But still, the videos of Nick. I'm just going to do as well. And the media is now being recorded.
So, David, I'm handing it to you. No, that's a game. Thanks, Danica.
I hope I can see it. Does say I take control. Should I try and take control?
Well, let let me try it. Yeah. Okay.
Take control. Does that mean I can now control it.
Oh I can. Can I. Well yes.
Well what can you say. Not at all. I can, I can see you and I can see your slides.
It's as if we planned it this way. It was very carefully thought through.
So on that note, let me welcome you all to the seminar.
And let me welcome Tim Allen today, as you will now.
I'm sure Tim is a professor of anthropology at the Department of International Development at the NSC.
He's also the inaugural director of the Ferro's Loungy for Africa, that Tim's carried out long term field research in many African countries,
particularly in East Africa, and writes prolifically across a range of fields from poverty and development,
conflict and humanitarianism and emergencies and disease.
And you will, of course, have encountered his publications, Trial Justice,
the International Criminal Court and the Lord's Resistance Army and more recently, the Lord's Resistance Army.
Myth and reality was couldn't than root amongst many other publications.
Tim's scholarship then has a particular focus on Uganda, and he's along.
He has a Long-Standing interest in the history of knowledge about those groups of people living on the Sudan Uganda border, like the actually.
Which brings us to today's talk and to what we originally discussed as a book launch for the winos people.
The attorney of Uganda, which, as I'm sure he'll go on to explain, is a reprinting of things by the International African Institute.
And it's lovely to see many of the publications committee here in their classics of African anthropology,
series of theses and other works by Crop PAETEC and Frank Gerling.
So without further ado, let me hand over it's Tim who is speaking today to the title.
Colonial Encounters in Attorney Land and Oxford, The Anthropology of F K, Gerling and Protech.
You're very welcome. Thank you very much. Thanks very much for asking me.
Just so I know before I start. How long shall I speak for?
About an hour. A bit less. Something like that, I guess, when I would be up to an hour.
We've had fabulous things. OK, super.
Well, I thought I would talk about these two anthropologists, but also kind of set them in a slightly wider context.
And as David has mentioned, I worked in this part of Africa for quite a long time.
I initially was a man. My first experience with this area was working as a teacher.
In fact, you know, in a school just across the border in what is now South Sudan,
India, Chile area of South Sudan is my first experience of the journey people.
This is a part of Africa that has had.
A horrendous history.
When I was first working there in the 1980s, it the situation in in in in Uganda had been affected by the whole series of upheavals.
And in fact, when I went back to try and start writing a page thesis in in the mid 1980s, I had hoped to go and work amongst the attorney people.
But in the end, because of the security situation on the Ugandan side of the border, had to do my APHC on the Mardie.
But nevertheless,
I continued to whenever I could go across on my motorbike into the areas that are red on this map and and visit parts of a churney area.
And for those of you who are unfamiliar with what happened, the current could, I would say current violence.
But I mean, it's now it's now abated to a very considerable degree.
The violence that occurred from the not from the mid to late nineteen eighties
onwards was associated with President Museveni seising power in Kampala in 1986.
Now, M7 is folks have been relatively well disciplined while fighting in the south of the country.
But as they move north and encountered veterans from previous Ugandan armies,
I think it's fair to say that the discipline of the national resistance movement,
Liston's army broke down to some extent and atrocities against civilians, as well as the mobilisation of the form of veterans,
led to a guerrilla war which has persisted in different forms for a very long time.
Initially, it was a fairly conventional kind of war. But then during 1996,
something remarkable happened that large numbers of people covered in oil walked towards the
National Resistance Army installations and often naked singing hymns and throwing rocks,
which people say turned into grenades. They appeared to be totally terrifying, and many of the 70s, young soldiers ran away.
Now that movement was led by a woman known as Alice Omar Laquinta, the messenger,
and she had become possessed by spirits and led them in a crusade against Museveni.
Eventually, she was her forces were pinned down to these the ginger.
I remember I was in Ginger at the time and Ugandan army surrounded them and they largely wiped them out,
though unless unnice Looma the message Laquinta escaped into Kenya.
However, a relative of hers continued the struggle in the north, and his name was Joseph Kony.
McNees Lord's Resistance Army has been one of the most persistent terrorist organisations operating in Africa,
and terrorism seems to be a reasonable term because Coney's forces did truly,
astonishingly awful things to people to create the maximum terrain effects.
For many, many years, these appalling upheavals in northern Uganda went largely unnoticed by most people.
It was very difficult to get anybody to take any interest in it.
Of course, because President Museveni of Uganda became something of a darling of the international aid world.
70S government was the first government to receive large scale debt cancellation from the World Bank.
The United Kingdom,
the United States poured aid resources into Uganda and so the conflict in the north was largely out of the gaze of the international community.
Though some of us who went there from time to time were deeply shocked to see what was occurring.
Things began to change when Jan Egeland visited the region in November 2003 and was astonished by what he saw.
He described it as a moral outrage, and that scrutiny from an undersecretary undersecretary general of the United Nations began to change things.
A group of American graduates visited the area a very young time and made a rather sensational film called Invisible Children.
In a follow up film some years later called Kony 2012, which has had a massive impact,
had a massive impact, increasing interest in this region and what was going on.
I mean, much of what they presented in the film was highly inaccurate, but nevertheless,
it was one of the most successful campaigns and advocacy campaigns ever launched.
Still, it's still incredible to think of the effect that that film had to millions of people who became mobilised, particularly in the United States.
And what they were describing was the situation that it emerged in northern Uganda as a
consequence of the LRAD attacks and of the Ugandan government's anti insurgency operations.
This is a photograph taken in 2004. I think it was of children coming into Gulu town at night to try to escape abduction by the NRA.
Vast numbers of them would sleep in the porches of the houses or in the Mission Hospital that show most of the
population was herded into internal displacement camps and then returning to these places and spending time there.
From 2004, these places that had lived in the 1980s and early 90s, it was it was a really quite harrowing experience for me personally.
I could remember living in a Jody villages and in the church, children would come and jump up,
jump all over me when I was riding my field notes and say, what are you doing while you're sitting still in the video?
This is a very sad and dynamic society where people don't sit quietly.
It's a very social society. And to see people herded into the settlements at the peak,
probably close to two million people herded into these kinds of settlements with a with a truly disturbing thing to see.
I mean, those counts were so closely packed when there was a fire.
You had a situation like this in huge numbers of people burned to death in their in their houses.
There was almost no sanitation. Mr. Awesome pit latrines. There were pit trains at this particular camp.
But whenever it rained, it overflowed near the pigs here eating human excrement.
This is a camp that I visited in 2004, MSF at work there.
At that time, it found a crude mortality rate of 10 per 10000 per day.
I mean, that's that's truly amazing when you think of it.
That's the kind of rate of the kind of mortality rate you'd expect to see in a very serious famine situation.
Now, these eight age at these camps were supplied by aid agencies, in fact,
initially the cancer to some extent been constructed with support from international aid agencies
because the aid agencies wanted to provide food near people's homes rather than in the towns.
And so people were forced out of the towns, into places near their rural homes.
But then when they were there, forced into these displacement camps, food was distributed like this.
And then at night time, the NRA would come in to collect their share.
And for a young man like this one in the middle here name is Sunday, quite a well-known figure eventually.
This photograph taken soon after he was abducted from his home by the Lord's Resistance Army and given his first automatic rifle,
eventually moving up the ranks in the NRA to become a captain in the sun.
Like many others who were taken from those camps where life was truly horrific,
the bush was a place of fear and a place where moral norms were turned upside down.
But also a place of opportunity. And thousands of young people were taken by the NRA, many of them never to be seen again.
Something like 30000 children have eventually returned.
And for a young man like that. Being in the NRA, unlike being in the camps, made it possible to get married and have a family.
Mean marriage was marriage by capture. These women were also adopted and given to commanders.
They were. I think we would have to say. Right. According to.
Normal criteria. But marriage by capture is something that has existed for a long time in this region.
And it's striking that some of the women who were taken by no means all, of course,
embraced life with the NRA and still talk about it with a considerable degree.
Ultimate soldier. But one shouldn't underestimate in any way how horrific NRA attacks were.
This is a picture of the NRA at the time, Hillary combattants at the time of the peace negotiations.
And I made a small window that I went and I won't blow it up.
That's one of the last LRR attacks back at camp in May 2004,
where the NRA took 20 women with their babies on their back out of the camp, lined them in the grass,
line them up in the grass and smashed their brains in to create terror and to force people to remain in the camps and to to sustain
the levels of insecurity that went on pretty much consistently until around 2006 when the NRA was drawn into peace negotiations.
Here's one of the children returning from the NRA being invited to draw pictures of the attacks that she was involved in.
Now, partly because of all the interest from the United Nations and UNHCR and NGOs from the from 2004 onwards, 2003, 2004.
Suddenly, there was all sorts of interest in how this terrible situation could be could be dealt with.
Trying to negotiate with the NRA seemed extremely difficult. But many activists, many Jolie activists, but particularly many international NGOs,
became very interested in the possibility of a Scholey ways of healing or actually ways of reconciling populations.
And one particular ritual became a focus of considerable attention not to put the drinking of a bitter root,
eating of a love of a sheep together so that the victims and the perpetrators would come to some sort of reconciliation.
Now I'm showing you this picture to give you an idea of what this was like in 2004, 2005, when aid agencies were focussed on these issues.
And I've written at length on a charity rituals and how they were co-opted into these processes
and what the rituals actually meant and what international agencies thought they might mean.
But I'm showing you this because in trying to come to terms with what has happened in northern Uganda,
there's been a huge amount of emphasis on some kind of more positive path,
some kind of peaceful existence in the past before all these upheavals occurred and a considerable degree of romanticisation.
And if you like, intervention of tradition with aid agency funding.
The Paramount chief of the charity was established for the first time and a council of roady anointed ritual chiefs and lieutenants were made to
create some sort of system whereby a charity people could become involved in some sort of reconciliation process built upon ideas from the past.
One of the things that was very striking about this, as an anthropologist who'd worked on this area for a long time,
was the degree to which that passed bore almost no relationship to the world that I'd observed in the 1980s,
but also didn't draw upon any of the existing literature. It was almost as though that literature didn't exist at the time this photograph was taken.
There was a project going on being funded through the Catholic Church, actually based at one of the missions in Gulu area in northern Uganda.
Now, the big missions and the people who were working there were collecting Chota rituals so that they could be
codified into some kind of booklet on a Toli customs that might become part of Anatoliy reconciliation process.
And they were completely unaware that Father Crap's Alora had been based at this site at,
say, mission in the 1940s and 50s and had written a three book volume book called The World,
which dealt with of these people in one volume book, which actually you wrote about all these rituals as they were at that time.
It was complete that the people working them, including research, it's turning up or working at this time,
seemed to have no awareness at all that there had been any previous research done in this part of Uganda.
And so that takes us back in time. Frank Gerling wrote an ethnography of the actually people based upon fieldwork in the late 1940s.
Book was published rather bizarrely. It was eventually published by Her Majesty's stationery office.
I didn't find anybody in northern Uganda and the only in E.coli in northern Uganda who was aware of that book.
And even some of the researchers who visited it seemed completely oblivious to it.
When I mentioned it to them, some of them, particularly some of the some of some of those coming from the United States,
were a bit upset that there was this previous ethnography that perhaps they
ought to have read before they'd come out to start doing their own fieldwork.
One of the problems with the HIMSS, the Hamas is basically off its version of the book, it is actually quite hard to read.
The print is very small, but it is quite intriguing.
It was quite intriguing to me why Frank Golding's book had been printed in such a strange way,
but also was so, so poorly distributed, so few people had ever seen it also.
But I asked Peter Worthley about it some years ago and asked me if he'd knew if he'd done Frank Gerling when he was a Cambridge.
He said yes, he knew Frank very well. And he told me that that Frank had been persecuted because of his political views.
And so I became rather interested in what had happened to Frank Girdling and why his book had been set to one side.
I didn't have a chance to actually speak to him on the telephone. Not so long before he died.
But by that point, he was maybe a little bit confused about what had happened.
And also perhaps his memories of northern Uganda had become well poisoned by experience that had occurred subsequently.
But here's a picture of Frank Gerling. At the time when he went to northern Uganda, Gerling had been a activist in the 1930s and had.
Spanish Civil War as a Marxist.
So that was that was the underlying history to his problems.
He was a veteran of the Spanish Civil War when when the Second World War broke out and the Second World War, he was in the Indian army.
And that history made him rather different to other British anthropologists who went out to Africa after the Second World War.
After the Second World War, he, like many others, many other demobilised soldiers, studied a degree.
That's where he met Peter Worthley and Jack Goodey there on the left.
And he he did a degree at Cambridge in anthropology and he is interested.
It was interesting talking to Peter Worthley about it before he died.
And he remembered Frank very well, not least because Frank was married to Elizabeth.
They had marriage in the 1930s and Elizabeth had also been involved in the Spanish Civil War.
In fact,
they had a bit of a bomb that almost killed them when they were hiding under a table when they were being bombed by Saddam it and in his planes.
So this rather interesting history in the military with an important aspect of Gerling relationships with others who had recently been demobilised.
But Gerling with a bit set apart from the others. I mean, Peter was he said that he seemed to be maturer partly because he was married.
But he did also say that Gerling was rather good at playing with the artefacts in the ethnography
museum and he would take the spears' out into the quadrangle and hold them over the top of the wall.
Fortunately, not killing any cyclist on the other side.
Gerling Then when he was at Cambridge, he he was pretty disparaging about the experience he'd had at Cambridge.
But he said that there was one something that Peter Worthley said as well.
There one particular lecturer who was really astonishingly good compared with all the others.
And that was Evans-Pritchard who visited from Oxford.
And so when Gerling graduated, he applied to do a doctoral dissertation with Evans-Pritchard in Oxford,
and Evans-Pritchard was his pigsties supervisor.
So Gerling then was one of the first postgraduates funded by the Colonial Sexual Science Research Council in nineteen forty seven.
And he, after some discussion with Evans-Pritchard and with with Max Gluckman, actually he decided to focus on the actually people of northern Uganda.
They arrived in northern Uganda in the late 1940s and he actually arrived in 48 and Elizabeth joined him some months later.
This is a picture of northern Uganda. Good. Good that at that time.
Well, of course, it was the basis of the protectorate administration in that part of the country.
One of the qualities of Gerling work, which sets it apart from others who were writing at that time,
was that he was very focussed on social changes going on.
I mean, as a as a Marxist, he was very interested in history,
very interested in trying to understand the past of this region in relation to what he was observing in the present,
but also commenting on the changes that were occurring in this kind of late period of protect to rule.
So the photographs, for example, in his book present people wearing European clothes,
and he comments on the effects of education and the the changing nature of a child in society.
In fact, in some ways, it's his thesis is as much sociological as it is anthropological.
And he collected a huge amount of statistical data, which is presented in the thesis and was eventually reprinted in in in the book.
He also has in the thesis a considerable amount of historical discussion.
He was sceptical about oral history,
but very interested in seeing how oral historians wrote about the past in relation to what he could find out from other sources.
So the thesis.
It's a little bit like some of the UN, unlike some of the others that were produced at the time, in that it has a strong historical focus.
It has lots of statistics in it and it focuses on processes of change.
But Gerling got into problems in Uganda.
He had met Ramakrishna McCredie when he was at Cambridge and he invited his Indian friend to come to visit him in northern Uganda.
I think the the prospect of an Indian Marxist with Gerling travelling around all over northern
Uganda potentially stirring up trouble was a bit too much for the protectorate authorities,
although they didn't speak to him openly about it.
It appears that m i five or post people does become M I six became involved in in observing his activities.
And after some 10 months of being in northern Uganda, Gerling was basically expelled.
And so his thesis probably reason perhaps why he has so much history in his thesis.
And he draws on all the other sources that he can find that was was constrained by the amount of fieldwork that he could do.
And this relationship with Ramakrishna remained pretty close.
Tim, you have muted yourself. Sorry, Tim, your muted so began to hear you.
You have to unmuted a set of. Nobody can tell you.
One sec. I'm trying to on my own to. I count on you to read, you'll have to you'll have to do it.
Yes. No, nobody can hear. You should be at the top right of your team.
The mute thing is next to the lead button, next to the Cher. There's a there's a mike saying that you need to press.
He's actually gone off line. I guess I guess we just wait for them to be the.
I can still see that you're there, Tim. It's just that your your muted perhaps Helen has a.
An answer to this particular photo. But the problem might be the screen sharing.
Preventing him from seeing. The mute button.
So if you exit the screen chair, it might be possible. I'll take control back of the presentation.
Does that helped him? Interesting.
I'm not unable to. I'm not able to meet him. Unfortunate, I think it might be nice to go out and in again.
To do that, Tim. I think that that might be the best option for you to leave and then rejoin, just as you did previously.
By clicking on the meeting in the app. David, you might want to stop sharing.
Because you might need to restart sharing comes back. OK.
Letterman, my back. Yes, we can hear.
We can hear you. Yeah. And I thought, oh, my thing.
It had nothing about muting or anything. No, we're sorry.
Yeah. So it wasn't what that was. All right. You're still able to control the presentation.
Let me see if Troll's takes control then.
Yeah, go ahead. Thanks, guys. All right. Just wait.
Where are we time wise? Okay. All right. So I go on till about. I don't know how long.
How much longer she'll let me be. We've got lots of delays in all this, but mean like and we all want to really hear about the tech as well.
All right. I'm going to call very soon. Yes. OK. OK.
All right. So let me let me let me try to move over Gerling of it a bit quicker now.
So Ramakrishna remain friends with Gerling after he went back to the U.K., but he too had lots of problems.
In in Britain I'm one of the things is that Teddy bear in mind is that at the
time when Gerling and Ramakrishna were at Cambridge in the nineteen forties,
the Cold War hadn't really begun. But by the time Gerling went out to Uganda, it had begun in earnest.
And during the 1950s, needed for them to get jobs in anthropology departments.
Eventually, Gary was able to complete his thesis.
But he felt that it was largely kind of constrained by the conditions in which he was working,
and his relationship with Evans-Pritchard became quite tense.
So there Evans-Pritchard did in the end, support him to complete his thesis.
Later on, though, Gerling, reflecting back at that time, talked about the way that he got a job in the sociology department in the end.
He talks about how unhappy he was with the publication, partly because the colonial office demanded edits and not to publish certain sections.
But we'll see. And he'd come to view the kind of functionalism which he associated with it as being a kind of not an aspect of colonial relationships.
And so he became a sort of he became interested in Marxist anthropology, but was primarily focussed on sort of sociological work,
mainly in the U.K. in his later in his later life became an student activist.
Let me push on here. Is it working? Yeah.
OK, so just give some examples of what was taken out of his book.
Getting describes a centralised and all powerful British administration.
He describes the social life of the district officer. He talks about this golf course in Gulu town, the swimming baths.
And he talks about the club where his Indian friend wasn't really supposed to go.
And, you know, he talks about the kind of beauty of racism that he encountered amongst most of the British administrators at the time.
Some of you who had quite absurd ideas about African mentalities.
It also makes the point that the most of the British administrators he came across very much like the Scholey,
who were not educated and were not wearing clothes because they say they didn't like half civilised Africa.
So they're quite strong criticism. So you can kind of see why the colonial office wanted them, wanted them taken out of the theist faces.
I'll skip over this,
and Gerling in the 70s was writing about how to cut the anthropology that was taught in art that seemed so out of sync with the politics,
the political realities of the time and what's happened subsequently. And, you know, writing in the 70s, he talks about how many.
So apologists have become involved in the revolutionary standpoint.
I don't know how many, but, you know, it's a he was writing it at a moment when he thought that that was the way things were moving.
He he, um, he had a long life, of course. And he was aware of what happened in the CHIRLA area after his his visit.
But he he he never really re-engage with his work on the H.O. Lee.
I think those of you who have a chance to read the book would be really surprised, actually, at how good it is.
And when you compare it to other studies from that period,
from looking at Middleton and Saddle's work, I think it you know, it has stood the test of time.
It is a his. His thesis was written at a particular moment.
But even at that time, he was breaking down the boundaries of the anthropological present and was trying to sort of move
to a different way of thinking about the colonial experiences in in in in in Africa at the time.
So I do hope people do have a chance to have a look at it and use its newly published form.
It's much more readable than in its earlier form and the bits that were taken out by the colonial office.
I put that in. But let me now move to this. Now I'm going to do something really problematic.
I will may be problematic. I don't know. I'm going to try and play this YouTube clip.
Will that be possible? Let's see. Maybe that's pushing everything to the two for.
No, not working, is it? OK, so I was going to pay you a YouTube clip of the bear for the birth of cranes in England in 1956.
Fifty. So the barefoot cranes in Uganda visited England in 1956 and played a series of games.
Their first one was against Watford. If I think it was and they lost 10, 11 and they played bare feet in that game in the march.
So it's hardly surprising that they lost. But they got better.
They arrived on the twenty third of August and they left on the 5th of October after playing eleven games.
Almost all the players played barefoot except when it got really muddy.
And as I say, they did get better. And on the twenty sixth of September, they defeated the United Kingdom Olympic football team.
They also be lead, actually. So they're a famous football team.
And I interviewed the last surviving member of them a couple of years ago.
They also had a member who member of the team who by September had absconded.
He didn't play in that match and his name was a coal attack.
A cop attack had been at school at the time when Gerling was writing his thesis in the
at the end of the nineteen forties early and they began to nineteen nineteen fifties.
And he did read Gerling stiches when he was in Oxford.
He was a school teacher. He hadn't done a degree, but he was a very good footballer and a very good dancer.
And he got a job. He got a job teaching in a school, but he also played football and he was in that football team that came to England in 1956.
Once he got to England, he looked for ways of going back to university.
And he managed to talk his way into a postgraduate course in Bristol.
He was actually taught by Wendy James's dad. And from that position, he managed to talk his way into a law degree in Aberystwyth.
The court said he he studied law because Milton Botha, the first head of state in Uganda who'd actually been at school with him,
had studied law and he wanted to show ability that anybody could do it.
And so he went to Aberystwyth and studied law. And then he worked for a while at the in The Hague at the International Court of Justice,
but decided it wasn't for him and that he wanted to study anthropology.
Already by that time, he was beginning to publish poetry and he'd written well,
I went back Halloween Otey actually language version of what later became Song of Luigino,
but he turned up in Oxford and and and wrote about the customs of the HlV people for his to his village.
This is a picture of dancers at Gulu in actually at the place that Evans-Pritchard at the time,
a cop attack nearby where a cop attack, copycat ran cultural events when he became very involved in these sorts of processes.
And later in life, after he left Oxford, he actually became head of the Ugandan Cultural Centre in Kampala.
While he was Oxford, he was writing some of Luigino and it was eventually published in English and it had a huge impact.
I mean, it was a book that a poet may still is one of the most important pieces of Africa.
Creative writing is rather scathing about education in Luigino, an African woman,
USIE explaining how her husband appears to have been effectively castrated by his education.
And he's rather scathing about the effects of education, perhaps reflecting on some of his experiences in Oxford.
But he's also scathing about what happened with respect to independence.
And some of the latter parts of the poem become almost apocalyptic in their ways of describing the betrayal of independence,
the betrayal of who he was at various points in the in the poem describes doesn't say their names,
but describes certain individuals, one of whom was actually Idi Amin.
The dangerous army commander, which is one of the reasons why he had to effectively become an exile from from from Uganda.
Idi Amin tried to kill him more than once. But a court is also well-known for his in certain circles, for his essays, for his.
His critical essays, his books, his non poetry bullets have become quite difficult to get hold of.
These are perhaps the two best known of his longer writings, the religion of the central low world and the African regions and Western scholarship,
both of which are associated with his studying of anthropology in Oxford and also his views about the experience of of of
having encountered analysis of of religions from anthropologists in in the United Kingdom in the in the nineteen sixties,
fifties and sixties, when when those books were published, Dayton Sato referred to the religion at the Central Low.
In this way, he said. Here is the beginning of the presentation of African culture by Africans for Africans as well as for the
world of foreign scholarship without apology or dissimulation for which we have been waiting so long.
An album is really writing about African region. Western Scholarship said he surely is Africans indignation at its most eloquent in in that book.
A cottage is pretty scathing about anthropology. He actually ask, is there a place for social anthropology in an African university?
In my opinion. The answer is no. The Department of Social Anthropology and African Universities.
What campaigning grounds for Western art, topologies, African universities can ill afford to maintain these bases.
Africans have no interest in and cannot indulge in perpetuating the myth of the primitive.
So in many ways, African religion in Western scholarship is an assault on anthropology and also on
the way in which Christian theor theologians have tried to co-opt African values,
African ways of thinking about religion into kind of neo Christian or proto Christian ways of thinking.
I also want to mention this other piece, that essay that a court wrote.
He actually wrote this in nineteen sixty four.
But it's been republished in different places subsequently, and it is also contained in this republication of a cartoon.
And I'm going to work this essay on a charity, Love.
And I mentioned this because this essay highlights the fact that marriage by capture is a possibility.
And there are parts of this book that could be read in some ways as justifying what could be understood as as in forced sexual contact.
It's quite a troubling essay in all sorts of ways and well worth reading,
but quite relevant in terms of some of the debates that have occurred with respect to the Lord's Resistance Army.
When a cop was studying in Oxford, he was actually supervised by Godfrey Lenhart.
Not Evans-Pritchard. Evans-Pritchard was, in fact the examiner of his office, DFL users.
I think one of the things it's worth noting is that that his work on sexuality probably also had some effect on Evans-Pritchard,
particularly in the later part of his life. This is a cop reflecting back on that period towards the end of his own life.
He says that in, too, he used to go out drinking with EPM with Dilan Hearts.
And they also had quite a lot of fun together often. They're often seen in Oxford pubs.
And Evans-Pritchard told him that when he would when he was working amongst English
speaking Shilluk shops because similar sort of similar language to the only people.
He said that he would he would go to the dances and he would follow the lovers to see what happened.
And on one occasion, he was he was caught and and beaten up.
And I think if, you know, if a cop was perhaps more influenced by Evans-Pritchard than Hild than he lets on,
because I think that one can see Evans-Pritchard influence in African religions and Western scholarship.
It's probably also true that Evans-Pritchard was a bit influenced by a cult,
and particularly Evans-Pritchard is later essays on the Sunday, which have a great deal of explicit discussion of of sick sex in them.
But of course,
experiences in Oxford were troubling in that he found it very difficult to cope with the language that people would use to describe Africans,
particularly the reference to Africans being primitive.
He objected to the way that Godfrey Leonhart and Evans-Pritchard described describe African cosmology.
He had a very different view and although he did completed his Billington and that was past his D, Phil was actually,
quite astonishingly, actually failed in his initial examiners were the linguist Toca and and Evans-Pritchard.
And the examiners report say that they they didn't like his spelling.
They didn't like his map. And they didn't like his title.
What a court had written in his thesis was at the beginning,
but he said that he didn't want to use the term totally in the thesis because
he felt like the categorisation of the attorney was a colonial introduction.
Wasn't wasn't something that had come from the people themselves, was probably associated with Chobe.
The word for black probably came from the discussions with translators from southern Uganda who were lighter skinned in the early colonial period.
And so he objected to using these tribal labels and he referred to the JoPa wealthy people, as well as being a collective group.
And so that's why he uses the term, the religion of the central word rather than the attorney.
But the examiners felt like he was not being clear about which bits in his thesis was really ethnographic work that he'd observed,
which were his opinion, his analysis of his interpretation, and which were to some extent Mazzarelli fictitious,
but were an amalgam, an amalgamation of his growing up experiences.
And so they were they were wanting him to be clearer about the ethnographic process and how he had come to know what he described.
And also, they objected to the way in which he amalgamated all these different examples that he can edit.
He included in the thesis under this idea that the people of the world knwo.
So they referred it and asked for some changes. He was examined.
The gain of second examination occurred in 1970 was the year to Evans-Pritchard retired.
And so he was replaced by by Jim Buxton's.
And the second examiners felt that. The map was rubbish laden, like his map.
They still said, well, they don't really like a title. And they referred it to gain.
They referred the thesis again. But then the university didn't allow him the right to resubmit it for the third time.
So, in effect, he was then failed. And so Oxford actually managed to fail the thesis of perhaps Africa's most important part.
That thesis is sitting on the library shelf in the anthropology library in Oxford.
I was rather surprised to find it there when I was looking for girliest thesis and finding the bits that are being cut by the colonial office.
It was sitting on the shelf as though it had passed. But it turns out that it's the failed thesis sitting on the library shelf.
Detect, however, is basically the same as the religion to the Central World, which published the following year.
But these are in town in East Africa. So let me.
To some of these points to an end. Now to the war in northern Uganda has has abated.
This is a picture of Joseph Kony during the peace negotiations in 2006 when we're working in northern Uganda.
What my research team was contacted by members of the NRA and peace negotiations occurred the following year.
And the NRA has activities in northern Uganda have basically ended from that point.
2006 onwards and moved to other parts of Central Africa.
His Kony, again, in the peace negotiations, but negotiations failed.
And the Kony still at large. And the NRA is still operational in parts of South Sudan and northern Uganda and northern
not so parts of South Sudan and eastern eastern DRC and Central African Republic.
I've already mentioned how there's been this obsession with tradition in northern Uganda at the moment.
This is a matter of ritual and the fact that these books, Barcott, Protech, PopTech and frankly are not available does seem to be a real problem.
I was discussing with people in a good university and they were completely unaware that these texts existed.
And so it's very important to try to make them available so they could be used in the region to discuss the present situation.
Of course, some of this campaigning in northern Uganda has been focussed on the International Criminal Court.
Here's the first prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. Campeau part of a campaign against him in Sudan at a time when an issue,
a warrant was issued for the president of Sudan and lots of antipathy towards the ICC amongst some groups in in northern Uganda,
which is part of the reason why I got drawn into the prosecution process.
And I suppose you are thinking about these kind of colonial encounters in Oxford in the late protectorate era and the cop attacks,
experiences and Gerling experiences, too.
I suppose one might raise the question, why was a British white British academic asked to be the so called expert witness
at the beginning of the trial of Dominic Home when the LRAD commander at the ICC?
It would have been a bit strange, I think, if at the Milosevich trial they'd asked Grace A from Tulane University.
So I thought quite troubled about it at the time. I did it partly because, well, because I was encouraged to do so by by some Ugandan friends.
And I offered I after the I was at trial, I was on TV in Uganda.
I went back to go into Uganda and met with people in the north, people involved in in in in the in the campaigning against the ICC,
as well as those who who felt like it was potentially a good idea. And there was quite a lot of discussion about why I would be drawn into that role.
And I suppose it does it does raise the kind of the legacy of the kind of colonial encounters.
But as I said to people in there, well, who who else would have done it?
Because, of course, if a Ugandan had done it, they would have been accused of power,
but in all sorts of ways by the by mid 70s government or by relatives of people involved in the right.
So it was a sort of a way of getting the trial going anyway.
People might have some observations about that and what's happened in, well, north in northern Uganda now.
Well, that this is it is the old clubhouse the Gerling described.
It used to be the place where Europeans went. And Africans are not allowed to go.
We're not allowed to go. It's now the the Guru Cultural Centre.
Here's the old colonial tennis court. The Gerling described is next to a nutri which is behind those fencing at the end.
It's kind of fallen into decay, obviously, but they've kept to almost like a kind of a a relic of the old protectorate period.
And so it's still sitting there and they they cut the grass on it, making little bits.
No one actually plays tennis anymore. And here's a picture of a cop ATEX picture of a cop attack on the wall.
One of the great teacherly heroes for his poetry, but his S.A.C. demographic demographic.
A largely unknown and here's a performance that occurred at the time when we were discussing these books.
These worked by Gerling and and a cop attack and we had a performance of some of Luigino.
Bye bye. Bye bye.
Bye bye. Ugandan artists and his young woman acting out the role of Luigino and Cailloux itself has become a very different place since the war.
There's now a coffee shop where you can get a cup of chinos, even a supermarket.
It's almost like all these things have been forgotten about.
Lots of visitors from the United States, partly as a consequence of the Invisible Children campaigns,
looking for them, looking for the Invisible Children. We're not very invisible.
Most of the time, tech here being celebrated at MacQuarrie in 2016,
50 years after the publication of some of Luigino translated finally into Uganda, the language of southern Uganda.
And this is the book which was mentioned at the beginning where I've been able to persuade a publisher that need to do to do it to publish.
Frank Serling's actually if Uganda, including the censored passages and the book also includes a copy tech completion of the central loo,
which is basically he's failed to fill African religion to Western scholarship.
His essay showed love and African aesthetics.
One thing I said about it showed me love essay was that it has been quite important in the discussions with the International Criminal Court.
The ICC would felt that it would be very difficult to secure a conviction for rape.
And so there was the prospect of Dominic Ongwen not being tried for rape.
And the argument was that it was hard to show that the women who had been given to him as an ally or a commander understood their experience as rape,
partly because of this idea of marriage by capture. Also that many of those women who were given to when referred to him as their husband.
And in fact, one very controversial thing that's occurred is that when has been given conjugal rights,
while he's been imprisoned in The Hague and one of the women who was given to him while he was in the bush fighting with the LRAD,
was flown out from Ganda and spent time with him in prison in The Hague, and she has now had a baby since she returned to Uganda.
So he's created some quite serious issues about how rape is understood in international criminal law and how it's applied in this case.
And so one of the one of the interventions that I've been involved in and and some of my students have been involved in,
it's been trying to introduce the possible using using this earlier work on actually and also a more recent
field work to to show how ideas of consent are indicated by attorney women and to make a case for rape.
So we don't yet know whether or not we are not yet heard the verdict.
We're going to hear it in the next few weeks, I think. But the case for rape was made.
And although that draws upon a court, the tax attorney now.
After an article in important ways and thinking about how consent occurs.
We've also been able to draw on other work by court and others to be able to share how consent is allocated.
So that's a situation that's ongoing.
Anyway, that's the book and that's the cover there, which is by one of our artist in residence at the Tourist Lounge Centre of Africa.
Thanks very much. That's it. Think there's an estimated.
Thanks.