1 00:00:02,990 --> 00:00:10,450 And good afternoon and welcome, everybody. I'm delighted to present to you a speaker today, Professor Menachem Klein. 2 00:00:11,620 --> 00:00:18,070 Professor Klein is a faculty member in the Department of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. 3 00:00:18,400 --> 00:00:25,150 He studied Middle East and Islamic Studies at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and among other posts. 4 00:00:25,180 --> 00:00:28,690 He was also a fellow here at and Anthony's College in the Middle East Centre itself. 5 00:00:30,310 --> 00:00:36,580 Since 1996, he is active in many unofficial negotiations with Palestinian counterparts. 6 00:00:36,970 --> 00:00:42,310 In 2000, Professor Klein was an advisor for Jerusalem affair in Israel. 7 00:00:42,310 --> 00:00:49,960 PLO final status talks to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, Professor Shlomo Ben-Ami, 8 00:00:50,560 --> 00:00:56,380 and he was also a member of the advisory team operating in the office of Prime Minister Ehud Barak. 9 00:00:57,190 --> 00:01:05,530 In October 2003, Professor Klein signed together with prominent Israeli and Palestinian negotiator negotiator the Geneva Agreement, 10 00:01:05,950 --> 00:01:09,970 a detailed proposal for a comprehensive Israeli-Palestinian peace accord. 11 00:01:10,930 --> 00:01:16,810 His book, Lives in Common Arabs and Jews in Jerusalem, Jaffa and Hebron, 12 00:01:17,530 --> 00:01:26,470 was mentioned by the New Republic as one of the best non-fiction books for 2014 and his forthcoming book this coming July. 13 00:01:26,800 --> 00:01:34,220 Arafat and Abbas Portrait of Leadership in a State Postponed I'm sorry, will be published in July, as I said. 14 00:01:34,840 --> 00:01:41,080 And the title of his talk today derived from the book is Abbas Leadership in a State Postponed. 15 00:01:41,110 --> 00:01:46,690 Professor Klein, thank you for coming. Thank you very much, Yaakov, and thank you very much for coming. 16 00:01:47,470 --> 00:01:53,170 And I'm very happy to see you and very happy to come back to this room. 17 00:01:53,170 --> 00:02:02,530 I spent many hours in 92, 93 and then 2001, 2002 in this room and upstairs. 18 00:02:03,070 --> 00:02:06,250 And I am privileged to you to come back. 19 00:02:08,540 --> 00:02:15,220 I have a problem because I have so much to talk about and not too much time. 20 00:02:16,660 --> 00:02:20,730 So I will introduce will say something. 21 00:02:21,070 --> 00:02:26,470 Something about the book. What? Well, which topics I cover? 22 00:02:27,640 --> 00:02:37,870 Introduce Mahmoud Abbas. And then we can we can have a discussion and go into details that that I. 23 00:02:39,370 --> 00:02:43,650 I prefer not to. Not to mention in my introduction, I. 24 00:02:44,170 --> 00:02:49,240 It's better to leave it to you, to hear from you what you want to. 25 00:02:49,660 --> 00:02:53,260 To know more about the book. 26 00:02:53,530 --> 00:03:03,850 Actually, the book is not unlike lives in Common, which is a very different, different topic and very different structure. 27 00:03:04,180 --> 00:03:17,620 This book is a portrait of the two leaders, basically, as as presidents, as presidents, not PLO activists, but presidents. 28 00:03:17,620 --> 00:03:28,390 I, I, I write a portrait or biography, a political biography of the two presidents of the Palestinian Authority. 29 00:03:28,980 --> 00:03:36,520 Of course, looking back and what they brought into office, which skills, history and so on. 30 00:03:36,520 --> 00:03:41,829 But it's mainly about the personalities of, of, of the two. 31 00:03:41,830 --> 00:03:47,200 And all along the book I compare I Arafat to Abbas. 32 00:03:48,220 --> 00:03:53,620 Okay? The both of them know Arafat was the president for ten years. 33 00:03:54,900 --> 00:04:01,150 Um, Abbas is president slightly over ten years already. 34 00:04:01,150 --> 00:04:11,770 So we deal with an entity, a political entity that exists more than 20 years since 94. 35 00:04:12,410 --> 00:04:28,480 Um, and it's, it's very interesting to, to, to see and to look on from above what each of them brought to how each of them functioned politically. 36 00:04:28,590 --> 00:04:32,200 Uh, and the personalities. 37 00:04:32,680 --> 00:04:38,650 Now, the, the first chapter is about Arafat as icon. 38 00:04:39,310 --> 00:04:48,070 And then, uh, I, I introduce Abbas and his early years in the PLO. 39 00:04:48,910 --> 00:04:54,020 The second chapter is about the negotiations with Israel and the United States, 40 00:04:54,020 --> 00:05:00,940 the foreign relations of the P.A., not the well, not about Camp David, but post Camp David. 41 00:05:02,230 --> 00:05:11,559 Camp David was studied very well. I also contributed to the final status negotiations, the history of. 42 00:05:11,560 --> 00:05:16,810 But I deal with details in a with Annapolis process. 43 00:05:19,370 --> 00:05:30,040 And so the relations with Israel up to date and with American Presidents Obama and Trump up to date. 44 00:05:30,760 --> 00:05:36,910 Luckily enough, the still I have time to update my manuscript. 45 00:05:37,480 --> 00:05:46,120 So I still have, I think about a month or so so I can update the the manuscript. 46 00:05:48,460 --> 00:05:59,740 Then I move to domestic politics, institution building, democracy opponents, Hamas. 47 00:05:59,740 --> 00:06:04,000 Of course, what happened inside Hamas, the politicisation of Hamas, 48 00:06:04,000 --> 00:06:16,840 the changes within Hamas and the conflict between Abbas and and the Hamas, I want say Fatah and the and Hamas, 49 00:06:16,840 --> 00:06:34,450 because this this disagreement, the split between the two is led by Abbas more than he the it reflects Fatah negative attitude towards towards Hamas. 50 00:06:37,360 --> 00:06:51,490 And then and then I move to the succession struggle, which actually is running the succession struggle between different candidates. 51 00:06:51,940 --> 00:06:58,060 But different types of candidates already opened, I think, a year or two years ago. 52 00:06:59,170 --> 00:07:08,950 And it is also part of the P.A. presidency, much of Abbas reactions, especially in recent year, recently, 53 00:07:08,950 --> 00:07:18,370 let's say two years and recent two years is kind of it were part of trying to control the succession struggle. 54 00:07:20,320 --> 00:07:25,300 So these are the four chapters of of the book. 55 00:07:25,930 --> 00:07:29,259 And maybe I will introduce Abbas. 56 00:07:29,260 --> 00:07:34,240 He's less known. Okay. We I think we know much about our father. 57 00:07:34,270 --> 00:07:43,200 We remember our father a very well. He was in the public spot for many, many years. 58 00:07:44,580 --> 00:07:47,819 I was not. So it's interesting. 59 00:07:47,820 --> 00:07:59,940 I think I hope that it is interesting to hear about the early years of hope for Mahmoud Abbas and and how he came to power. 60 00:08:00,600 --> 00:08:06,780 So Mahmoud Abbas was the ultimate candidate to succeed Yasser Arafat in 2004. 61 00:08:07,800 --> 00:08:11,940 And his road to the Muqata was very easy. 62 00:08:13,020 --> 00:08:16,470 Many hopes were pinned on Mahmoud Abbas after his election. 63 00:08:17,700 --> 00:08:25,470 For Israel and the international community. He was the perfect person in the right post at the right moment. 64 00:08:25,680 --> 00:08:36,180 Not because he proved extraordinary management skills in his previous posts in Fatah or in the PLO, 65 00:08:36,180 --> 00:08:41,430 but because he has shown that he is different than Arafat. 66 00:08:43,380 --> 00:08:47,370 When Fatah founders started their armed struggle in 65. 67 00:08:48,030 --> 00:08:56,750 Abbas remained in Qatar, where, besides running his private business, he export to Qatar. 68 00:08:57,360 --> 00:09:03,960 Sony Electronics from Japan. He collected donations for the younger movement. 69 00:09:05,280 --> 00:09:16,050 He arrived in Qatar in 57 and first worked as a teacher, later moved to the growing oil industry that offered him much higher income. 70 00:09:17,040 --> 00:09:30,120 Abbas returned to Damascus in 1970 and started investing time in Fatah and PLO political activity in the late seventies early eighties, 71 00:09:30,750 --> 00:09:34,770 when the PLO confronted Israel from Lebanon. 72 00:09:35,640 --> 00:09:37,950 He was the student in Moscow. 73 00:09:39,660 --> 00:09:51,330 Who helped advocating the Palestinian case between 70 1970 and 1982, when the PLO headquarter was in Kahani neighbourhood in Beirut. 74 00:09:52,620 --> 00:09:57,090 Not only the the PLO discourses for Kahane, La République, 75 00:09:58,020 --> 00:10:07,470 Abbas preferred remaining in Damascus to where he and his family fled in 48 from the city of suffered. 76 00:10:09,750 --> 00:10:18,030 Damascus was a parochial city, whereas Beirut in the early seventies was Paris of the Middle East. 77 00:10:19,530 --> 00:10:31,920 The Lebanese civil war of 75 and the Israeli invasion in 82 made it the focal point of conflicting armed groups and regular armies. 78 00:10:33,840 --> 00:10:38,220 This. Both. Both faces of Beirut did not attract Abbas. 79 00:10:40,230 --> 00:10:46,410 Thus he did not experience the Israeli siege of the PLO headquarter in 82 war. 80 00:10:48,610 --> 00:10:55,540 He joined the PLO fellows in September 82 when they moved to the quiet city of Tunis. 81 00:10:56,510 --> 00:11:09,130 See, he is not. He is takes part, but not takes part in the PLO struggle and and and the movement history. 82 00:11:10,450 --> 00:11:18,100 Unlike most of Fatah PLO seniors. He did not make his living from what they called the Palestinian revolution. 83 00:11:18,760 --> 00:11:26,770 He became a very rich person in the in Qatar, nor had a key position in Fatah or the PLO. 84 00:11:28,060 --> 00:11:38,920 He played a minor role in maintaining PLO relations with Arab leaders, taking care on what the PLO chairman Arafat and Farouk Academy, 85 00:11:39,340 --> 00:11:46,030 the head of PLO political department, both both at the centre state, had left for him. 86 00:11:47,020 --> 00:11:50,590 He wasn't. He was not an important person in the PLO. 87 00:11:51,640 --> 00:11:55,470 He chose to keep distance also on the field. 88 00:11:55,480 --> 00:11:58,930 He considered himself the best PLO expert. 89 00:12:00,050 --> 00:12:13,080 Zionism and Israel. Before 93, he knew Israelis only from far away and not argued in favour of reaching a compromise with Israel. 90 00:12:15,280 --> 00:12:28,630 His son, Saadawi, who represented the PLO in meeting with the Israeli Council for Israel Palestine Peace from 75 until his assassination in 83, 91 00:12:29,590 --> 00:12:36,640 said Hammami, who representative in Lebanon from 73 until his murder in 78, 92 00:12:37,270 --> 00:12:41,980 promoted politically a two state solution in the second half of the seventies, 93 00:12:42,640 --> 00:12:53,140 and Abu Yad and a number of number two in the PLO hierarchy, argued for the two state solution in the eighties and nineties. 94 00:12:54,160 --> 00:12:58,130 Abbas was not there. It was interesting. 95 00:12:58,150 --> 00:13:00,880 Interestingly, at no point. 96 00:13:00,910 --> 00:13:13,300 His interest in Zionism led him to keep in contact with the PLO Research Centre that studied Israel and Zionism, its library and archives. 97 00:13:13,330 --> 00:13:18,580 He did not visit the set the PLO Study Centre or the archive or the library. 98 00:13:19,840 --> 00:13:24,340 A third, however, showed interest in the centre work, but it was limited. 99 00:13:25,180 --> 00:13:33,510 Typically, Arafat demanded to approve every nominee, impose his view without consulting the director. 100 00:13:33,520 --> 00:13:36,670 No studying the issuance. Think that's typical of Arafat? 101 00:13:38,140 --> 00:13:41,350 Abbas was totally out of it. 102 00:13:42,400 --> 00:13:56,020 Although this was Zionism and the state of Israel was his page, the thesis in Moscow on the margins almost outsider welfare and financially intended. 103 00:13:56,470 --> 00:14:05,980 Abbas was free to differ with Arafat. Abbas did not like Arafat's one man show management management style and preferring 104 00:14:05,980 --> 00:14:11,560 political loyalty to qualifications and performance in appointing senior positions. 105 00:14:12,580 --> 00:14:21,070 Abbas also was against the militarisation of the second intifada that Arafat, according to Abbas, could have prevented, 106 00:14:22,270 --> 00:14:30,640 and based on his page, the on zone ism, he considered himself understanding the Israeli society much better than his leader. 107 00:14:31,630 --> 00:14:36,820 Indeed, the this this respect was mutual. 108 00:14:37,690 --> 00:14:44,320 Arafat thought that Abbas view on Israel is simplistic and he is too soft with Israelis. 109 00:14:44,470 --> 00:14:48,100 Therefore, he should not let negotiate along with them. 110 00:14:49,240 --> 00:14:54,190 He did not let Abbas negotiate alone with Israelis. 111 00:14:56,200 --> 00:15:03,969 Abbas remained on the sideline for many years exactly where the Oslo talks began as a private initiative 112 00:15:03,970 --> 00:15:11,350 of two Israeli peace activists One Boondock and the Al Hirschfeld and the PLO representatives. 113 00:15:11,620 --> 00:15:18,910 Abu Aline Hanan Ashrawi, once Oslo truck broke into the mainstream in summer of 93. 114 00:15:19,240 --> 00:15:27,220 Abbas found himself in the spotlight, but he was once again relegated to the margins. 115 00:15:27,520 --> 00:15:33,820 His Israeli counterpart, Shimon Peres, won Nobel Prize along with this crap in another thought. 116 00:15:34,300 --> 00:15:45,640 While Abbas never received credit for his contribution to the deal between 9495, he continued to remain on the sidelines. 117 00:15:46,150 --> 00:15:55,480 Immediately after the signing on 93 Oslo agreement, Abbas called for a move from revolutionary governments to state building, 118 00:15:56,110 --> 00:16:06,700 which required professional manpower, functioning institutions and performance pattern that could provide the Palestinian people with good services. 119 00:16:07,660 --> 00:16:15,670 Accordingly, 94, Abbas came to an agreement with Yossi Beilin, what is known as bail in the Abu Mazen document. 120 00:16:17,740 --> 00:16:27,550 Beilin was a work then under Peres in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on principle principles for a long term peace deal. 121 00:16:28,360 --> 00:16:32,560 Rabin's murder drove a stake through those plans. 122 00:16:33,370 --> 00:16:44,590 Regretfully, Peres rejected both the plan and the very idea of making the principles a central component of his campaign to succeed Rabin. 123 00:16:45,430 --> 00:16:52,360 He did not want to move fast forward. Unfortunately, he was, Beilin asked him. 124 00:16:52,360 --> 00:17:00,100 But Peres refused. Nor he then supported the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. 125 00:17:01,300 --> 00:17:05,620 Till his last day, Peres was against an independent Palestinian state. 126 00:17:09,420 --> 00:17:14,910 The Oslo process brought Abbas to keep close contacts with Shimon Peres. 127 00:17:15,720 --> 00:17:27,690 He came against his public opinion. He participated in the Paris funeral against the pressures within the Fatah and the Palestinian public opinion. 128 00:17:29,070 --> 00:17:32,220 He agreed to to to come. 129 00:17:33,090 --> 00:17:47,640 Once the Peres family ask him to attend, and he did not put attention to the domestic criticism inside the Palestinian territories. 130 00:17:48,780 --> 00:17:53,280 Remind you, the Israeli Palestinian Knesset members boycotted the funeral. 131 00:17:54,780 --> 00:17:59,280 The is what we call the Israeli Arab representatives in the Knesset. 132 00:17:59,520 --> 00:18:05,010 I prefer using Israeli Palestinians, call them Israeli Palestinian Knesset members. 133 00:18:05,880 --> 00:18:18,180 They boycotted Abbas. But Abbas came, I thought, establish that the Palestinian Authority in the Palestinian Authority, 134 00:18:18,180 --> 00:18:24,960 a chaotic system like that which character characterised the PLO in Beirut and in Tunis. 135 00:18:25,800 --> 00:18:34,710 This kills flourished as a result of lack of coordination between P.A. branches and between its senior members. 136 00:18:36,120 --> 00:18:42,509 By duplicating authorities, the P.A. president sought to promote competition between his ministers, 137 00:18:42,510 --> 00:18:49,530 as well as between different police and security service units in order to solidify his control. 138 00:18:50,580 --> 00:19:00,720 The absence of systematic planning units in the in administrative departments and the personification of the political process, 139 00:19:00,900 --> 00:19:07,860 including Arafat's personal participation in top establishment forums, added to the chaos. 140 00:19:08,940 --> 00:19:16,620 Thus, the political and administrative system suffered from high degree of institute institutionalisation. 141 00:19:17,460 --> 00:19:30,030 This words of political science decisions were made primarily ad hominem instead on the merits of the issue or personnel at hand. 142 00:19:32,970 --> 00:19:45,390 The personification of the political and ruling systems was centred on a chain of patron client systems operating from top down. 143 00:19:47,070 --> 00:19:54,990 In early 2003, Western leaders and Egypt forced Arafat to create prime minister position within 144 00:19:54,990 --> 00:20:01,230 the Palestinian Authority that till then was a popular presidential system. 145 00:20:02,220 --> 00:20:05,490 Appoint Abbas in March and transfer him. 146 00:20:05,700 --> 00:20:09,540 Some of Arafat's powers, including on security. 147 00:20:10,500 --> 00:20:16,800 The president typically and as expected, undermined his prime minister authority, 148 00:20:17,250 --> 00:20:24,150 limited his executive power and caused his resignation just after five months in office. 149 00:20:26,070 --> 00:20:33,810 Similar power struggle developed between Arafat with his executive branch and the Legislative Council. 150 00:20:34,110 --> 00:20:39,630 I rather write about it in details in another chapter. 151 00:20:40,590 --> 00:20:52,720 Leaving office after so short time, five months only was not considered Abbas weakness and his incapability to hold off pressures. 152 00:20:54,570 --> 00:21:03,540 The international community charged Arafat. Ironically, Abbas prove that he is a good student. 153 00:21:03,900 --> 00:21:09,180 Later, he made the same to Salam Fayyad, also a prime minister. 154 00:21:09,480 --> 00:21:12,540 International community heavily favoured. 155 00:21:16,110 --> 00:21:27,630 Abbas endorsed Arafat's centralism for Israel and the international community. 156 00:21:28,290 --> 00:21:35,790 Abbas was the polar opposite of his predecessor from 2000 and until his death. 157 00:21:36,060 --> 00:21:43,320 International leaders had grown tired of Arafat, while Abbas still earned their praise. 158 00:21:44,190 --> 00:21:50,850 Western leaders had good reasons. Unlike Arafat, Abbas is not theatrical, but business minded. 159 00:21:52,140 --> 00:21:57,240 Arafat did not hesitate to promise much beyond his capacity to act. 160 00:21:57,600 --> 00:22:05,610 I must look beyond his capacity to accomplish. Although he used to say, and I quote, We are not asking for the moon. 161 00:22:05,970 --> 00:22:10,000 End of quote. Like an accountant. 162 00:22:10,300 --> 00:22:11,800 Abbas is cautious. 163 00:22:12,070 --> 00:22:24,640 Abbas You can't can be principal of a school or accountant dry person as far as leaders are players on the diplomatic and political stage. 164 00:22:25,300 --> 00:22:35,590 And they are, in my view, Arafat was a player, though more than in a few occasions, and convincing and convincing and melodramatic. 165 00:22:37,450 --> 00:22:42,760 Abbas has no playing skills. He does not run a heroic show. 166 00:22:43,390 --> 00:22:49,000 Unlike Arafat, his style is dry and straightforward. 167 00:22:50,270 --> 00:22:58,190 Indeed, all politicians mix fantasy and wishful thinking with reality, but differ on intensity. 168 00:22:59,580 --> 00:23:04,830 Abbas, on the other hand, creates the impression of trustworthy men, 169 00:23:05,280 --> 00:23:12,750 though unimpressive, physically consistent, and you could always count on his word. 170 00:23:14,040 --> 00:23:21,420 World leaders warmly endorse and help maintain Oslo Accords that he was one of its architects. 171 00:23:21,840 --> 00:23:26,460 Abbas openly opposed violence and terrorism of the second intifada, 172 00:23:26,760 --> 00:23:32,520 which to his mind was catastrophic for the Palestinians and their state building project. 173 00:23:37,090 --> 00:23:45,880 The 2003 conflict between Prime Minister Abbas and President Arafat led to an increased appreciation for the former. 174 00:23:46,300 --> 00:23:52,840 Whom would hope from whom they were viewed as an ideal leader to succeed Arafat. 175 00:23:53,470 --> 00:24:01,810 It was hoped that through his leadership, the Palestinians would undergo the same change that Abbas himself underwent. 176 00:24:02,830 --> 00:24:10,510 The man who began as a supporter of armed struggle and the establishment of a Palestinian state to replace Israel, 177 00:24:10,810 --> 00:24:18,730 has since the eighties supported negotiations and a small Palestinian state alongside Israel. 178 00:24:20,320 --> 00:24:31,930 The Israeli peace camp was sure that that the public that elected Abbas would soon stand behind him when it came. 179 00:24:32,080 --> 00:24:35,620 When the time comes for a peace deal with Israel. 180 00:24:38,730 --> 00:24:42,330 I think that the Israeli peace camp is wrong in this. 181 00:24:42,330 --> 00:24:51,810 But this this is another argument. Abbas is not a political interpreter, Preneur nor manipulator. 182 00:24:52,320 --> 00:25:01,830 Actually, he dislikes them, which explains the distance he kept from Arafat and his bad relations with Mohammed Dahlan. 183 00:25:02,430 --> 00:25:05,730 They write about it also in details. 184 00:25:06,360 --> 00:25:10,530 He did not push his way up the presidency by using intrigues. 185 00:25:10,890 --> 00:25:17,910 It was given to him as a default choice domestically and the first choice internationally. 186 00:25:20,070 --> 00:25:26,310 In 2005, Abbas won the support of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian establishment. 187 00:25:26,940 --> 00:25:35,220 He is the last founding father of Fatah. Still around today, Abu Yared in Abuja were murdered. 188 00:25:37,230 --> 00:25:46,500 Both of them were seniors. Then Abbas, a Palestinian opponent, killed Abu Yard and Israel killed the Abu Jihad. 189 00:25:48,210 --> 00:25:54,660 Marwan Barghouti is the leader of the young generation. 190 00:25:55,140 --> 00:26:04,350 The young god who is much more popular was always much more popular than Abu Mazen is an Israeli Israeli jail. 191 00:26:04,740 --> 00:26:16,680 So he was the only one around that enjoyed the external support of the Israelis and the international community. 192 00:26:19,640 --> 00:26:24,980 However, not only his age and veteran status worked in Arabic in Abbas favour. 193 00:26:25,190 --> 00:26:26,749 Thanks to international support, 194 00:26:26,750 --> 00:26:37,160 many Palestinians and the Israeli peace camp viewed him as the only person who can force Israel to end occupation and win independence for his people. 195 00:26:37,430 --> 00:26:38,390 Similarly, 196 00:26:38,900 --> 00:26:49,040 many in the West Bank and Gaza were afraid that Abbas was willing to go too far and give up the right of return for 48 refugees into Israel. 197 00:26:49,880 --> 00:26:59,510 But the hope that Abbas would gain freedom from the occupation lessened the worry among Palestinians that facing strong Israeli objection, 198 00:27:00,050 --> 00:27:05,500 his weak personality would bring him to give up the dream of return. 199 00:27:09,950 --> 00:27:19,100 Since his election. Abbas frequently, frequently travels abroad to politically, politically to promote Palestinian independence. 200 00:27:19,940 --> 00:27:26,730 But at the same time, his fellow Palestinian citizens oh, sorry, is Palestine. 201 00:27:27,290 --> 00:27:36,500 His fellow Palestinians criticise him for staying far from their everyday life problem and the occupation and occupation that they suffer from. 202 00:27:38,960 --> 00:27:42,580 Abbas functions in a dissonance reality. 203 00:27:42,590 --> 00:27:48,590 On the one hand, he uses head of state style symbols and ceremonies. 204 00:27:49,580 --> 00:27:59,840 For Abbas, the state of Palestine under his leadership is not fake, but rather gradually emerging from national rights this close to reality. 205 00:28:00,680 --> 00:28:09,120 On the other hand, he has to get Israeli permission to each of his trips and ask his people to stand fast 206 00:28:09,120 --> 00:28:15,140 then against the occupation that one day will end and full independence achieved. 207 00:28:18,290 --> 00:28:23,140 How much time I have? Okay. 208 00:28:24,170 --> 00:28:39,020 I. We should cut it shorter on a fat, attractive, young activist. 209 00:28:39,560 --> 00:28:48,650 He started his career in Cairo as an activist student in his twenties and became involved in Fatah at his thirties. 210 00:28:49,430 --> 00:28:57,740 Later, Arafat, the symbol, attracted the young generation despite lacking outstanding wisdom of the ageing person. 211 00:28:59,060 --> 00:29:02,420 Abbas has almost no connection with the young Palestinians. 212 00:29:03,920 --> 00:29:08,270 Abbas, unlike Arafat, does not fascinate the younger generation. 213 00:29:08,570 --> 00:29:18,260 He did not build direct contact with them during his many years in the PLO and was elected president at his seventh is now is over 83. 214 00:29:19,640 --> 00:29:26,000 For Abbas, age is an obstacle rather than an advantage in building cross-generational support. 215 00:29:28,430 --> 00:29:32,270 No less significant than the company is the symbolic dress. 216 00:29:32,540 --> 00:29:39,740 Arafat always covered his head with black and white keffiyeh that during the 3639 revolt 217 00:29:40,010 --> 00:29:45,860 has become a symbol of Palestinian nationalism and wore army style khakis throughout. 218 00:29:46,640 --> 00:29:54,980 He even pushed forward the iconic zation by claiming that he shapes the keffiyeh on his head to resemble Palestine borders. 219 00:29:56,630 --> 00:30:06,430 In the rare occasions that Abbas work a fire, he put it on, folded on for a put it folded on his shoulder like a show one. 220 00:30:08,030 --> 00:30:11,360 There are different personalities as reflected also physically. 221 00:30:11,510 --> 00:30:20,210 Arafat eyes restlessly, restlessly, moved, seeking for the approval or checking the impact of his word makes. 222 00:30:21,380 --> 00:30:33,020 Moreover, he easily became emotional. Abbas, on the other hand, is the restraint looks straightforward and self-controlled gender wise. 223 00:30:33,380 --> 00:30:37,760 The Palestinian Authority remains a male elite, also under Abbas. 224 00:30:39,380 --> 00:30:50,840 Only one woman in Fatah Central Committee, out of its 19 members and ten out of 81 members in the revolted Revolutionary Council are women. 225 00:30:51,530 --> 00:30:55,370 Only one women. Hanan Ashrawi is PLO executive member. 226 00:30:56,420 --> 00:31:04,940 In addition, there is two slow generation mobility in the Palestinian elite Palestinian Authority, 227 00:31:04,940 --> 00:31:16,730 Fatah and PLO senior age at seniors age between mid-fifties and late sixties and joined has the high status political power and financial resources. 228 00:31:17,990 --> 00:31:21,460 They are by far older than the West Bank and Gaza Strip. 229 00:31:21,470 --> 00:31:26,390 Palestinians, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics. 230 00:31:26,570 --> 00:31:29,600 The median age is 19.8. 231 00:31:32,260 --> 00:31:41,650 39% of the population were less than 15 years old and only 2.8% were above 65. 232 00:31:42,460 --> 00:31:51,460 So the elite represents, let's say the group, the age group of the elite group is similar to less than 3% of the population. 233 00:31:52,930 --> 00:32:01,240 The younger generation is underrepresented in leading institutions, nor has a voice in this decision making process. 234 00:32:03,760 --> 00:32:13,450 Arafat and Abbas or Abbas and his colleagues expect them to respect the old guard hierarchical status and abide to its decisions. 235 00:32:13,660 --> 00:32:17,410 And they control actually all the institutions. 236 00:32:22,000 --> 00:32:30,280 Lacking experience in institution buildings and mass mobilisation or doubting his party man executive 237 00:32:30,280 --> 00:32:38,830 performance to stick to a plan Abbas considers the Palestinians as incapable to run an unarmed intifada. 238 00:32:40,300 --> 00:32:47,080 The Palestinian public, according Abbas, according to Abbas, lacks civic self-control and restraint. 239 00:32:47,620 --> 00:32:51,970 Soon it will react violently to the expected Israeli provocation. 240 00:32:53,700 --> 00:33:00,210 Violent Intifada. Only serve Israel in letting her use military might and condemned the Palestinians. 241 00:33:01,680 --> 00:33:09,030 Abbas consistently rejects Marwan Barghouti request to establish a managing apparatus of non-violent popular 242 00:33:09,030 --> 00:33:17,850 resistance based only on his and his fellows experience in running mass demonstrations during the first intifada. 243 00:33:18,150 --> 00:33:26,760 They, Marwan and his assistants, suggested establishing public education campaign, 244 00:33:26,760 --> 00:33:31,860 a non-violent enforcement theme that will meet Abbas right concerns. 245 00:33:32,700 --> 00:33:40,319 However, Abbas was not convinced or feared Barghouti his popularity, his security forces and Israeli army. 246 00:33:40,320 --> 00:33:49,620 BLOCK Weekly, non-violent civil society demonstrations from spreading outside to three villages into central West Bank. 247 00:33:50,970 --> 00:34:01,410 They attract local and international activists unaffiliated to Barghouti's Fatah group without expanding to main cities, 248 00:34:01,830 --> 00:34:10,440 settlement gates and IDF roadblocks. Those demonstrations remain ineffective an anti-occupation ritual and catharsis. 249 00:34:10,920 --> 00:34:13,920 Rather than rolling down a snowball. 250 00:34:15,690 --> 00:34:22,020 Abbas limits non-violent resistance to advocating Palestinian rights internationally, 251 00:34:22,470 --> 00:34:30,030 increasing the number of states that recognise Palestine and joining maximum international organisations. 252 00:34:30,900 --> 00:34:44,010 According to Abbas, surviving the ground is non-violent form of resistance that supports the supports his international initiatives now have. 253 00:34:44,280 --> 00:34:52,230 I would like to to and this part of the present my presentation and the discussion the seminar 254 00:34:52,830 --> 00:35:03,480 with the conclusion that the late Roger Owen made in his book on authoritarian regimes. 255 00:35:04,350 --> 00:35:11,940 And I was very sad to read about Roger's passing away. 256 00:35:13,080 --> 00:35:22,860 I met him here in 92 and 92, 93, before he left to come to the United States, to Harvard. 257 00:35:25,400 --> 00:35:34,640 Arab presidential authoritarian regime. Roger writes Our post-independence reaction to colonialism. 258 00:35:35,690 --> 00:35:42,140 The authoritarian state is a security state without political pluralism or checks and balances. 259 00:35:43,010 --> 00:35:49,730 Instead, power is personified in charisma routinised through the leaders admiration. 260 00:35:51,580 --> 00:35:58,240 No successor is single out. No democratic change in presidency is possible. 261 00:35:59,200 --> 00:36:05,499 Key positions are held by those that the president trusts most his family, 262 00:36:05,500 --> 00:36:10,660 and close assistance that came from the security establishment or party seniors. 263 00:36:11,800 --> 00:36:21,220 The regime runs formal political practices such as elections and party conferences to gain legitimacy. 264 00:36:21,700 --> 00:36:27,040 But they, the president, closely supervise and orchestrate those operations. 265 00:36:28,060 --> 00:36:34,870 Arab authoritarianism aim to replace the fragile sovereignty that national movements 266 00:36:34,870 --> 00:36:41,050 achieved with the with a strong state that will prevent the return of the colonial state. 267 00:36:42,610 --> 00:36:48,790 Although the Palestinian Authority did not achieve independence and its authority is fragile, 268 00:36:49,240 --> 00:36:53,320 it has much in common with Arab presidential authoritarian regime. 269 00:36:54,310 --> 00:36:59,620 It is a security autonomy with limited democratic institutions and procedures. 270 00:37:00,280 --> 00:37:09,880 Indeed, Arafat faced problems in person if Arafat faced problems in personifying his power inside the Legislative Council. 271 00:37:10,330 --> 00:37:14,080 Yet he preserved his iconic status. 272 00:37:15,010 --> 00:37:20,470 Abbas, who never had such a status, bases his rule on sheer force. 273 00:37:21,880 --> 00:37:29,350 Actually, according to researchers, among them, Professor Nathan Brown from Washington. 274 00:37:30,460 --> 00:37:37,840 More democratic institutions were established under Arafat than under Abbas. 275 00:37:38,620 --> 00:37:44,110 The the P.A. was more democratic under the thought than under Abbas. 276 00:37:44,840 --> 00:37:48,400 I can go to many details, but this is well shown. 277 00:37:50,920 --> 00:38:02,470 Moreover, under Abbas, the colonialist power of Israel intensifies is expect its expansion into the autonomy areas and and in its affairs. 278 00:38:03,610 --> 00:38:08,110 This and other weaknesses increase the fragility of the Palestinian Authority. 279 00:38:08,570 --> 00:38:19,480 Their colonisation is harder today than ever and creates the ground for heroic liberation struggle. 280 00:38:20,560 --> 00:38:25,330 Moreover, which I think may happen the next stage. 281 00:38:25,930 --> 00:38:30,130 Moreover, based on post-colonial Arab state history, 282 00:38:30,610 --> 00:38:41,560 postcolonial Palestine expected to remain authoritarian and justified by the need to prevent the indirect return of Israeli colonialism. 283 00:38:42,690 --> 00:38:50,200 Now let's discuss. Thank you. 284 00:38:50,380 --> 00:38:56,020 Professor Klein. I think there are many, many different aspects to address this, and I would like to open the. 285 00:39:00,000 --> 00:39:13,740 Thank you. Thank you very much for this presentation. You mentioned that after the assassination, it's been Paris declined or rejected the.