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Wonderful. OK. Professor Wiley at a binary you're colour run across Steve Kornacki are invited guests.

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Professor Daley Associate Professor Amber Murray Panopto, chief of Nazi Democratic to, is also associate professor.

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But it's not clear yet. Is Esther a bear here?

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Not yet present and past members of the Oxford Africa Society Executive Committee

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past and present members of the Oxford Africa Conference Executive Committee.

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Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the third Oxford Africa Society annual lecture.

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My name is Cynthia Stewart. I come from Switzerland.

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I am the general secretary of the Oxford African Society this year, and I am especially honoured to be hosting this year's annual lecture,

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partly because this marks the beginning of our Africa week and the Oxford Africa Conference,

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which is taking place May 17 to 18 at the Blavatnik School of Government,

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but also because tonight's lecture is obviously a very important topic and one that is close to my heart.

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The lecture is Africa. Similar systems, professional reflections on Africa and knowledge production will be delivered by Professor Wiley and Divinely,

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who is the director of the African Studies Centre, as well as Rhodes professor of race relations.

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We're joined after the lecture by an international guest panel, including Running Glass,

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who is with us from the United States and has been an activist in the environmental, justice and environmental education movement for many years.

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Cesar Mkhwanazi is navigation of the International Higher Education System is a story of unrelenting ambition and perseverance, and to women who,

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in the midst of their undergraduate degrees,

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spearheaded the largest protest in democratic South Africa to afford free and equitable access to higher education for all.

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So Uralkali and pendulum catcher, thank you all for coming.

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I'm sincerely looking forward to this. I hope that you'll stay afterwards to get to know the panellists and also to speak more with each other.

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I hope that tonight brings about more than just the conversation.

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I think the idea of decolonising education is more than just a discussion to be had between panel and attendees,

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so I hope that you'll take the opportunity to see what we can do together after this.

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Thank you again for coming. Without further ado, Professor Wendy.

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I think the Oxford Society for inviting me to give this lecture that's very grateful to the president of the New Society,

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who is on his way and especially to be there, I think it is have to explore for delegates in organising this event.

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I'm happy that he has invited discussed of these concerns to explore this important theme of decolonisation of education,

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and I hope that what I have to say would be, you know, would be useful in this discussion.

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The title of my talk of the nation is East Africa, a similar system.

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No. Two in Africa and no production. I would start by talking about how studying the margins in the metropole,

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I talked to a class called Introduction to African Studies for a little less than one decade

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in the African-American and African Studies Department of the University of California,

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Davis.

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It was a lower division class that is one designed for first year students who might be learning about Africa for the first time in the university.

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The class also two days of difference at different stages in the undergraduate programme programmes in different disciplines across the university.

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And if you know, in the American system, people can come from different disciplines,

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from engineering to, you know, sciences to take classes in the humanities and social sciences.

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Many of these students, roughly about 50 percent, had the least interest in Africa.

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You register for the class as a general education requirement.

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Therefore, for these half of the class, it was often obvious when the first day of class that given the choice, they would have to be elsewhere.

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Each year, I would start the first day of class after the introductions by asking the students

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to take out a piece of paper and write down the first image that came to mind.

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Once they heard the word Africa or filiale every year, the responses were overwhelmingly negative or at best, exotic remaining suspects were items.

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Elephants don't go decisions. It was violence, poverty, ethnicity and colonialism.

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The most positive, if you can call these positive where safari cradle of mankind volunteer and Peace Corps.

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Why North Americans are geographically, geographically far removed from Africa Despite the tragic history that binds the Americas and Africa,

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and take into cognisant of the fact that most ordinary Americans do not care about the rest of the world and do these

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responses were quite instructive in terms of challenges of teaching the so-called that continent to these students.

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Perhaps it should be stated in parenthesis that if the way the student viewed Africa

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as expressions of ignorance about the continent by recent high school graduates,

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we should record the if most was sure of the Oxford historian who Travelopia, who, despite the thoughtful,

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evidence based contemporary efforts of the likes of Basil Levinson,

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the insisted in the 1960s that African history was the history of Europeans in Africa because,

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according to him, before the Europeans came to Africa,

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there was only darkness and evidently darkness is not the subject of history like he gave before him.

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Group captured the position of many in the way, so he sees that as a child and baby captures it,

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could the human experience of blacks should be understood as fundamental difference and good.

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But I quote again the status of the African saying In the midst of the economy

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of totality being precisely because it has survived the likes of Travelopia,

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Adiga, Doris, he should not have been so shocking to many scholars.

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When Bruce Gillum, in the now controversial article published in the Third World Quarterly,

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entitled The Case for Colonialism, concluded that not only could Western colonialism in Africa wars as a general rule,

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both objectively beneficial as subjectively legitimate, but also that quote anti-colonial ideology, which of course must include greed,

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guaranteed early scholarship and the equalise the decolonisation agenda of groups like Oxford African Society.

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And I continued, You could not impose grave harms on subjects the subject.

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People continue to support sustained development and a fruitful encounter with modernity in many places of good.

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In light of this body of evidence and good, Dele called for the reimposition of colonialism in Africa.

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Politics is irrelevant to adding parentheses again, that Guinea does not study Africa.

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He advertises himself in court as a specialist on the comparative wages of China and Russia,

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but sees what many needs as a good measure about Africa and its complex history to be an expat.

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Perhaps you will qualify as one. So what? The implications of such views as these about Africa for African studies,

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if most of the countries in the continent are regarded as unqualified for several.

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How can we study such a subject people, if Africans are not considered to be agents of history, even their own history?

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Can you study of Africa move beyond the perennial focus on the continent's reported the similarities with the rest of the modern world?

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The images of Africa, which some of my thoughts yesterday in the US carried India in their first year in the university are no different

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from the images and dates of those who are in control of critical spheres of decision making in the West,

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but squarely in contemporary United States. Of course, one witness is President Donald Trump,

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as each country's scholars have described this attitude as a form of distance from critical forms of knowledge.

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It is. This is this kind of attitude to Africa that provoking, quote unquote volume Africa and the disciplines published in 1983,

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which emphasises how knowledge of Africa has contributed to different disciplines.

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The book is in part, is part of the larger and ongoing attempts to quote Shift the geography of Reason unquote,

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to expose the ignorance that masquerades as knowledge or watching.

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The more critical tradition championed by Martin constitutes the quest to dismantle what the colonial library where promoting African epistemological.

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If Africa is assumed to be so dissimilar from the rest of the world.

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But why the West should do so for us and study and teach Africa about Africa.

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Accept these as we give or teach and conduct our research as if this were an essential absolute truth.

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That is, most Africans assumed an idea accepted this similarity, both in global history and in the contemporary global system,

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be the absolute departure point for our pedagogy, as well as for our epistemological in the age of global studies.

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Can we truly give a robust account of the continent's diversity complexity, as well as its presence in what it describes as the income of the world?

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If the fundamental basis for studying and teaching Africa is its essential and absolutely similarity,

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its prominent contrast with the normal regular practise,

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the wisdom and its particularities which do not include its similarities and continuities with the rest of humanity.

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Why is a continent that has always been global in its interface with the rest of the world for good or for you,

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as any elementary student of history would know,

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popularly imagined and largely taught as one that was forced into global relations only in the contemporary era.

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And yet you still describe a people as remotely go global.

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These are the questions which have partly admitted the debate of African studies in the last few decades.

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As Judy Byfield asserted Coach Africa is central to any intellectual intellectual enterprise, but especially one that purports to be global.

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While I cannot hope to exhaust the dimensions of this debate in this lecture, I hope to address some of these important dimensions.

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Those of us who teach and study Africa have a duty not to not only drive the continent's particularities, including its differences,

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which many have done if not excessively, but also to emphasise and document its presence and presence in the global context.

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Against the backdrop of we short reflect on African studies in Africa, the United States and the UK.

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What I hope to do in this lecture is to point to some of the salient teachers

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that have been raised and add a few more that might push the debate for them.

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My purpose is not a criticism of African studies or have any critique that points to

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existing tensions and some of the surviving elements of the old attitudes and paradigms,

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and the consequences of the enduring study of Africa as an essential and negative difference,

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which looks to the past as a fundamentally dissimilar system, no less primitive African scholar assessed by non-African Africans.

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This Africa difference perspective is particularly problematic because the difference is, on the one hand,

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being deployed as a means of if you arise in the continent, as well as the humanity and experiences of its people.

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And on the other, I see a way of claiming the Africa things Africa must be defined as or by anything that is not the West.

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The latter view has been described by me to recently as one field by what he called quasi debt anxiety.

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Indeed, some of the fundamental and fundamental misunderstanding of the decolonial movement.

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I feel this Africa is different perspective, but we can return to these questions later.

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The study of Africa has developed tremendously since the era, when Africa was, as as the lesser argues, is subjective anthropological folklore.

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Yet some of the assumptions of that era linger in the contemporary era, and I would.

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Briefly now about what way Africa stories in Africa?

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I'll use my personal trajectory to illustrate this trend of the continent, that experience of study in Africa.

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I joined the Department of Science in the university,

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but in 1999 as an assistant lecturer at the Ibadan School of Political Science is famous for its solid scholarship, but not of the radical form.

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It boasts of an epistemological tradition that is as grounded in Western traditions as it is focussed on Africa needs,

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as well as comparative interpretations of local and global dynamics.

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This has produced theoretical revolutions that reinterpretations or received Western Orthodoxy.

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The school's direct and indirect dialogue with the famous Ibadan School of History,

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is perhaps one of its perhaps one that is best represented in the debate between the by the late

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pre-eminent African historian Peter Picking the political sociology of divided school of Politics.

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The two disagreed on how best to approach colonialism in African history.

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Well, Ajayi insisted that colonialism was an episode amongst several would be sought in the long diary of African history.

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A. In his view, most to probably argue that colonialism considered an airport in Africa's history,

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not one that not only changed the colonial present and possibly ruined our future, but also affected how we understand the colonial pre-colonial past.

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This debate is too familiar to African scholars to bear repeating here.

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What I want to draw attention to, however,

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is the tradition of engaged and critical scholarship to which we were here in the political science department debates.

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It was a tradition to embrace global scholarship without regarding its all rigorous

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admissions as inferior to any prises eastern traditions of study society.

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The Ibadan schools saw what some scholars have described as quote alternative

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ways of thinking about the world and alternative forms of political practises,

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unquote. However, there was no assumption that these alternative ways or forms of political practises were outside of the common human experience.

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Adam Jaworski and Henry Jones famous book The Logic of Comparative Enquiry was a

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compulsory text in the graduate school of My Generation of Citizens Juries in Ibadan,

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as was it case colonialism published in Africa, a theoretical statement which was published in 1975.

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There was a dos caricature, a theory constructed on techniques and strategies,

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and the logic of explanation regarding the problem of contemporary political science were fascinating to all us,

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even if initially slightly elusive for those of us who were interested in comparative cross-cultural research.

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The arguments about the primacy of understanding systems through the lens of what

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they describe as most similar and mostly dissimilar systems was most enlightening.

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Study the case to public and its comparative analysis of the emergence of public spaces in Europe and Africa,

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and the fundamental difference that colonialism made in bifurcating the public sphere in Africa.

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Course set a great example for some of us of how the perspective of the most dissimilar system in comparing Europe with Africa could be problematic.

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But a greater value of it is this is not merely enjoying our similarities,

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but also in using the similarities in historical evolution through human agency and structural changes to find your way.

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Different socio economic and political outcomes have been recorded in three different parts of the world.

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Its greater value is in pointing out the fundamental basis of a myriad of social classes,

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which emphasise the epochal nature of colonialism from the 1960s.

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It is universally by the lucky few ideas of his generation, including the University of Ghana in Lagos and the University of East Africa,

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which later became macro in Uganda and Dar es Salaam in Tanzania,

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University of Nairobi in Kenya to call the mission of ensuring that knowledge production reflected Africa's history and emergence in the modern world.

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In doing so, some felt it was important to establish Institute of African Studies.

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This was opposed by all this, who argued that there was no need to study Africa separately in an African institution.

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However, a few critical voices and leaders insisted that Institute of African Studies were

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necessary as centres driven by the need to engage in good forms of knowledge

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production of Africa that challenged colonial categories and the conventions

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of academic discipline that was Africa S. Africa based and globally engaged.

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And the emphasis for me as a global engagement that sought to transcend the politics of the Cold War and defied the demonic impulses of US politics.

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My ozment all as explained. Two examples of these were the Institute of African Studies and the University of Ghana, which was started in 1964,

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but formally 2063, and the issues of africana studies at the University of Ibadan, which was started in 1962.

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African studies in this. It was approached in Ibadan North as a fundamentally different form of knowledge,

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but that quote Africa's one contribution to the global pool of intellectuals, unquote.

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We aim. Not just for Africa to understand himself, but also to present knowledge of Africans to the rest of the world from Africans perspective,

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the United States as an interdisciplinary research institute with a mandate to quote,

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to build a body of knowledge and to construct an attitude of each election that we not take for granted

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the heritage of African people's experiences in the present and the aspirations for the future.

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However, the mission of the as in Ibadan, while liberation was not as radical as the eye is establishing Leghorn.

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This was not surprising given the differences in the nature of their founding, founding and funding.

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The idea was partly funded by Deception by Rockefeller and Ford Foundation.

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In the case of various East Legon, the involvement of the first British Organic Farming Chroma in setting the mandate and the core

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responsibility of the institute with regard to knowledge reduction likely determined its initial trajectory.

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The East Legon Lagos mission was to challenge what I'd either to consider African studies in the west city of Goma,

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the opening of the institute first and foremost. I would emphasise the need for a reinterpretation of our past.

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We need to recognise, frankly,

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that African studies in the form in which they have been developed in the universities and centres of learning in the West,

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have been largely influenced by the concept of old style colonial studies and still as true to some extent,

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remain under the shadow of colonial ideologies and mentality unquote.

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Nkrumah encouraged the study of African history. Culture, institutions,

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languages and the arts include new Africa centred ways in entirely different propositions and presuppositions of the colonial appeal,

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and from the distortions of those who continue to make European stories of Africa.

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The basis of the new assessment on court also we encouraged the study of Africa could in the widest possible sense,

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Africa in all of its complexity, diversity and its underlying unity.

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There are two important points here in relation to the study of Africa and the present with implications, of course, for the future.

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First Income I wanted it to be studied not as part of colonial science or area studies.

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The latter, which emerged as part of the National Security and Strategic Planning, as well as global surveillance in the Cold War era.

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Second, it wanted Africa to be approached in all of its dimensions, ensure that contemporary everything, including the study of North Africa.

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You wanted us to transcend the Arabic, French and English device and knowledge production in Africa.

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Therefore, he had argued for the inclusion in African studies of Africans in all parts of the world, including in the Americas in Europe.

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Initiate what he describes as Africans abroad thought.

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He called for a reimagining reinvention of our knowledge of Africa was produced, interpreted and circulated.

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However, the 1960s this mission did not. Include recruiting Western scholars to help in its implementation.

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So the universally feel to recruited WASPish Jack from Oxford, most learnt Bodkin also,

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I know, accept accepted evolution as a director this June 1962.

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Arkansas, the mission as one in which I would consider it,

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is to assist in the process of what he describes as African evolution by exposing a racist colonial myth,

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by building up quote systematically as comprehensive a body of source material as possible to disprove the and take

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the mission on the mission of the interpretation of the evidence and the wide dissemination of this interpretation.

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As Gene Allman recently noted, we wanted African Studies Centre that were,

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quote liberated as far as possible from conventional wisdom presuppositions.

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Nkrumah argued that it was in dissent as though it was possible to produce knowledge about Africa in which we could have confidence.

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It is therefore not surprising that W.E.B. Dubois became part of a much larger project alongside his investment in the Institute of African Studies.

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Nkrumah mobilised the to work on the Encyclopaedia Africana, which had been partially sabotaged by Escovedo,

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the man who is regarded as the founder of African studies in the US in the 1930s.

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It is interesting that the popular view is is beside the front of our custody in the United States was a deliberate

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attempt to obscure the story of Africa pioneered by African Americans in historically black colleges and universities.

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The HBCU, which preceded it period in which schools became the vanguard for the study of

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Africa and the formation of the African or the US African studies in 1957,

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the African American pioneers of African studies towards the laser focussed on Africa civilizational status,

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the continent as a whole and its Diaspora Connexions unquote. This started with New Hansberry,

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who imposed a coherent approach to the programme in African studies when he joined Howard University's history department in 1922.

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Despite the opposition, he Astbury started a series of courses on what he called Negro civilisations of Asia and Africa.

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Dubois later introduced the course on Issues Africa at Atlanta University in 1946,

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in what department correctly described as the reimagining of knowledge production of Africa globally and on African terms.

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Nkrumah, who had been trained at one of these vehicles that is Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, was a critical figure.

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This practise of often a leader today in the scholarship on Africa, in particular knowledge production in and about Africa in general.

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Indeed, as Omar points out, the December 1962 International Congress of Africa needs to Accra, Ghana,

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in which members of these two of African studies are dissected out of the Encyclopaedia Britannica,

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by which it brought together Africans from all parts of the world north, south, east and west.

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There were attempts, even at this point, to take over the control of this process from Africans as racial politics or knowledge production surfaced.

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These are successes so successfully resisted, as old man, as noted,

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and I quote the fact that the epistemic crisis was unfolding in an independent African nation.

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We took very seriously. The challenge of elevated African studies was not insignificant or could yet cause this

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seismic shift in the balance of power in the production of knowledge about Africa,

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which already by the likes of Escovedo, who insisted the expertise of Africa was located outside of the continent,

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did succeed for a few years as the African ization of African studies raised important questions about the mission of the postcolonial university.

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These questions, unfortunately, were to be Assad in disastrous ways from the mid 1960s and the post-Cold War era.

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What happened to African studies physically and production in general in Africa since the

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coming of one one-party are not Daichi realities of different hues is common knowledge.

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Whatever was left of the integrity of our education was exposed to the devastation

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wrought by the IMF and World Bank through its structure adjustment programmes,

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as implemented most with most African countries in the 1980s and early 1990s.

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One of the most devastating consequences of these was the hollowing out of the centres of the centres

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of knowledge production in most African countries and the subversion of the project of the 1960s.

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Do you imagine I reinvent how knowledge in and about Africa was reduced, interpreted as I believe it?

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This led to the displacement of a substantial part of Africa's intellectual formation from the continent to the West.

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While this may be a form of blessing to African studies in the West, but not in the United States, to which most of the African scholars emigrated.

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This attempt to foster a measure of intellectual rigidity in the continent's science sector, particularly from the 1980s,

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those despite the guarantee force of many that remain in the continent,

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it is impossible to understand reproduction by Africans in the contemporary without.

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If we're not knowledge production by Africans outside of Africa, it is therefore understandable that until the last few years,

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the most critical contestation of age manipulate production by Africans were happening in the global north more than in the continent.

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The RhodesMustFall movement and the famous movement, as well as the movement for the decolonisation of the curriculum,

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have since changed the face and feet of the struggle and production from within the continent,

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as well as outside of the continent, as as we witnessed the end of 43 years ago.

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In this context, it is important to note that Islamic countries constitute a specific experience because of

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its peculiar history when South Africa in from pertaining to multiracial democracy in 1994.

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Its leading universities struggled, struggled with the legacy of Bantu education and the attempt to reimagine or reposition African studies.

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The case of the University of Cape Town we have forgotten it to the U.S., is a movement that was recruited to help lead this initiative.

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Is this another example of the crisis of knowledge production in the post about that once?

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In 1997, Mandela was appointed the director of the Centre for African Studies used utility as he eloquently describes the crisis that led to his exit,

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which I would suggest was, of course, part of the backdrop for the current struggle to decolonise our education in South Africa.

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In particular,

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the path to stylisation of africana studies in the former whites only university meant that Mandela was initially hired as an advertisement,

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the mascot for the Centre for African Studies, unquote.

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This centre was,

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quote totally marginal to the real work of the university teaching and research on the key question the Mamdani race in South Africa in 1987,

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which is yet to be fully answered two decades later.

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How to teach Africa in a post about it But as there is a movement to decolonise the curriculum by the students in South Africa,

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armed forces have not given up despite the illusions of South African exceptionalism,

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such as the assumptions of South Africa's culture, economic and political similarities with the rest of Equatorial Africa.

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Now talk about African studies in the United States.

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I mention my experience with the Class one introduction of African studies as you add that the good

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thing about this was that the student who took the study of Africa seriously and who would therefore,

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you know, to other classes after the first year, eventually found that Africa was not about just lions and elephants and safari nine five.

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They found an Africa Africans whose social processes are as dissimilar as they are similar to the social processes in the United States.

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I'll give one example. One of the new classes that I designed I taught at UC Davis is the politics of life in Africa, we write.

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We have, since they can hear the objectives of the class was to present an overview of the quality of life in Africa,

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including how socio economic and political lives are constituted and the implications of this process for what Africans

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live with or know it and how they die and their struggles with ideas lives both within and outside of Africa.

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The glass usually started with the question from Bemba, which I find instructive and I quote it bamboo.

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If we want to reflect briefly on the borders of life and the drama of being and what it means to be alive today.

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Then we have to get out of the petrified systems and languages in which certain traditions or special things have been present.

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The African experience on court. I tried to encourage critical relations and cooperative thinking about life in Africa and beyond,

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including put new things in historical and social context relating to push of African social

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and lay theories about life in Africa to waste time theorising about life in the West.

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What I find most striking was that for the five years that I thought this glass half of the time for discussion

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was often devoted to the reality of life in the United States and other places where we are most today,

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so emigrated there.

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There are, of course, major differences, positive differences, you know, but these differences do not define our common humanity.

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Rather, they have historical, geographical and social expertise, and I give them both specific and general forms.

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Those cross-cultural comparison between Africa and United States are not defined within the context or the politics of life by only dissimilarities.

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Despite a wide disparity in the quality of life index.

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Indeed, as I regularly pointed out in decline, Botswana's infant mortality rate was comparable to that of Mississippi.

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The lesson is that another country is not fundamentally dissimilar to one of these two really

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important states in the United States in the structural and social conditions that affect life.

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Though Bush one is one of the best cases in Africa and Mississippi, obviously the worst case in the United States.

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There are some historical, structural, political and physiological reasons that can be used to.

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And similarities. One of the key texts in my radar class,

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which was an African modernity and globalisation itself every time was important to our colonialism pre-emptive modernity in Africa,

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where he argues for the singularity of the Enlightenment project. I reject any claim that the Enlightenment is not a common narrative that shows

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that colonialism was not an extension of the Enlightenment by subversion of it,

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though based on enlightenment, pretensions, colonialism thought would use pre-emptive modernity,

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which missionary Christianity had implanted in Africa.

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He therefore perceived that to understand the trajectory of modernity in Africa, we need to disentangle modernity and colonialism.

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Those in thinking about modernity the missionaries should be regarded as revolutionary while the colonial administrators were the reactionaries.

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I use these examples to illustrate some of the limitations used in the teaching of African studies in the United States,

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largely due to the massive increase in the number of African studies now teaching about Africa in North America.

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It's really suggestive of the role of the new African diaspora in teaching in Africa, in the United States.

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Of course, in which it operates with by lingering prejudice and persisting ignorance.

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The fact that more Africans are now teaching about Africa and United as not only ensure diversity that's helped in raising questions about the

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nature of knowledge production in ways that has expanded in ways that have expanded your raising of student study in Africa and the United States.

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In some cases, and this is the America,

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the new African diaspora are also able to point attention to the conveniently forgotten history of African studies in the United States.

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While Escovedo has come to be regarded as one of America's oldest in the US,

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the larger process of advertising African authority departments or programmers at times or

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whatever they are called in the United States affords us the opportunity to intervene.

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And you write this history as both styles as brilliantly drawn by reminding us

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that Africans started to notice this was actually pioneered by African Americans,

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while indeed Africa studies did not start in Africa.

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In its fourth iteration, it was indeed a study of Africa's past, present and future and of Africans by displaced Africans.

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Those it included a vision of what I call Global Africa, in which people of African descent all over the world were incorporated.

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However, as we out, it became the story of Africa, not of Africans.

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As my has argued, African studies of the Escovedo tradition, which became the mid-1990s,

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which in a way followed the tradition in Europe, developed in the context of colonialism, the Cold War and apartheid.

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This period, Mamdani argues, could shift the organisation of social science social studies into Western academic.

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The key division was between the discipline and area studies. The disciplines studied the white experience as a universal human experience.

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An area study studied the experience of people of colour as an ethnic experience.

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This was partly why Kumar wanted to take Africa out of the ghetto of India studies to make it

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a foundation for knowledge production that related to the rest of the world on equal terms.

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One that locate itself in global history as part of what it did because an income,

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one that is part of a common humanity and everything looked alike with us in a different region of one world.

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No doubt these opposition to the ghettoisation of Afrikaans radio one that dissimilarities Africa

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as just an area continues to excite the mind of those who want to control African studies.

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It was evident Phillip de Cotton,

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who saw the growing number of Afrikaans teaching in Africa history in the United States as a mathema and therefore the rising of African history.

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So intellectual dunkaroos was raised in the African community in the 80s, when the American historian that is Gordon wrote in 1919.

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In 1985, issue of the Chronicle of Higher Education that the new economy of hiring scholars of African descent to teach

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Africa history was a form of intellectual apathy because he believed that white historians were not be hired,

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thus leading to declining standards. The reaction is to put cotton in a way can be read as an attempt to take the area out of the area of

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African studies and globalising things in the larger debates on the politics of knowledge production.

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Yet the area of Afrikaans already has survived in the United States and of course, in Europe.

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However, there are reasons there isn't recent average for efforts to globalise African studies,

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which has led to moving African studies from areas to which is the done to global studies in some universities.

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Incidentally, he writes Global Land Area in, but that's another story.

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The mission of the history of African studies in Columbia University is a good example of a new approach to African studies.

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While recognising specificity as grounded in a region of the world, which is particularities including, quote, a unique set of.

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These experiences acknowledges the institute is eager to fully embrace after casting session historically in the present and future in the world,

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but not as if quantitative lack as evident in the popular imagination and the way oh, I see continuity in the clutches of the past and tradition.

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The make up rule of Columbia Institute of African Studies as its director Mahmoud Mahmoud, would you articulate?

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It is good to understand Africa in a global context and to a certain African

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experience in the discussion of globalisation and global issues on court doors.

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Their mission is Africa in the world, the world in Africa.

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That is the overriding theme in navigating the global storm.

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This positioning places Africa at the centre of the long jury using quote entire across these united

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discussions and debates in new ways that challenge this assumption and move the field in new,

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exciting directions. Though some scholars have noted that global studies create a lengthy list of diplomatic dilemmas for area studies,

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programme in general and African studies in particular,

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I'm not suggesting merely the study of Africa as part of global studies body foregrounding of global African studies.

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This will mean the transformation of pedagogy, including the transformation of how issues concerning Africa and its globally to its

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multi dimensionality and multispecialty are pushed in the final part of this talk.

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I will elaborate briefly on how this new vista can be beneficial in thinking about the future of African studies in the UK.

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What I want to do in this section is to push for some of the issues already raised as possible pathways for the future of African studies in the UK.

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I wish to draw out what I consider as the key questions that arise from these in the

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light of the existing challenges in the history of African studies in Africa and the UK,

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in the US and in Europe. I will do so against the backdrop of policy.

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Let us try to Africa. So it is a group that African studies in Europe remain by and large the study of the colonial and post-colonial,

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or that one of the most articulate analysis of the dynamics or custody in Europe and Africa is

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by Gore lost in his 2005 plenary lecture at the European Council of these conference in London.

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I would argue that a key question that lost they raised more than one decade ago can be a departure point for thinking,

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rethinking and reorienting African studies in the UK from the standpoint of what has been called global Africa.

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And this is the question I raised. How far might our analyses of African societies,

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economies and polities be better adapted to exploring and how far Africa indigency might combat local and global structures of inequality,

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injustice and misrule? Three phrases are critical for me here.

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These are African societies, economies and polities, African agency and then global structures.

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I think these crises can be explored in light of the mission of these two of African stories, as articulated by Nkrumah more than five decades ago.

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I would like to argue that we cannot adequately address the 21st century challenges inherent in

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this question without first approaching Africa in a global perspective that is global Africa,

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both historically and in the present. As Nkrumah long ago insisted, we can do this by two could due to the Caribbean philosophical position,

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shifting the geography of reason for African studies centre US and African studies in the UK.

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Should we interrogate what's constituted African societies, economies and polities,

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they have to be reimagined not only for the conventional continent allocation of Africans in Africa,

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but globally sub-Saharan Africa, as it is often, but also from their dislocation relocations in all parts of the world.

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Dubois like if you are that of his generation and of course, the lesson here,

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try to understand and situate Africa into worldly representations and recognition

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to affirm Africa's presence that was both unique and equal to others.

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Against this backdrop, the African diaspora to become a central part of Africa through this curriculum is impossible

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to imagine Jewish studies that ignores the Jewish diaspora on the adequacy of global Africa.

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You've recently argued the African American, Caribbean and Latin American Indian Ocean,

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as well as North African libraries, should no longer be treated as extraneous to core African studies.

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I must note here that success African stories notably reject the division between sub-Saharan Africa and North Africa.

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In contrast, in Oxford University, Sudan studies on the Middle East Centre, like other North African countries,

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even one more privileged to be part of the economic community of West African states.

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I simply must read the study of AFRICOM was the approach I quoted.

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Began the widest possible South Africa in all of its complexity, diversity and its underlying unity.

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Or what that means is it long described as the totality of the flat world.

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Second, when we reimagine whatever comes as a global phenomenon that is to editorialise as well as Dieterich

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to realise how we study after for candidates yesterday in both qualitatively or quantitatively

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to go back to shifting the geography of reason why the French and the American revolutions have been

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the two pivots on which eighteenth century democratic revolution has been theorised and taught.

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Changing our approach means that we are more strategic in major contributions of Africa, and he gives it to global democratic history.

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From the departure point of the revolution, the first black revolution in the modern world with global implications.

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Those are ideals must include work of R. C. R. James, Paul Gilroy, Michelle Trudeau,

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Sybil Fisher, David Cole, Suzanne Moore and the rest and also their African contemporaries,

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including, of course, Latino based leaders in critical black women, the settlers in dominant West and history about the Asian Revolution.

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As it said in the trunk root of 18th century revolutions,

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that redefined modernity can be best corrected not only by treating it as part of Caribbean history,

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but as a core curriculum in global African studies.

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As Paul Detroit as argued, we need to show students quote that the experiences of black people were part of the abstract modernity unquote.

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I show, and I quote,

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became evidence of some of the themes that black intellectuals have said about the essays of Embeddedness in the modern world, unquote.

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When you said in 1963 that Africans request this in the process of African Revolution,

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you should have added that dismal start by recognising that the first major African revolution in the modern world, which is the Asia revolution.

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The third is global processes. A lot has been written about globalisation in Africa, in Africa and globally.

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However, beyond the debates on Africa's present challenges and opportunities within globalisation is the

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recognition that Africa was not remotely global in the dawn at the dawn of the 21st century.

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It has been truly global, at least since the 17th century, when it became central to the international trade system.

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Despite the ravages of history, though, we have a duty not only to study how global processes affect Africa,

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but also how Africa affects global processes. Beyond these are the need to directly rethink and expand the curriculum.

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Novelistic and more than a decade ago, that African story starts in great need of economist and economic historian

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who might understand our the hidden mysteries of globalisation affect Africa,

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unquote. No doubt, economic historians have made great contributions to mainstream African studies,

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and a great example of this is positive as I what we need in modern economic history of Africa.

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However, economics are still a reality in most African studies centres in some places,

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00:43:35,890 --> 00:43:41,980
as if not for said that for African economies, he separate and separate from Central African studies.

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Finally, to return to the critical issues raised by Taiwo in his recent piece,

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where he identified sedate anxiety as a phenomenon that is quote 14 African intellectuals,

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Africans as well African scholars chicken about Africa within and outside the continent must abandon

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their conscious and unconscious embrace of what I would describe as the ideological history of the West,

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which I find quote inhuman inheritance into a local western patrimony and which, you know,

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leads scholars into what you describe as an anxiety about Africa's place in the world.

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Tavernier encourages African, East African and African scholars, as well as students of Africa,

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to quote abandon any racism inflected metaphysics of difference that takes Africa out of the enormous acute or human doing and think of could.

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This is because, as you said, Africa's problem African problems are contingent iterations of human problems.

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00:44:40,150 --> 00:44:45,070
Africa is not a difference. It is neither too dissimilar from the rest of the world.

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Nor is it constituted as an essential dissimilar problem in global history and in the contemporary era.

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Thus, it shouldn't be studied should it be still studies, I conclude now.

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I do not intend to understate the huge challenges confronted by African states,

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as reflected in the poor state of high education in many parts of Africa.

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Indeed, I would suggest that the challenges of African studies everywhere are in part

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a reflection of the structural and order deficiencies of the African schools.

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Therefore, I do not in any way wish to suggest that external reduced access exclusively account for the problems of African studies.

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In fact, one global African studies must do is to take as much cognisance of external factors,

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00:45:25,990 --> 00:45:31,060
such as Africa's inception in such an indie trajectory and career of global capitalism,

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as much as focussed on dynamics that in turn out of the African world and how these dynamics condition and condition by.

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External relations and global context. Yet African studies must transcend what I would describe the pathologies,

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what I describe as pathologies of what that or that is or what I would describe as opposed to data resides in 1955.

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Is a route that good people who write the history of the world civilisation without devoting a single chapter to Africa.

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I see if Africa has made no contribution to the world or good. We can no longer continue with the dominant tradition,

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which assumes that Global Africa has contributed nothing to the work of the universal, as in describes it.

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Thus, the fundamental basis of African global African studies must be the central role of

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Africa in understanding and accounting for our common humanity and desirable goals.

448
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So he must be committed to sanctity of life, justice, equity, equality and democracy.

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We should give value to the fact that there is nothing about Africa that is outside of our common humanity and sharibu, past, present and future.

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By so doing, we can raise the profile of African studies as a field of knowledge production

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and as an entry point into a project of intellectual about the human condition.

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I thank you.