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I will be speaking as an outsider myself, being a non-European.

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I'm actually a native outsider because I'm at home nowhere and maybe everywhere.

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And also, I'm trained as an outsider since I was trained in.

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So I'm saying that because there were many issues about the use of the word green.

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And when I say we, I mean it as we Europeans in the wider sense than usual.

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In a sense, we're outsiders to Europe through cherish, a dramatic, historic academic attachment to Europe without being native.

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Europeans are included in another Europe, which is modular, so outsiders inside is the word that is not pronounced as the one in the middle.

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The border between both. And so this is this is what I would like to engage with.

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I'm going to talk about the question of refugees in Europe.

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It's a very minor issue if you consider the number of displaced people who have reached Europe as compared to the number of other things,

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other places. Turkey, for instance. But this issue has taken enormous proportions in political discourse.

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And I speak today,

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as we saw in Chatham House review the way you feel about the admittance of refugees in Europe really determines your attachment to the European Union,

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which is very strange.

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The populist movements that extremist movements and we've been talking about have placed the question of foreign migrants in the very

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centre of their discourse as the ultimate proof of the competence of the union to protect Europeans against whatever they fear.

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So what really happened in the 10 years that I've been working with refugees is that it seems that the refugee

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crisis has revealed in a war that we did not suspect in Europe a clear divide between one Europe and the other.

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France, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain and all these countries have taken in a significant number of refugees to Greece.

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The country's recently freed from communism, for instance, have not.

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And so it appears quite clearly that the quest for political unity in Europe based on international treaties,

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administrative decrees and so on has not erased something which was the diversity of national memories.

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And we can shame and blame as much as we want.

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It seems so natural that repeat the countries that have seen the cultural identities

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crushed not so long ago or still commemorate their sufferings under the Ottoman Empire,

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for instance, will not applaud the arrival of nine Europeans non-Christian outsiders the same way than others who have,

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for instance, a colonial experience or other experience of having been themselves refugees.

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And I think the diversity of national memories has faith as a slice of growth and the shaping of national policies toward refugees.

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So this is one flaw in the borders that the crisis has revealed that these outsiders have so on to us.

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The other the borders that that the refugee crisis has revealed and the also wanted to put under

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the rug people very happy Europeans living together on the inner borders within member states,

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the border, the economic, yes, just economic inequity.

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They have also revealed that the outer borders of Europe are very difficult to define,

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as I think they think it might be minute where all the physical border.

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You know, they're on the border. We also used to cross the trade and the visas cross, and they would take me eight or nine cross to protect Europe.

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So it is very difficult to define, let alone, six.

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Right. So these are all, you know, different borders that have taken with me with the arrival of refugees.

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Now the question is why do they come to Europe when it's really quite simple?

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I read in the paper, but Professor doesn't have the six strands of freedom, justice, prosperity, solidarity, diversity.

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I'm missing one. Well, that's why they can't.

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Europe is very attractive. And they believe that in a way they are working very hard and making a narrative, but these people have got it right.

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And this is probably not the way they would say that.

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Why are you coming to Europe because of oppression, inequity, poverty, discrimination?

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I mean, the shadow image of the forgotten ashes.

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A description. So this brings us to the paradox.

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Europe is a success. Look at all these people coming because what we have and this success makes the Europeans feel extremely vulnerable.

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So. Now, I need to say a few words on my own experience.

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I found an association thing in the World Association. It's a tiny little thing, but it wasn't.

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It was created in 2008 and still going on.

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And it was it has become we didn't think so when we started.

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But it has become a very original thing and trials.

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It was very original because the public in France and the French have had shifts of attitude towards the refugees.

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It started with in 2008, with the Afghans coming into the Afghan war astonishment.

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You know, Europe and France was not for this, for this number and this type of refugees.

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It was a very new thing. France and many European countries had kept an idea of refugees the way the convention the Geneva Convention describes them,

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and this description does not fit. But nothing has been done about that, and it will be quite easy to, you know, think when this happened.

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That's of the convention does not apply if we can agree to a different sort of refugees.

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And we didn't do that.

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And then for a few years, governments and associations that everyone just panics around trying to help those people who feed those people and so on.

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And it was a horrendous time because being unprepared there was no lodging and no housing and no care, and the process was very long.

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It was really terrible. And. So grew up feeling folks emotions a lot after astonishment, I would say pity, shame.

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Anger and fear on both sides. Anger of the wealthy and people against the government are not doing enough.

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And anger against those people coming and sort of shaming us living on the streets and so on.

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Very, very ambivalent and mixed feelings towards the refugees.

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I think a one year, which is for me, the iconic year of next year.

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It is the year 2015, in January, on 7th of January.

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We have the killings of Charlie Hebdo.

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And not only the satirical journal How Do Do the French job, but also murder in a Jewish supermarket and murders of policemen?

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And it comes, these deaths come as a very big shock to the French people.

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Of a divide inside the country. Later the same year, in September, we have the death of one child, Aylan Kurdi,

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and the image of this child dead on the beach like some sort of fallen angel is the counterpart of the shock of Australia too.

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And I would say, I keep this as.

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The idea of mixed feelings and also confused feelings because refugees had nothing to do with the killing or something you thought.

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But Islamic terror it. And so the unspeakable, politically incorrect mix up the between refugees and Muslim terrorists because it's unspoken,

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has created very confused feelings.

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And that's what seems to be what we decided to do was to take this question very seriously, meaning, oh sorry, I think we have to be very, very fast.

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Yeah. All right. So part of that was I was really very on that, first of all, to consider that these outsiders coming to Europe were extreme European,

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their extreme European, because they've walked around Europe for months and ages.

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And they have they have full comparative studies of different and different European countries.

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They have cousins all over the place. And something more, I would say they have a sort of existential Panopto that is deeply European.

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They have wished to reinvent their lives. And that makes them heroes of of, of, of all time.

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So they are to be Europeans, and this is the way they they see themselves.

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And on the other hand, they are not at all European, and it's the disillusion, both on both sides.

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This is very interesting.

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They come to Europe as a land of opportunity and a future which would make Timothy Snyder very happy and they discover coming there.

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Not that it is not a land of opportunity and ends and future,

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but that it is a land of obligation and constraints and rules and laws, and they do not respect that at all.

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And so we have to turn the narrative over, you know, it's that there are lots of rules and also they carry with them.

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They are just. I'm sorry, I'm being so wrong non-European things that we didn't want to see.

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You see, they come from very damaged contexts, corruption, violence, discrimination, inequity, and they carry on victims of that.

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They they think of themselves as victims, but they carry it with them.

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And it's and we cannot not see that. And so what happens if you are clever and which is very interesting is that the

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interaction between the French society and I'm going to have the red card here at the

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end of the refugees is that both sides come to understand how the integration of

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outsiders is a transformative experience on both sides that we need to make friends.

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That means no one another. And be ourselves on both sides, be ourselves on both sides with no fascination at all.

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But there are rules for that. And as far as I'm concerned in Europe, the rules are European rules.

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Thank you. I feel privileged to be here with you and also today,

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not just because there is one chance for an individual to get to university and be in a position to speak in front of a distinguished audience,

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but also because our minorities today, I think, are facing great exclusion, discrimination, stereotyping, white family romance.

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People from and travellers in the UK face discrimination, but leave here in Europe for around 800 years.

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We are living on all European member states, speaking one language that differs in each member state.

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So how much the European history the various nationalities talk about the historical brown, how much it is part of the overall minority?

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I got this question yesterday. Listening to the colleague's presentation.

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I ask myself the House of the European history, do we have a minorities have?

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So the Romani groups, as they are discriminated against so much on a national level, they very much share a European identity.

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If I can say so, we are glued together as European countries, chihuahua minorities,

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children as well to the culture of music through the cultural traditions and those minorities who folks tradition alive,

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especially with the grohmann groups are the ones to embrace European identity.

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But we still leave as outsiders. This is a huge discrepancy.

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If I tell you that some of our communities in Romania, for example, 200 years ago, were slaves.

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Is it something familiar? Sounds familiar to you?

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Or if I say that some of our communities suffered during the Holocaust and we lost around half a million people?

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These are important points of European history. It should be told, I think, in the mainstream.

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And the truth is that the European taxpayers are not really featuring those important information about the history of our people.

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As I said, the narrative of many groups in each country because I have the chance when I was making films to visit,

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I'm 27 27 member states of the European Union and dig deep and visit local communities and see what is their level of integration,

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how is their housing condition, how much they ActionScript promise.

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What I found is that there are huge differences and our concerns are we don't

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have the projects as our agendas because they actually have different values,

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different food, they have different customs.

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But still, what connects us together that we've been through the centuries of exclusion that we face.

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So if you see a role, any child who gets to university,

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it's such a rare thing that it's still somehow you see, it's a great challenge, as I see for you.

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It's one of the greatest challenge to integrate those communities who are really on the periphery of society.

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I was thinking about Europe that could potentially embrace all of the various cultures, and they have the opportunity.

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And I hope that the new construct of Europe, if we may save the constructing Europe.

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So to see will include those regional and periphery of voices, and we will be able to embrace that narrative as so.

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I'm speaking about narratives. And also,

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I'm telling you that the globalisation that the the freedom of movement and information technology allow this certain

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closeness between these isolated from many communities and also brought some of the problems of the east to the West.

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So it's more visible to you can see on the streets. And it's hard to imagine that there are some member states in the East where the living conditions

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are so bad for our communities that even living on the streets of Paris alone is a good opportunity.

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So there are great social discrepancies.

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We have this division between the east and West.

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Still, I'm someone who is coming from the East,

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and I did experience the pull as part of the accession policies where Western countries would give straightforward

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reports and feedback to member states in relation how they should improve the condition of the minorities.

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Now, once accession happened, those issues were lost.

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And it's it's obvious that now today, when Iran 10 15 years passed, these Panopto and racist policies strengthened.

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We are in the worst position to start to think about the problem that happened with the accession years.

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I wanted to show you a short term, which is which extreme, and not just to wake you up as part of the money,

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but to try to explain to you what this European minority identity complex means

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for us world that you seek that there is actually more that links us together,

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no matter national borders than what divides us.

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Reflecting on Timothy Garton Ash, I'll start you off.

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We need a new story in you that we presenting the unique uniforms that we have for you freedom, peace, love, prosperity, diversity and solidarity.

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I will change you action. I think we need diversity, solidarity and prosperity as well as we know we need law.

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Peace and freedom. But this European idea, the creation of a new identity,

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so to say that could fool the younger generation together could show new ideas

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to them is something that needs to be embraced residual patriarchal interest.

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And I think that's what needs to be have their agenda. And I think that the emancipatory practises,

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what happened with the role of women in the past 100 years needs to be showcasing for us if it's possible and we write policy.

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Checks and balances. Monitoring the situation overall might be prudent in this country.

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Thank you very much. Hello again.

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And actually, this whole thing about Turkey being inside and outside, it's a little confusing for all of us really for all these years.

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In fact, you know, more than 50 years now, we don't know where Turkey is.

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I'd like to use the expression turkey at the margins of Europe. That's what it's been for all these years.

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And of course, if you are from Istanbul and I, for instance,

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work on the European side of the Bosphorus Bridge and I look I live on the European side of the Bosphorus Bridge,

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but work my cactuses on the Asian side. So I communicate with Asia and Europe back and forth every day.

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So the conclusion is that it's there as an everyday thing.

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But let me say also one thing when I arrived in Oxford in 2005 for the first time,

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actually at the office of the fellow from Turkey was actually at the Middle East Studies Centre,

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but said the next time I arrived, it was moved to the European Studies Centre.

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So that's the kind of thing that's so I actually wanted to begin with this quote by French writer.

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This was actually an expression that was uttered in nineteen thirty three.

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I also saw a reference to the conference. It was October 1943 after the Reichstag flyer.

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I mean, when things actually really look pretty gloomy and I thought, you know,

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this is relevant code in terms of also the context that we find ourselves in today.

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So we see a similar kind of discouragement that was expressed in nineteen thirty three.

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But you know, in what stories does Europe tell?

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And do I like to think that I'm basically giving a story, you know, seen from Turkey?

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Or, you know, looking at the Europeans stories from Turkey, you know, how do they look when you view them from Turkey?

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And of course, I didn't want to focus on the institutional relationship between Turkey and the European Union because,

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you know, we always see that there. There's so much published on that.

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I wanted to go beyond that. So I wanted to start, you know, by a novel after the 1985 novel by Orhan Pamuk, it's called the White Castle.

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It was published in 1985, and this would be translated to English in ninety eight.

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And this is the cover of the first, you know, the Turkish version basically meaning White Castle.

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And in this book, Orhan Pamuk tells the story of an Italian scholar captured by the Turkish fleet while sailing on a ship from Naples.

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This in 17th century brought in a prison in Constantinople.

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The Italian scholar presents himself as a doctor to his captors and after healing a number of people on the basis of common sense knowledge,

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he gains the admiration of Pasha, who gets him as a slave to one of his friends name torture, meaning master and hoja and the Italian scholar.

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They actually look like twin brothers.

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In fact, so much so that the Italian scholars during their first encounter, he almost feels like looking into a mirror.

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And over the years, they develop a relationship through long conversations around the question that the Hajjah consistently poses.

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And the question is Why am I what I have?

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You know? And you know,

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they delve into endless conversations around this question looking at each other by the end of their more than a decade long mutual opposites,

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coupled with sharing stories, their identities are displaced and who is who becomes blurred.

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The relationship between the Italian scholar and his master hoja, their exchanges, physical,

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cosmetic similarities coupled by significant differences of character and worldview.

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The master slavery, as reflected in Pamuk's dazzling prose, I think mimics the story of Turkey's relations with Europe.

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I think. That there are. Three fateful periods in Republican Turkey's relations with Europe, the interwar period, the years of labour migration,

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and I'd like to pinpoint it as the post 2004, the decline and encyclopaedias decline of Turkey and Europe.

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These are not conclusive, of course, but I see them as essential in telling the stories of Europe seen from Turkey, not Europe data war years.

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There were two proposals by two political figures for a European Union.

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You know they're up there. And although of course, not present in the initial two proposals, Turkey was later included in that.

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And I find that important because these years really represent a change in the mutual gazes of the Turkish and the European leaders.

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And I see actually some kind of a, you know, leadership that you know that we want to emphasise today in thinking about the story of Europe.

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The long held belief about in cults that bloodthirsty Turk was actually changed Europe during this time through the observation of the will and the,

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you know, the secularism reforms of Turkey's Republican elite in the 1920s.

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So a lesson maybe to learn from this day. I mean, I try to look at these three errors and try to learn from them.

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And maybe the lesson to learn from this error in telling the story of Europe seeing from Turkey

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is that it is important to remember the kind of leadership that existed during into war years.

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And I believe, of course, in spite of everything that Snyder said, and he kind of shook me off, you know, in a major way yesterday.

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So it's at the back of my mind.

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But I believe what distinguished the vision of the leaders at that time was their vivid memories of the First World War and that

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they were guided with a desire to prevent another war and accordingly were open to reconsider prior inclinations and decisions.

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So I, you know, I like the idea of leaders looking at each other, observing each other and changing their minds.

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And this is what happened actually during the war years from the second era, the guesswork was phenomenal.

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Of course,

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labour migration that led to the guest worker phenomenon began through a bilateral agreement between Turkey and Germany in nineteen sixty one,

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followed by similar agreements with other countries, eventually leading to the settlement of about five million migrants of Turkish origin in Europe.

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While guest workers were criticised by the governments for failing to culturally integrate into European societies,

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their integration was paradoxically made more difficult by government policies that continue to see them as temporary.

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And I call this the dilemma of impossibility, right?

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No matter how much they desired and tried to integrate, all the guest workers face the wall of impossibility.

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And actually, one scholar at the end of the labour migration period said that, you know,

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Turkey was as opposed to the more widely claims view Turkey being in the waiting room of the European House.

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He said, You know, Turkey has actually been in the servant's quarter of the European House.

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Yet, you know, similar to what servants quarters can do in many aristocratic households,

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the labour migration phenomenon ignited the fire of real encounters between Turkish Muslim immigrants and citizens of Europe,

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and this was an encounter that changed the landscape in Europe, diversifying its, you know, new genres of music and cinema and arts.

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You know, you see all of that.

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My colleague Neda Fact, you're my dear friend and colleague describes the emerging, interwoven identities through the metaphor of carpets.

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You know you have a headache, beautiful carpet there.

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And Calypso has been, of course, using the expression threads all along with multiple interlaced colours and stories.

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So I'm not using this normative. This is the story of Europe, the carpet.

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This story, if you will. And it's a better story, I think, than a collage.

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You know, the different identities side by side.

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These are intervallo interlaced, really? Stuff needs to be underlined, the third period is the decline period, and I'm getting there.

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It's my loss and this is, you know, I see I mean, everyone asks whether the decline begins and I see it, as you know,

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2004 with the Annan plan, the failure of the Annan plan with the referendum, you know, Turkish Cypriots vote yes.

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The Greek Cypriots said no, indicating its failure. So after that, basically, you know, then you see all the expressions of train crash.

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Although the negotiations began a year later, you know, they actually stopped.

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They were suspended. And I had that broken heart there because everyone, including the Liberals, ended up having a broken heart at the time.

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And you know, I think that one of the important years is 2016 was Brexit.

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And then of course, there's a coup attempt in Turkey, and that's where we see the decline.

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Freedom House declared Turkey as a not free country in 2018 and interesting in 2019.

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Hungary was declared party free by freedom, so that goes to indicate the decline that we're facing.

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So these are two stories.

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I mean, there's on the one hand, the negative stories, the level of impossibility and nativism, you know, in opposition, of course, to the carpet.

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And then on the other side, there's, you know, good political leadership, the carpet.

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And then I call this the mantle of the law because there's one good example that I want to undo the underlying and then I'll finish with that.

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Today's you, the new authoritarian regime. So what distinguishes them really is and we have this in Turkey.

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I mean, very different. But in Hungary, we see this.

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They actually used the Constitution. Well, you know, the expression for this is autocratic legalism.

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They use the constitution in consolidating, you know, authoritarianism.

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And so, you know, in one place, there's resistance actually against this.

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And that's cool. And that's a good story that I'd like to underline that that we see in parliament.

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If you want to end up with a good note that, you know, if you want to underline that, but basically,

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let me basically say that the task facing Europe is really not a utopian identity like the early republic elite did,

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you know, because there wasn't already the Turkish nation identity sharing?

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My dad says, you know, the Republican elites took this empty balloon to call the Turkish nation and they greeted like victory, right?

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I mean, we don't have to do that in Europe because there is a legacy, really.

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You know, it just needs to be reclaimed. So it's not a utopian thing.

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But you know, what is needed is really maybe to recognise the many legacies,

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triumphs and moments of leadership interwoven identities that are lost one another,

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like the Italian scholar, project, Italian scholar and Hoja or Phonebooks White Castle.

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Thank.