim have transgressed the norms of the exiled community and are therefore

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perceived as being against their shared political goal of the majority of diasporic Tibetans.

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Catrin Verdery, an American anthropologist, links the body and idea of ethnicity to that of state making threats to nationalism.

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She states that. Ethnic identities are flexible, changeable and situationally adaptive.

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Which she called situation realism.

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She then Ling's situation realism to start making because it is in the process of state making that ethnic identities take shape.

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We can see the same development towards an ethno national identity here.

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Absolving the dominant narrative in Tibetan communities around the world.

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The cultural trait, which are regarded by Tibetans as crucial for their identity, appear to have a political rather than a cultural origin.

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Well, homogenised Tibetan identity is constructed to advance the political struggle against the Chinese occupation of Tibetan areas.

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Rather than having a timeless inherent cultural origin or essence, as it is widely believed, even by non Tibetan supporters of Tibet.

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I for aggrieved, Valerie's argument that culture is politics rather than something inherent in ethnicity.

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Another American anthropologist, racket, F. Williams,

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also argues that the state uses myth of homogeneity to stabilise the notion of culture, tradition,

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authenticity and common cheered for its administrative task and that the nationalism and ethnicity results from the

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various construction of myths of homogeneity out of the realities of heterogeneity that characterise all nation building.

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For instance, Claire Harris maintains that the culture of having the Dalai Lama's icon prominently displayed in public and private is good.

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A result of ideological battle that is fought in visual field during the 1960s and 1970s in Chinese controlled Tibet eye, unquote.

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These indicates that such cultural practises in the diaspora have developed for political reasons.

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Hence, I argue that the Dalai Lama functions to consolidate political rather than cultural solidarity.

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But this function is hidden under cultural elements, including a belief system that are highly politicised.

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I'd further argue that Tibetans in the diaspora have used ethnic identity.

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But above all their culture for the political purpose of campaigning for the freedom of Tibet.

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Although votaries theory of culture as politics can be applied to the Tibetan diasporic situation.

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The government in exile is not simply a region where the power flows from the centre outward.

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The general Tibetan population in the diaspora also plays an important role in politicising their culture.

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In the case of the Dalai Lama, Martin, a muse, maintains that I quote,

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It is not so much a century food century for good power that extends outward, but as a centripetal or inward ascription of authority by others.

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Likewise, one cannot deny the fact that Tibetans in the diaspora fear losing what they consider their true culture.

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Regarding such phenomena. Hence, their Meulen and Kaura Goober's argue that I quote.

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We're interaction is increasing and where people are losing Off-Air, David lose their cultural distinctiveness.

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They become aware of their culture, may start to repair their culture and demand cultural dwights, I unquote.

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Regular Bendix, a Swiss folklorist,

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offers an apposite remark concerning national uniqueness when she when she argues that I got the notion of national uniqueness.

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Harbaugh's a conservative, echoes of the past.

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The notion of authenticity, ultimate ultimately undermines the liberating and humanitarian tendency from which it grew.

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My own code. Does the idea of having to preserve what they believe is being destroyed by Chinese inside Tibet,

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sometimes referred to as cultural genocide and having to leave as a minority in an alien

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multi polity may have let the Tibetans to embrace cuonzo conservatism and essentialism.

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Concerning such essentialist phenomenon. The British political scientist and Philipsz states that I quote.

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The policing of this collective category, the treatment of a supposedly shared characteristic as the defining ones that cannot be

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questioned or modified without undermining an individual's claim to belong to the group.

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I uncoached. In moving forward with this unified responsibility to attain greater autonomy for Tibet,

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some Tibetans have taken to policing what they regard as the basis of the Tibetan identity.

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This process of creating a pan Tibetan culture results in an essentialism as defined by an Philipsz.

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In adopting their own brand of essentialism, Tibetans may unwittingly be participating in a broader global trend.