Good afternoon and welcome, everybody, for our fourth meeting of the seminar this term.
I'm delighted to present the speaker this afternoon.
The third view is Shoshana, who teaches at the Faculty of Education at the University of Haifa.
Uh, abuse areas of research include, among others, cultural sociology, anthropology of education, ethnicity, race and social class.
Everyday inequalities and discourse, subjectivity and emotion.
His most recent publications deal with, uh, again, among others, the Palestinian professionals in labour organisations in Israel,
Muslim students in Israeli universities, upward mobility of Mizrahim in in Israel,
ethnography of schools from various socioeconomic classes in Israel,
and most immediately related to our topic today social selection and ethnic distinction for in nightclubs in Israel.
And the title of his talk today is Nocturnal Inequality, Ethnography of Social Selection and Waiting in Line for Nightclubs in Tel Aviv.
I have your thank you for coming. Thank you for being here.
I really appreciate it. And, uh, thank you for organising the meeting.
Uh, uh, today's meeting is especially important to me because, in fact, this is the, the first time that I am presenting,
uh, the finding of this entire study after, after three years of, of, of highly complex, uh, fieldwork.
Also, it was very enjoyable fieldwork.
It was that it wasn't easy because of, of its many sites and, uh, uh, and dealing with sensitive,
discrete and painful issue that many people were afraid to talk about.
But you don't have to feel sorry for me.
This is fieldwork that, uh, include lots of whisky of of various of various kinds.
And this is one of my most critical and active findings.
The findings. Whisky makes the world better.
And everybody. Everybody looks beautiful.
Good compassion. And and the world even seems more egalitarian under under whisky without the cruel hierarchies.
Um, I think if I. If I would, I will summarise my, my, uh, my academic interest.
I will, I will say to one of my favourite philosopher, Ian Hacking, who poetically, uh, described,
I said that I came to this topic when thinking about how kinds of people come into being and how
the system of knowledge about kinds of people interact with the people who are known about.
I'm fascinated by the dynamics of the relation between people who are known about the knowledge about them.
And. So there is this relationship between knowledge, discourse, subjectivity and and when micro inequality is my main my main topic.
So, so today's lecture require me to actually organise my, my thoughts for the first time on,
on this huge research project with which is based on length.
The ethnography is in the, in nightclubs in Tel Aviv, this city that, uh, that Israeli likes to call the New York of Israel or,
or the city that never, never sleeps or my favourite the state of Tel Aviv.
Mainly to emphasise its uh separating from uh from the rest of, from the rest of Israel.
Uh, I thought a lot about what I would like to present today.
My, my two automatic uh, uh,
answer were were from the interview findings with the selector selectors as they are called in Israel or doormen or bouncers,
as they call us in the US and the in the or UK and the word selector.
Really important and the findings of interviews with clients who did not pass selection.
Those customers whose ethnicities, ethnicity was evidence in their body or in their their self-concept or their their habitus in bodies and terms.
This to this. These two options were where my first choice because I already organised their findings in the
into two articles and one article will be published and the other article is under review.
But I felt that this choice would be the would be easy for me and what it would would be worthwhile to present today.
The finding that I, I have not yet fully analysed and these are the findings associated with the ethnography
of waiting weightings of of waiting in the long in the long line to enter the night club.
That is the special, special temporal subjectivity or the way the way in which customers standing in the line experience the time and space.
Through this finding. I would like to to to connect between state space in I it is night inequality or nocturnal inequality and subjectivity.
So so I would like. I would be happy if you view this lecture as a work in progress was whose was characteristics.
I'm still trying to decipher.
And of course I will be happy to hear any of your interpretation of my findings and my my initial, initial, initial analysis.
So quick description of the structure of the lecture I will present.
The broad research is a quick description of ethnic hierarchies in Israel, and then I will want to elaborate on the scenarios of social selections.
And ethnography is in the, uh, of weightings, uh, discussion and I have some thoughts.
What else is, uh,
is require domain domain a domain a broader research objective was first the phenomenology of selection and the way that, that, that,
uh, how to select or decided decide who to let into the club in the who, the who to denied deny access or who were who is the bona fide, uh, customer.
I also studied the, the, I also research the accounts of self of emotion and selection.
Meaning how do individuals who have not passed the selection process, who do not, uh, pass the selection, explain their experience.
Uh, and of course the, the main issue of today, the ethnography of waiting, and I also analysed the legal this,
the legal discourse regarding selection it nightclub and my main that my main the theoretical
frames are cultural sociology of inequality in everyday life or micro inequality.
LAMONT Uh, Michel, about, uh, the, the, the famous American sociologist, the Anita Wu and some of their,
their, uh, their students like a rivet Rivera or Calarco symbolic interaction of inequality,
sociology of, of selection and evaluation and,
and especially selection and inequality in the two realistic social setting black nightclubs, taxi drivers and doormen, job interviews.
Of course there is there are a lot of studies about a job selection in job interviews and, uh, very interesting and poetic writing about sociology.
Call in the cultural analysis of of, uh, of a weight of waiting.
So I want, I will not elaborate about ethnic hierarchies in Israel.
I will just say that, of course, the main the main ethnic distinction among the Jewish population in Israel is between the Mizrahim and Ashkenazim.
And this this distinction is, if is a product of bureaucratic act by the state to establish establishment of in Israel and the Israelis in
the years under the hegemony of Jewish political leaders that had immigrated to Israel from Eastern Europe.
And this this this umbrella cause identities and reduce, of course, the variation within group and,
uh, and increase variation in variance between groups or in other words,
it's a tool or for this umbrella identity that it's a tool of population management or governmentality to allow a full scope and a future.
And of course, this is as small as, you know, a Mizrahi or Jews from Arab countries is a stigmatic identity.
Um, and in the skin is these like, like whiteness is a, has a the, the privilege of being transparent and not a stigmatic.
So I want to describe the scenario of self, self selection in, in, uh, in, uh, nightclubs or when you wait to the, to enter the nightclub.
So if you want to spend a weekend evening in one of Tel Aviv most popular nightclubs,
the first thing that will attract our attention and will and in which should be considered are the long lines at the clubs entrances,
about a half hour and and a half. And another thing that you will probably notice is that there are those who enter the clubs,
while others are rejected or deny entry between 20 and 30 to 30% on weekends, according to my estimation.
Uh, if you, if you patrons known as VIP customers or friends of the club owner do not stand in line,
in line and enter without wait waiting or through a separate entrance.
It no ethnography is from the long length and and club entrance also show that those who are denied entry and
are referred to in the club scene are referred in the club scene as those as those who do not pass selection.
And this is a new cut, a new category, a category in a which I will say later, a new subjectivity or symbolic type the ethnographers.
And in an interview with the selector selectors, as I will reported, demonstrate that member of specific group do not pass the selection process.
Mizrahi men whose Mizrahi this Mizrahi youth with Latinas is identified by status A or the class and the ethnic habitus.
In terms of mood here, the selectors even distinguish between heavy mizrahim with, I think with them in Hebrew and light.
Mizrahi Mm hmm. The former, also known as aliasing, are often described as using this dismissed that excuse or being excessively Mizrahi,
as is an Arabic word using everyday in everyday Hebrew, meaning pimp derogatory that there are other derogatory term Arabs.
Ours is therefore associated associated with an excess of miscellaneous.
Or is Tomer one of the selectors?
66 simply describe it quote and ask is.
An over extreme Mizrahi customer who are denied entry or even are given one of the following common answer from the selectors.
You do not register in advance. There is the list of invitees and you do not appear on it.
You did not confirm your arrival. This is a private party, a closed party.
The club is full of occupancy.
The selectors ask the denied entry customer to leave the premises and that at the same time continues continues his work.
Most of the rejected customers stand on the side relatively close to the selector, noting that many other people,
some of whom are even their close friends in line, who also did not register in advance, pass the selection.
The conversation by customers whose answer is denied with their friends at this dates indicated that
they know that the reason they were rejected rejected is their heavy Mizrahi ness or being black.
They also point out that Ashkenazi customers Jewish Jews from from European sources or Mizrahim,
will pass as ashkenazim like me, let him get through without any any problems.
Some of the rejected customers call their friends who arrived earlier and are already
in the club and discover that the club is not full or that it is not a closed party.
Some of them get picture via, of course, the WhatsApp app, indicating that the club is not fully occupied at this stage.
The vast majority of rejected customers return to the selector and emphasised that they are that other
customers who were behind them in the line and did not register in advance have entered the club.
The selector usually continue to refuse.
Most of the rejected clients leave the place angry and ashamed, according to the description in the interview with them.
But some argue with the selector and even cause a great deal of commotion, accusing him of blatant,
blatant racism and protesting that he has not let them enter because of their dark
skin colour and status as heavy or obscene evidence of him or are seen they rejected.
Customers continue to argue with this selector, but most of them indeed do not gain entry and leave.
Those who do not leave are shifted aside as side by their selectors into a small corner where the enters to the club they call the dry corner.
So I don't know. In Hebrew, is Benetti bush drying a corner?
I didn't find any other good translation hanging.
Yes. And this visibility is very, very important.
I would will emphasise it later.
The proposal of this physical placement in the drying order, as reported by the selectors,
is to publicly embarrass the client whose entry is denied, to make him feel humiliated and thus leave leave of his own accord.
In the vast majority of cases, this is indeed what the what happens.
So. So the selector and the selectors.
And they should emphasise who are themselves of Mizrahi.
Mizrahi origin, who for the most part also made extensive use.
Again, between the distinction, the distinction between heavy mizrahim and like mizrahim.
While the first concept is, as I said, is identical to the concept of of the stigmatic concept of our seam.
The second term described mizrahim who pass as as a as a Skenazy or for Liron.
One of the selectors described this as follows an end quote.
Let's say you, he points to me, are called in our language a light Mizrahi.
Look at you. You are a gentle, polite, cultivated white.
And with this glasses, you press as a skin and see eye for an eye, for instance, now pointing at himself and consider considered heavy Mizrahi ass.
I also don't bear selection for clubs. I'm black.
Speak loudly, talk with my hands. You'll hear my Mizrahi language.
Every, every, every other word of my knees, my eyes, my soul.
In name. The Shelly. I'm actually in Hebrew. It's considered a more Mizrahi.
I swear to God based I shame.
This is this is was rocket talk from the neighbourhood then I also love a love affair, Olivier, a very heavy, popular Mizrahi singer.
In short, you are like Mizrahi. I am heavy was an analysis of of the interview makes it possible to identify nine main
status indicate indicators that stand out to the to the selectors skin colour of course for
example quote from one of the interviews black are kind of what kind of suspicious objects
before they even open their mouth they past the selection lists place of residence.
What is what is what in Israel are known as development towns or I would be to the Jews community in the periphery of either a Jew geography,
geographic periphery or fear side with high concept concentration of visa theme.
Many of the partygoers want to a at least at the weekend to spend the night into in
Tel Aviv and came from this far cities style of dress and now you should listen.
Adidas suit. This is the way how they call them both.
This is a quote of a quote from the interviews with the selectors Adidas suits.
This is the nickname for the Happy Mizrahim because they love Adidas suits, button down shirts,
and Tommy Hilfiger or Armani over such a cigar pants and elegant black shoes.
What is important is that some buttons on the top are open and their shaved chased hair is speaking out.
Haircut called the sucker play a haircut cropped hairdo with a shaved strip on the on the side or a so-called mohawk or on the other side.
And sometimes even one shaved a eyebrow type of coloured hair.
They quote, they pray, they spray a strong cologne.
You can smell four miles away and have a few kinds like this, 1 million Russians.
This is the name of the some of the of the cologne language, cheap language.
This is, again, quote, cheap language, street language, inarticulate, heavy with likely grammatical mistakes.
They use words like God is, bless my eyes, my soul in a tone of speech, quote,
cumbersome talk of drug people who throw out the words and sentence if they are snoring now,
walking style, clumsy, walking a little bit like a monkey, open arms of the right or left.
And of course, accessories the gold neck like a necklace.
Star of David pendant.
A gold necklace with the name of his girlfriend, girlfriend, girlfriend.
A gold chain link bracelet, a large ring with black stone in the middle of it, what is called an el gold ring.
Al Golan is a famed another famous Mizrahi, a singer who has a black ring with a blackistone.
So one of the.
So this is, of course, the Qs that helps that help the selector to decide if the the the part the customer passed the selection or will deny access.
So one of the first thing you notice when you arrive at the nightclub arena on the weekend is the long line of customers,
party goers who are standing in line to enter the club.
The duration of the queue on the weekend, the day's load by the Israeli by the social actors in the nightclub filled as
Mardi Time is between one again is between one and one and half a half hour.
Most of this, those waiting are men who arrive in groups.
They they continue. Ethnography demonstrate that it is rare to see men arriving alone or male female couples.
Woman on most nights, on weekends have a separate queue, shorter and with virtually no selection.
There are rare cases in which women were not admitted to the club or cases where they demanded they made a direct a a dress
code or as required for men in infrequent crisis cases where there was where where there was no separate line for a woman.
Most of them approach the selector and ask to enter because they could not stand the cold.
They were let immediately that no graphics show more of the hustle and bustle during the long wait.
A loud conversation. Music for the club and the mobile and the mobile device.
Dave devices of those waiting in line.
Moreover, Sanders quarrels and conflicts,
some of which become violent between the selector and customer who do not pass selection, are heard throughout the queue.
This conflicts are a are a topic of conversation among those among those.
Duce, who's among those waiting in line.
Some ridicule. Those whose answer has been denying it.
Some. Some are angry at the selectors.
And others are angry that these conflicts create delays and increase increased waiting time.
Further conversation conducted by those waiting in line to deal with the separate interests of VIP customers or friends of the club owners.
Most of the awaiting people express anger that they cut the line or did not stand in line for it like a regular person.
Finally, other topics of conversation that actually help those waiting to pass their waiting time or kill time,
as they call it, dealing with alcohol and drugs.
Many customers ask their friends and trusts for transfer between between them alcohol and drugs.
The phrase, brother, can you fix me up is a phrase you will hear a lot.
You will hear a lot if you stand in the line waiting for the nightclub.
In this case, the reference, of course, is usually to marijuana or cannabis in some cases is the intention is to drug clout.
There are drugs like love, drugs and heroin, cocaine.
The Waiting Naugatuck is far to show that those waiting in line are not only men who arrived in groups,
but that are also are two type of males groups who do not usually communicated between them.
One group, known as aliasing or heavy mizrahim in the club scene are mizrahim and usually
age 18 to to 36 who live in the periphery of Israel and come for for free,
at least in Israeli terms, to go out in Tel Aviv, the party capital of Israel, the sick group known as the student, the good children.
The selection passes or their skin and seem our younger usually aged between 18 and 29 years old living in or near Tel Aviv.
It is important to emphasise emphasise that there is usually no communication between members of two groups inside and outside the club.
Sometimes there are violent conflicts between them with the member of the first groups
are hurt by the negative comments or by the ridicule of the member of the second groups,
as do those those who do not pass selection and argue with them.
Was this a lecture? So waiting is described in the literature as unique experience of time.
Which attests the power struggle and inequality often described as dead time, empty time, limbo, liminal time,
which moves the individual toward a specific future event waiting as many attribute, for instance, to Samuel Beckett.
Beckett Play Waiting for Godot is time and space where nothing much happens.
Moreover, the waiting is described as passive and included powerlessness,
helpless, a Kafka sick frustration, an emotion described as infantile feeling.
The prevalence studies a book about a waiting deal in the in the experience of emergent marginal
subjects the poor immigrant asylum seeker either a bureaucratic meeting with the state.
The waiting time is described in this context as an expression of of power and inequality.
Whose purpose whose purpose is to produce docile citizens.
One of my favourite quotes, a quote is by Vincent Calzado, a anthropologist of combined philosophy and topology,
who who in a quote and his quote is waiting means to be oriented in time in a special way.
This is directed toward the future. Not an expensive, expensive future, however, but a constrict, constricted one that closed in on the present.
In waiting, the present is always secondary to future.
It is held in expectation. It is filled with suspense.
It is sort of holding action, lingering in, waiting the praise that the present loses its focus in.
In then. In the now. The word in its immediacy.
Sleep slips away. It is without élan, vitality, creative force.
It is numb, muted, dead. Its only meaning.
Its only meaning lies in the future, in the arrival or arrival of object, of the waiting and of quotes, the member of bulls,
the member of of both groups experience a more active weight from the common description in the in the,
in the literature or perhaps perhaps what Hage calls active passivity and do and do sometimes do something to pass the waiting time or kill time,
and even defined these times in different ways.
I now want to point out three main differences of doing waiting or how how people how would the customer experience a waiting?
Those who those who who regularly pass selection refer to the referred to as the student or desk and see the vast
majority of whom are indeed ashkenazim report that their waiting time is considered part of recreation or foreplay,
as one of the interviews put it before entering the club.
This temporal interval is grabs, as is a time that bursts quickly and is and an occasion to interact with,
with, with friends standing in line waiting time is even described as quality time or party time.
This this is time. This time also has been described as hedonistic time in which they are preparing for creating for greater enjoyment,
going going to the going to the club via technology that in heads the pleasure such as consumption of alcohol and and drugs.
The field observation show showed that to show to a large extent that they are
mostly relaxed and their and their body language does not convey stress or tension.
Neither do their conversation or revolves around.
Question and would it whether they will pass this election or what they must do in order to gain entrance to the nightclub.
The privilege habitus, which, as smooth as their weight, guarantee a stress free admission to the club, remain unmarked and invisible to their self.
It is. I should I should emphasise that that that it is not that there waiting time is
shorter as other research note about the waiting time of privilege subjects,
but that they enjoy it more and are not busy dealing reflexivity with the fear that they will not pass the
selection and not experience the future event entering the club for which they wait more than an hour.
The disappointment, the despair and the uncertainty are therefore not part of their waiting time experience.
The waiting, the waiting experience of those who do not pass a select selection.
The the heavy with the theme is is embedded with experience of uncertainty, excited and and in shame.
There the waiting time is subjectively.
Her experience as longer and it and is privy to description such as frozen a time out injury time [INAUDIBLE] time holocaust time
and I want to and later olds I will say something about the Holocaust language or they used and especially prison and prison time.
For example 11 a 26 Mizrahim depicts depicts his experience standing in line as follows quote quote Eternity.
This is eternity. Time, stand, stand still.
This is a holocaust. This is like the selection during the Holocaust.
I am denied enters because I'm black and because of my accent.
This is this is how I speak. Time is not moving.
I want to die. I I'm counting may have hurt beats just to make time to go faster.
So so the double Islam ethnicity becomes their massive status hyper visible a both to the outlook to the gaze of the selectors,
to the selectors and to the to the to themselves.
In turn, the selector have the ability to stretch the subordinate time control.
By time they orient, the Mizrahi subjects turn to the selector,
gaze back to themself during a which they attempt to to release themselves
from this enforced immobility by by attempting to pass a white best as white,
the second, the second.
The dramatic different differences difference is related.
The fact that their subjects that do not pass selection, whose stigmatise ethnicity is defined as excessive,
are busy talking about the both and executing a performance that may increase their chances of of passing the selection.
In other words, they are busy becoming white or Ashkenazi and removing the status cues that testify, in fact in ethics to their excess ethnicity.
For example, during during white one evening in which they waited in line alone a long time,
it looks at all one of their regulars I had made friends with throughout the study ask for my help.
Quote Brother Ahi as as someone who pass selections selection.
You have to help me out here. How do I look?
Tell me if I'm okay. Make sure I button my shirt up took of the rig they don't like tucked in my
stark in my star of David their click desktop thus hold my red back of my elbow.
They don't like it, but they will not say anything to you.
Are there the the the description in these descriptions indicate not only that the mark the subjectivity,
the subaltern are aware of social label labelling of their the their ethnicity of caring,
eat or their ex or of their access of their bodies, but also that the waiting requires them to encounter the social gazes or outlook,
both publicly and visually,
that the outlook or the look of a of the Ashkenazi partygoers who pass selection and express that necessity and hierarchies in Israel and in the and a
third characteristic a third characteristic that distinguish the experience of waiting time between group member is related to additional reflexivity.
That waiting promotes the Mizrahi partygoers who are aware that their appearance
and self undermine the chances of entering the club are busy with the reflexive
question about political issues such as racism and the state state's embodiments
of its subaltern citizens affiliated with the always the waiting time.
Such critical political reflexivity did not appear at all among Ashkenazi Ashkenazi subjects who pass selection.
Many of many of the conversation conversation revolve around issues concerning concerning social discrimination toward Islam in Israel,
its injustice, injustice and the need for public institutions.
Institutions such states, authority, court or media.
To fight and erase this discriminatory practice.
These forms of waiting time lead the interviews to become engage in different form of self monitoring,
increased visibility, political awareness and experience of shame and humiliation.
Their ethnicity and inferior social status become more evidence to themself and and
and viewed themselves through the gaze of a of other one of their reflexive question
that was repeated during the conversation between the Mizrahi customers while waiting
and is an end in interview with me was related to the nocturnal space of nightclubs.
Many customers in each of interviews ask the question which did not even arise among among Ashkenazi customers.
What kind of place? Is this white kind of place?
Does selection and selection in the state is silent.
Silent? What kind of race does selection, even though it is it is a state law that forbid it.
What kind of place is this where the states ignore blatant racism?
What kind of place? This where the states abandoned some of its citizens.
What kind of place is. Is this where. Where?
No one. No country, no media, no court cares about the quality that that is is taking place here every night.
Some of them even even suggest the answer to their to the to the quick to these questions.
The answer to this question deal with the state's abandonment and lawlessness, with the nightclub space that does not belong to misery,
to deliver him a space of negative emotions and a and an experience of social.
This several quotes in use. Just several quotes in this context.
What kind of place is this? You ask a place of abandonment where the state abandons the people it does not value.
When I ask or in either answer, a place that does not belong to misery.
There is a field called No Man's Land.
So in our context, this is not always Iraqi land. So this differences,
these differences testify not only the fact that the doctrine of space and
time of nightclubs promote a specific reflexivity about ethnic subjectivity,
stigmatic and privilege related to ethnic hierarchy, space, time and inequality among among among Iraqi party partygoers.
But I would also like to claim that it interpolate them to Syria and sends it to specific, specific subjects,
subjects who lose publicly in other the gaze of member of different ethnic group their individual singularity and become a symbolic type.
The one that does not pass selection.
I also want to to to to urge, you know,
that this preoccupation with this with this social subject that that or subjectivity that
does not pass selection during this space and waiting time of entry to into nightclubs.
Also interpolate of course the hegemonic clouds who pass selection rigorously do specific subjects which
in turn which in turn maintain ethnic social order in the in Israel that the the waiting space at the
entrance to the nightclubs not only teach us about different experience of waiting between subaltern subjects
and hegemonic subjects at the prevent prevailing race as the prevailing research literature suggests,
but also about the invention of of a symbolic type unfamiliar to the everyday language or spaces in Israel.
The one who does not bear selection. And at the.
And this and and I think that this new category, new and a new subjectivity is actually a special temporal subjectivity.
You that unique to the the the.
The. The nightclub arena a.
There. This in this disregard, we could we could see we could interpret interpret that we could we can describe this a doctor symbolic type.
The the one that does not pass selection it.
That. Even through the unique characteristic of the of the Dr. Space, the social actor in this space,
this arena also indicated it indicated in its corporate reality, its status cues,
and it is displayed openly in the public waiting a space that hegemonic partygoers can point out this symbolic type,
the subaltern partygoers, which actually the symbolic type that does not bear selection, is aware of of its social stigma.
And the selectors do not let them pass selection forever to see the club door is close to them publicly.
Moreover, the subjects who do not pass a selection and refuse to leave the say the sites are place in public
space known as O as drying corner until they are ashamed and humiliate and leave the place.
This is this.
This is all under the gaze of other other partygoers, some of whom belong to more groups in several to ethnically hegemonic, transparent groups.
The lack of social tension in social relations between the these groups during
the waiting time and within the club and its at least for I think add another
social dramatic dimension which in turn maintains the nocturnal inequality and
give it tangible visibility or what Latour calls thinking with eyes and heads.
I suggest think this social drama that takes place in a waiting area of nightclubs is hyper a structure,
drama or arena that projects the rigid social social hierarchies of social actors.
In contrast to the ante structure concept of Victor Turner, which includes a liminal spaces, liminal space and of course,
subjectivity, an experience that attempts to break down the rigid hierarchies imposed on us.
A hyper structure space expresses projects and actually impose a powerful experience of
the social structure and sharp boundaries between the groups that that characterise it.
Moreover, while the ADR structure includes attempts,
even if through an imagery imaginary imaginary play experience to offer alternative to familiar life spheres,
the hyper structure arena make it difficult to imagine existential alternatives.
The segregation between groups. The.
Material that material indication of symbolic type.
The actual public projection of symbolic type of of of of symbolic ethnic hierarchies
or the transformation of the symbolic into the real in in lacan's terms,
the physical removal of symbolic type and the structure of social event that includes include
includes physically closing the club door to specific subjects and opening a to other.
All these together for space and experience of.
Of a of a of hyper a structure of cruel visit visibility a affiliated with doctoral
inequality a a is a pub or as a public performance in the in the city in the city
square as one of the interviews divided it with the social actors get and illustration
of how ethnic symbolic distinction the distinction become material reality.
Perhaps that was what a number of interviews of this would describes the nightclub as dirty place meant.
The clean symbolic hierarchies are express materiality in front of their eyes in the in the nocturnal and in the nocturnal yes indeed.
Tunnel arena. So so I think are I to to conclude the I think we should start discussing not only nocturnal inequality,
but even the no look, even the phrase every every night life, we we we use the phrase everyday in everyday life.
I think we should, uh, we should understand the social dynamics or this, the, the word or the, or the,
or the life words of the social dynamic in the everyday, in the, every night, into every day, every night life.
And try to distinguish between maybe between nocturnal inequality.
Inequality a dire and diurnal and inequality.
Thank you.