Good afternoon. Welcome, everybody. It's lovely to see you.
At least as well. Data on the attendance list, I'm I'm extremely happy.
It's the third time around that we've been trying to do so and now hopefully we are succeeding in presenting to you,
someone who has become one of ours. Our speaker today, someone that most of you who attend the Israel Studies seminar regularly should know in person.
Dr. Hadi Labuschagne, who is currently a research fellow at the Middle East Centre,
who is in Anthony's college and it is also an early career fellow at the Guanajuato Institute for of Human Rights in Mansfield College.
For her Ph.D. in law, she has studied the evolution of land law within ethnic states and international law,
and it has previously been a senior research fellow at the Max Planck Institute Foundation for International Peace and the Rule of Law in Heidelberg.
And alongside her research, Haddad practises human rights law and constitutional law in Israel Palestine,
and she works with human rights organisations and international civil society organisation as legal advisor and volunteer.
And the title of her talk today, aptly so is Palestinian Arab citizens in Israel equality struggle?
I thank you for joining us. Thank you.
Firstly, I would like to thank you personally, and I also would like Sam to Oxford, the Global School of Global A.I. Studies,
for making that opportunity as timely and inviting me to share some of my thoughts today in this manner and this lecture,
my attempt is to provide a clear understanding of the contemporary status of the Palestinian cities in Israel,
exploring the historical stages to their political formation and social experience experience following
the demographic changes that transformed them from majority into minority within their own homeland.
The second in the second part of my lecture, I will move to turn to explore the status of our Palestinian cities in Israel,
focussing in this discrimination that they are tackling in daily basis in various fields such as citizenship,
Arabic language, political participation, education and employment.
Depends on how much time left. I will try to cover as much as possible for the examples to bring this more to a practical aspect.
I'm hoping that it will. This will provide you with better understanding of how employment,
health quality struggles that are Palestinian citizens in Israel facing in their regular daily day-to-day life.
Despite this, let's first refrain myself. I explain Why am I not a link to the discussion of the narrative of Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
not because they are not a important goal, despite the importance of those narratives estimating the historical circumstances of 1948.
I'm trying to focus to the more they the citizen as well the historical circumstance it 0.16
related to Palestinian-Israeli conflict of a referred to that's referred to as bitter conflict.
The meaning is that the conflict about the nature of the conflict itself that creates meta narratives.
It's the conflict about the nature of the conflict, as well as ingoing conflict between two people with competing historical narratives.
The principal disagreement involves things about identity rights, territory, severity and victimhood.
According to the dominant Israeli narrative, What happens in Palestine, 1948 was called the words independence.
That's not in Hebrew, whereas Palestinians describe as catastrophe or is nickelback in Arabic.
The gap between two disparate descriptive labels really reveals two conflicting memories.
I should comply again myself to the two discussing the Palestinian Arabs,
to the two to the discussion of Palestinian Arabs because in Israel, as they remained in their homeland from the 1948.
Therefore, of all this little means, as mentioned in the abstract, I will address the exclusion of the Palestine Arab citizens in Israel.
So lets you look economic and political decision making institutions.
This will be achieved by providing feedback and amongst the political obstacles in Israel to lay the ground work to understand
their current situation as involuntary minority within the State of Israel because the again remains in their homeland.
Let me offer a brief historical background that would explore the foundation of Israel and create the status of pro-Palestinian citizen in Israel.
Hence, I will outline the demographic changes that it showed as a result of the one Palestinian Arab
citizens in Israel are trapped between their Palestinian ethnicity and their civic Israeli identity.
I will address the historical stages of the Palestinian citizens of Israel
with respect to the political formation and social experience and individual.
I could ask individual and collective starting from 1948, which followed by limiting military ruler period until 1966.
The period was critical for Palestinian Arab citizens in Israel by imposing mandatory rule.
We are talking over them. They are disconnected from the Palestinian and Arab nations and the whole environment.
These stages of democracy changes that funds for Palestinians from a majority into a minority in their homeland caused massive demographic changes.
Some 160000 are a Palestinian remain in Israel after the war.
Some of them will consider as internally displaced present absentees because they couldn't return to
their original villages under the Israeli government to prevent them from returning to majority as well.
Israeli society prevent them most most most of the refugees and neighbourhoods of Arab countries to return to Israel,
while allowing the immigration of hundreds of thousand Jewish from across the world to Israel,
where we mainly mainly they were Holocaust survivors from Europe,
inside Jewish, from other Islamic countries, the Palestinian or most great deal of their ownership of that Jews on seven percent of their
territory before the war and Palestinian Arabs born nineteen ninety three percent at that time.
Now that you are aware of the, you will try a more detailed examination according to the more detailed examination,
and goes through to try to illustrate the involvement of the definition of the Palestinian citizens of Israel.
According to the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel,
the Palestinian citizens were granted Israeli citizenship with full equal membership in the State of Israel.
That includes the right to vote. Let's begin with some numbers.
According to the Central Bureau of Statistics estimation, when 31 December 2019, let's say I could in Israel.
Total, Israel's total population is estimated at nine point one three hundred one hundred sixty six thousand
residents six thousand six thirty six million seven hundred seventy two arduous means seventy four point one.
The total population there Earth compromise one comprised one million nine hundred one six nine hundred sixteen sorry Arabs,
which means twenty one percent of the total population and the others are four hundred eighty four.
From the entire population that belong to the Arabs belongs to the three religion, Muslim-Christian and the Jews.
It wasn't. A population was not the majority estimated as one million point six,
thirty six and approximately one hundred seventy seven thousand two Christians live in Israel and the
Jews in all 14 square foot one one hundred forty four point two Jews and most of them 50 percent,
live in the Galilee, north of Israel. Smaller numbers live in the centre of the triangle area and seventeen point two in the south.
As with mainly Bedouins besides mixed city 7.3 or live Arabs living in mixed cities such as Jaffa and Haifa,
and more in analyses of the status of the outpost,
Israel's political circumstances that involved the creation of Israel can't be ignored because they became important to me,
my minority as part of the Palestinian people living in western Gaza and everywhere in Diaspora.
This should not be ignored while we are discussing this situation.
Examining the Israeli model of citizenship suggestions particularly interesting way of understanding the contours of belonging.
This position equality and discrimination in the context of Palestinian citizens
when one had security concerns combined with the Israeli state's calculations,
caused doubts about the loyalty question. The state does with them a security threat.
On the other hand, the Israeli authorities use emergency regulation against the Palestinian Israeli in Israel,
although they are citizen as imposing 19 years of military military rule that being
imposed over the major areas where Palestinian citizens live from 1948 until 1966.
During those times, the military rule used by Israeli authorities as measurements and techniques by blocking the return of internal.
In Israel to return to their own towns and villages by imposing military rule used by the Israeli authority as the measure to block the return,
as I mentioned at a Palestinian population,
states after the end of the war and announced those areas has a clause going according to Article one hundred twenty five defence regulations,
times of emergency of nineteen forty five. These factors basically damage the economic independence.
There are Palestinian citizens and I mean as many as Palestinian citizens.
A farmers military rule prevents them to reach their collective lands in conjunction with one another.
These two will facilitate the Arabs in many.
I mean, their slides. I'm sorry, is that OK?
Yes, I. Yeah.
The systematic land confiscation that started in the period one procedure,
permanent outcomes that will defy the articulation of exclusion as well additional to military
rule by the preventing the passing of as well as some excess territory even afterwards,
even after the termination of military rule.
But having Israel continue to be excluded from participation fully in socioeconomic and decision making institutions in Israel,
it's a crucial to remember that given the political reality that reflects the complexity
of the challenge that Israel Palestinian that presents the security citizen in Israel,
that of course, adulation, then the security threat. So that worries these actions by the authorities,
causing the marginalisation of Palestinian minorities through pursuing exclusionary policies towards them and limiting their access to resources,
along with the political power and dominion domination, then dominating them with the State of Israel.
First, let's begin with the fact that the state was Wisconsin was founded in 1948 with vision that
Israel would be civilians of Jewish people and the creation of the entire Jewish people.
A description of the fundamental aspect of the Jewish state can be found in 1948 Declaration of Independence.
The founders of Israel declared that nature of the state is Jewish after Israel established the definition of Israel.
According to Basic Law Israel, a Basic Law of Israel in 1948, Israel defined as a Jewish state or the state of the Jewish people.
It reflects what was envisioned or the Balfour Declaration 1917 as the establishment of the national home of the Jewish people.
In addition, various Supreme Court decisions affirms the core principle of the Jewish character.
Characters of the state, such as the rights of the Jewish immigrants to Israel,
which comprise a majority Hebrew, is the state central official language.
The state means holiday and symbols reflect the nation revivals of the Jewish people.
The Jewish heritage is leading. The Jewish heritage is leading a comment.
Well, it's religion and cultural heritage. Therefore, the establishment of Israel will aim to maintain a national Jewish land as Switzerland,
the Jewish heritage and present the dominant ideology while shaping the policies and the symbols of the new established State of Israel.
Nonetheless, the United Nations partition plan in 1947 stipulates stipulated clearly that a nation based state must
apply a substantial democratic regime that provides legal protection of the civil and political,
social and economic rights. Furthermore,
the Declaration of Independence stated that Israel will promote the development of the country for the
benefit of all its inhabitants that will be both frenzied and that will be built on the basis of celebrity,
justice and peace. Also, it would maintain complete quality of social and political rights to all its citizens, regardless of religion,
race or sex, and that it will be guaranteed freedom of religion, conscience, language, educacion and culture.
Thus, the definition also includes the fundamental aspect of Israel as democratic state.
It should be noted that Declaration of Independence does not include the phrase Jewish and democratic state,
also in which the word democracy from the declaration that the incorporation of the Declaration of Independence.
The interpretation of the Supreme Court. While trying to understand the declaration in a civil and court decisions such as very famously Naked
Minister of Interior and Intolerance and Minister in 1953 leaves no doubt as the democratic nature of Israel,
a characteristic was first to officially exist in the country.
Additionally, officially, the Democratic character was mostly adopted in the amendment of the basic to the Basic Law,
the Knesset, an amendment to Article nine, the Sony Article seven eight that passed in nineteen fifty eight.
Israel has navigated between indorse nationality and religion as a Jewish state on one hand and promoting liberalism and democracy on the other hand,
an audit of this definition of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state requires a more complex underpinning with almost one plank to do.
Therefore, the tension and identity and the commitment to Israel as Jewish and democratic state,
I will argue that ethnicity race continues to play prominent role in the definition of the concept of the citizen in Israel.
The conflict in the term Jewish and democratic state.
One of virus suggestions explaining the conflict is the term itself because it adopts approaches.
Because the approach that Israel is a Democratic nation state in, which is to preserve the majority ethnic community,
cultural justification and privilege based on historical claims of territory assigned to the restrictive Jewish ethnicity,
the term Jewish and democratic reflects the real nature of the state as it no longer include all the citizens.
More radical approaches have considered that Israel on this democratic something has only offered to the
Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel three elections that capable of changing the way a government party is.
This only essential condition that's classified Israel as democracy.
Consequently, Israel illiberal policies and practises that are discriminatory in nature, preferring the Jewish majority over others.
Therefore. And according to another prospective suggestion,
reading that the Palestinian citizen of Israel and obtaining their formal citizenship living any ethnic democracy,
other scholars argue that Israel's socio economic policies have caused international ethnic and class division amongst the Palestinian citizen.
Israel and Jewish have alienated them and most in the most peripheral groups,
causing this distinctive contradiction both into the term Jewish and democratic state.
According to the law, during the Palestinian citizens, Israel are equal citizens.
This implies that democratic conditions existing fundamental divisions of the states.
Nevertheless, within its de facto the Palestinian citizens, a struggled with the state definition as the framework of the government.
Governance and democracy is democracy, but it's underpinning concepts give superiority to the majority Jewish over others.
But citizens may be included or excluded from political decision making and socio economic institution,
according to the United Nations Committee of Elimination Racial Discrimination Report.
The endorsement to exclude the Palestinian cities and Arab citizens in Israel from social,
economic and political decision making substantial discrimination in terms of decision making institutions therefore face substantial discriminative.
As the report states substantial discrimination in terms of economic resources, particularly as the world of housing, land allocation,
education budget and local authorities, the maintenance of holy places and employment as a result of preference given to those who serve in the army.
Secondly, they seek the opportunity to express their national identity, culture, education and linguistic or other fields.
This constant contextual discrimination and exclusion brings me to the second part of the lecture
in order to understand how marginalisation of Palestinian cities in Israel is representative,
how does it look too sensitive in various ways across the political landscape,
as it is reflected in socioeconomic status of the Palestinian citizens of Israel as a starting point as well?
There is separation total almost total separation between Palestinian Arab citizens in Israel and Jewish majority.
Most of the Palestinian Arab citizens in Israel live in their own villages and towns, mostly overcrowded and poor infrastructures.
What are some other living in the mixed cities? Around seven point of three million US percent?
Sorry, as I mentioned before. As I mentioned before as well, Palestinians are citizens,
a geographically lived and mentally and working to visit the village of small towns in the area and its land, and in the south of Negev.
We're mostly between six point seven left in unrecognised villages, mountains of the Palestinian cities and in Israel,
I lived separately in our communities once and live in Jewish towns.
It's the great neighbourhoods in towns such as Haifa, Java and more.
In addition to the education system is separated. It's separated.
Yeah. So one of the main reasons of the Latham.
Meaning that the integration, the cure, mostly sorry.
Meaning that the integration, a cure, mostly in workplaces where Jewish, typically hold higher positions than Palestinian citizens in Israel.
One of the main reasons situation resolves to black resources available for the community stock.
Where has it? Higher education is language language boundaries may also be an additional reason, as Hebrew will be second language,
while Arab students and most importantly, poverty has 60 percent of the population.
Our families live under the poverty line or close to it 44 percent foreign to under the poverty line,
44 percent almost there in compliance with 20 percent of the Jewish families,
thirteen point four under the poverty line and six point nine almost there.
They are also suffering from higher level of underemployment, and more than 50 to 60 percent of their land was expropriated by the state.
Also, they face discrimination in legislation as they directly discriminate against them, such as citizenship law,
Jewish National Law Amendment of Citizenship and entry into Israeli to say entry into Israel to 2003 that
prevents family unification of Palestinian families when espouse Israel and the occupied territory,
or what Israel consider enemy states such as Iran, Israel, Iran, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Furthermore, the lack of the funding of the amounts abilities that resulted poor infrastructure in and are areas.
One point about the education system, also in Israel, it's separated,
and this is why the only first meeting point will be mostly integration of cures, mostly in the workplace.
No, I wanted to give the remaining time of the lecture to give a glimpse of, in reality,
examples of the legal or illegal architecture of exclusion surrounding the policy of citizens in Israel,
covering particular areas such as thought such as citizenship, education, Arabic language, employment and political participation.
Let me start with the citizenship because it's really like major new laws that transform the situation even to more racist and current situations.
Firstly, to explore into the question we've sent to the immigration and nationality law in Israel that reflects an equal treatment under
the Israeli legal system as a starting point to explain that the notion of citizenship a definition can be found in law.
Written in the law written in 1950, which states that every Jewish has the right to come to the country, as well as Jewish immigrating to Israel.
In other words, if a Jewish person in the world is entitled to come to Israel unconditionally and automatically,
then the Israeli nationality in accordance with Article two eight.
Every person who has immigrated, according to the Law of Return, will be citizens of Israel.
Furthermore, the Law of Return of 1970 article for amendments no to extend the right to their offspring.
Nevertheless, according to the exact article, three of the same laws are considered National Law of 1952.
The specific this privilege to Jews people Israeli nationality is condition
of the four only persons who were in Israel from its establishment in 1948.
Another alarming example of discriminatory legislation on the field of citizenship can be found in the entry in entry into Israel,
entry into Israel law,
the temporary order section to the legislation prohibiting Palestinian citizens of Israel from obtaining a nationality and their spouse.
If the latter is a Palestinian resident live in occupied territory, including Gaza,
even if they are married by an act of the rule which limits citizenship and stay in Israeli.
That means the Palestinian citizen in Israel who many Palestinian residents of the West Bank or Gaza or face two options,
either they will leave Israel and go to live place in the one other supposed lives or leave one support in order to remain in Israel.
In March of 2007, the Knesset questions the new law, which meant that the burden of family unification where one spouse is Palestinian food.
If you plan to add to that, more is more cruel than on family unification with one spouse is a citizen of Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq or any state.
Israel, defined by Israeli law as states and or an individual defined by Israeli security forces as
residing in the area where activity occured that is liable to endanger Israel's security.
Maybe this now changing and giving you updates with the release of the then peace accords.
In any case, the law has applicable consequences. It affects thousands of families, comprise 10 thousands of individuals.
Since it prevents family to live together, it violates basic fundamental rights,
human dignity and Palestinian groups of people who are going to see how Arab citizen rights forcing family to split apart or more abroad,
or live in Israeli fear of customs declaration or at least voting to separation.
Israeli parliament renewed again the ban as part of the 60 second entry into Israel for the 15th year, making it kind of an effect of permanent.
More recently and 19 July 2013 by Odin Richter, the majority of 62 were compared to 55.
The Israeli Knesset enacted the Basic Law Israel, the nation state of Jewish people,
which asserted that the state as exclusively Jewish, this that the law maintains and articulates that ethnic religion identity.
It's a crucial to highlight here that the law is Basic Law,
which means that it sets forth for the country constitution or the power of Israel that's capable of over reading any ordinary legislation.
It is easy to understand as well that the implication of such legislation are huge as not merely confirmation of the status quo not only decorative,
but it's also changing the constitutional framework that violates international norms.
There is no democratic constitution that defines the constitutional identity of the state on racial grounds as serving one is the
only one the second group de facto the direct and indirect discrimination against Palestinian citizens in these Arab listings.
Israel has existed since 13th, but the uncle and codified these policies and practise in your Basic Law with the constitutional statutes,
which will advance discriminatory policies against the questioning of citizens in Israel.
In other words, the a legitimisation of this legitimisation of policies under Israeli or this would require relying on executive authority,
such as the decree, and to implement the claim under the rule of law,
by not allowing the possibility of challenging the discriminatory and racist policies.
The extreme defined of who is citizens. And the fact that.
The extreme anti-democratic feature of the Basic Law are also reveals that the effect doesn't even define who is citizen
and in the fact that the group includes no reference to our population as legitimate political and social community.
Moreover, the law and you the foundation of landscape of Jewish nationalism that superior ethnicity, dismissing the democratic norms,
ignoring the equality, rights or prohibition of discrimination based on race, nationality, ethnicity or any other category.
All people living under the State of Israel. Furthermore, furthermore, it does not include any definition of citizenship.
Instead, it indicates to the Jewish people as its subject.
This slippery slope democratic regime. Additionally,
the law outlining the severity of democratic self-rule only belonging exclusively exclusively to Jewish people regardless where they live.
Therefore, I argue that the law undermining the State of Israel is undermining the constitutional
structure of the state by this affirms the basic democratic principle of the state.
Furthermore, the law constitution and racial ethnic religion exclusion as a new, legitimate law.
The affiliation of this city that does remind the constitutional identity violates the principle of equal citizenship.
Therefore, the national state law discriminates against Palestinian civilians.
The most important aspect in the field of citizenship to Kuwaiti land language culture uses to justify that instead of three
instead three in all spheres of life by excluding them from the political community and constituents living in their homeland.
It's worth mentioning that during the legislative legislative process leading to the adoption of the emotional state law on 19 July 2015,
Palestinian member of the Knesset attempt to propose alternative bill in June 2013,
offering a definition of the State of Israel as a country with all its citizens.
In response, the Knesset committee that includes the Knesset speaker and deputy speaker
amended the bill from even reaching the parliament to parliamentary discussion,
claiming that it would be neglect. The definition of Israeli, as Jewish said a petition submitted in June 2018 to the Supreme Court followed that,
even if an attempt to challenge the decision of disqualify.
On 30 December of 2013, the Supreme Court dismissed the case and it reminded that the dissolution of the Knesset the 22nd December
2015 had redundant the petition theoretical and refrained from commenting or criticising the incident.
Therefore, the Supreme Court delayed and did not make immediate decision without interference in directly kind of.
The Supreme Court took part in legitimising the restriction imposed on the Knesset member to prevent and to promote the alternatives of citizen.
One additional field of Pakistan, or Citizen was red faced discrimination afflicted in the injection system education system,
and these guys operated in two tier systems,
which is the question of system citizen in and separate institutions from primary school until high school level.
And according to the Education Laws 1963 Amendment 2000,
the law defines the institution set up of the public education system in Israel, as well as its schools as objectives.
Nevertheless, these regulations are embedded in Jewish terms and are only Jewish only for Jewish
students with focus on two dimension of Jewish education system secular and religious.
Article two of the state of education law. The objective of education to preserve to the Jewish.
Sorry. It's important,
again to highlight that Article 211 acknowledge the cultural linguistic needs of the Palestinian citizen who's not
affiliated despite the additional recognition of non-Jewish education in Article four of the state of Education,
which is steeped in Jewish educational institution.
The curriculum should be adopted in the special condition.
Consequently, all aspects of non-Jewish education system are completely determined by the Ministry of Education.
The Israeli government has largely not provided equal funding or facilities to the two sections solely to the two sectors.
And discrimination is prevented in pre-school and special education.
The gap between Jewish and Arab pre-school children and significant as the rate of attendance amongst Jewish children is between
10 to 15 higher and the comparison with the children of the same age are the students are under-represented in higher education.
Furthermore, the numbers of Arab Palestinian citizens in Israel in academia is very minimal,
making only one point to alter your position or cover the proximity.
This means that 50 percent lower excellence without to the posts Arabs women are not under-represented in higher education,
nor Arab women held the post of professor by the Higher Education Council and first appointment to the Senate,
despite the fact that while students study in their mother attend.
The curriculum was similar to Jewish school until 2007, when the government accepted Israel's exclusive history books in Arabic Israeli schools,
proving to be Palestinian historical narrative in the curriculum, which was reflected.
However, the change of historical the change of historical narrative in curriculum did not last due to the regime change in Israel.
Then that led to the radical right wing administration in 2009, which changed the curriculum,
according to the government of Israeli believe indications that it is really believes
in education as it demands official report that restricts the objectives of the
Israeli education system was to maintain Judaism and as by deepened and strengthened
the conviction to highlight the historical achievement of leaders of all mothers.
It's also enhancing on Islamism identity and ethnic values by assigning extra teaching hours to learn
the Israeli national anthem The Tick and by promoting both National Civic Service and military service.
Additionally, the term Nakba was ordered to be removed from Arabic textbooks since 2009.
The Knesset has continued the policy in 2011. Its impact fact the Israeli parliament's impact amendment to the state budget law in 1955 referred to it
as this law prohibited all bodies two that received funding from sending money to any activity that,
inter alia, commemorating 20 dates. All the the establishment of the State of Israel as mourning the Supreme Court of Justice dealt
with cases of discrimination against the Palestinian out of cities in Israel on various occasions.
The court has first several decisions up through rank equality.
Illegal discrimination in practise through them through the states are not implemented and in the.
Arabic speaker in Israel have. Oh, I'm sorry.
Yeah. No, I would move to the other example of the Arab language.
Arabic speaking in Israel have little opportunity to use their native language after
completing primary school and secondary school unless the two community are prevented,
unless within their own community or private speak Hebrew is the practical language to use.
Furthermore, it's a domain language and the higher education system and most workplaces and public institutions.
Arabic used to be considered as an official language in accordance to the Article 82 of the Palestinian Ordering Council of 1922,
which adopted by the Israeli Legislature in Article 15,
be of Law and Government Ordinance of 1948 that states that or become the Hebrew Act or official language in Israel and with the English.
Hellblazer, article four of the Jewish state law is downgrading of the Arabic as official language and give it
special status even before the Supreme Court of Israel has never given equal weight to the two languages,
often examining cases of fraud before it matters of a freedom of speech rather
than a zombie language rights and treating Hebrew as the sole official language.
In keeping with the court understanding of Israel Jewish state as a result,
a petition have appealed to the Court of Equal Language on the basis of Article 82, an attempt to challenge the existing practises.
Based on the of law, the decision was positively to maintain or as an official language by accepting the appeal to oblige the emasculate
in mixed Arab-Jewish cities that are weak in traffic and warning signs in the area under CAA jurisprudence.
Therefore, the transport minister decided to change the names of all road signs in a two hour flight into Arabic.
However, he decided not to use the Arabic names of the cities and towns.
For instance, he will use for Jerusalem, written in Arabic letters Urushiol aims to include, as it's called, in Arabic.
In other words, the implementation of the judgements by the authorities creatively divide the court like invoke the this court decision.
Even the possibility of such symbolic challenge is now no longer available or accessible,
thanks to the enactment of the Jewish national state law, which has constitutionally, in short, the great fear in status of the Arabic language.
Because now Hebrew is the only official language of Israel employment, all under a very basic law.
Freedom of the occupation in two uncles.
Freedom of employment and the equal opportunity employment law. It was in 1983 that states that discrimination employment is prohibited.
Yet several elements affect workplaces opportunity distributing that affect the higher rate of unemployment of the Palestinian citizen in Israel,
one of which is the military service for historical and political reasons.
The Palestinian of citizens Israel seen from obligatory military service in Israeli Defence Force.
However. The smells of the Bedouin, of the Druze and the Israeli defence.
Source. However, the most of those,
although the Minister of Economy and Labour had previously eliminated the obligatory military service as a conditional
acceptance criteria for employment disagree as regards close links with the nature of the jobs or services,
such inclusion for military service seemed to be neutral.
In practise, however, inherently discriminates what Palestinian citizen Israel regarding the employment opportunity opportunities.
Furthermore, on 16 June 2013, the Ministerial Committee on Legislation approved the proposed solutions over to the
state to which institution personnel treatment for citizens who contribute to the state,
hence civilians in Israeli military or conduct civil services, including preference recruitment salaries,
receiving service such as student housing, higher education and allocation land of housing.
It's worth mentioning that the Orthodox Jewish name was also they do not support Israeli military or conduct.
Any civil service means that they will also exclude and discriminate on.
They boasted that such treatment shall not be considered as prohibited by Israeli law in the public sector.
Palestinian or Arab citizen in Israel comprise approximately 66 percent of the civil service employee and only
two percent who are going to the state and to oversee increasing representation of civil services under 2000.
Amendment to civil service law in appointments in 1959,
which requires no representation in civil service and central ministries with reference to both gender, an Arab population.
To date, the law has not been successful.
The present rate of the representation it is minimal in comparison to the Arab community perceive an additional aspect underlying the issue
of unemployment amongst Palestinians and in Israel is the lack of state support to improve the infrastructure of our towns and villages,
such as suitable industrial zones, for example. This evidence of serious shortage of government funded into few initiatives.
This the length of the are towns and villages from central site cities is due the absence of frequent adequate public transportation.
This case has difficulties in reaching workplaces.
All of us contribute to the increasing poverty rate amongst Palestinian cities in Israel, which is higher than the rest of the population.
The situation, even worse in a recognised, is situated mostly located in the south,
and it was like the lack of basic living standards such as electricity and water supplies in the unrecognised villages.
Although situation is recognised, villages is beyond the scope of this lecture.
It's worth mentioning that the government has obligations towards these communities,
and something should be done to change the current situation by providing states
funds in order to create the shape and shape development development plans.
Must example, provide a concerning to the discrimination faced in political participation fee
when we are dealing with the decision making policy process is centralised,
of course, there is limited access available. Available to the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel in Israel,
who is marginalised from the political domain and embedded in the Israel landscape since 1948,
our Arab parties have never been part of the ruling government coalition.
One indirect mechanism that is not used is to limit the political participation of Palestinians visiting Israel,
raising the threshold from two percent to three point twenty five in the last election, for example in the total votes zone.
This only one example of how the Knesset impact laws to effectively limit the political participation of citizens in Israel.
Therefore, the argument that we're using here is that the threshold for parties to gain seats of the Knesset violates the Palestinian
citizen in Israel voting rights and enables the disqualification of their candidates and parties in the March 2015 election.
The Palestinian citizens of Israel just over 60 percent of the seats in the Knesset,
even after the unification of the four are approach, is currently over 120 seats in the Knesset.
Parliament is held 15 positions after the UNIFIL and four women and other women.
Additionally, equality in decision making processes include judicial system and civil service system.
The minimum representation representation of the most senior Palestinian citizen in Israel is another issue.
For example, since Israel was established, only one Supreme Court judge has been Arab.
Currently, just one out of the 15 Supreme Court judges in the Arab is an Arab and no Arab woman.
It's often the Supreme Court.
Arab judges of the District Court level also have very little right in the Majesty Courts and the figure also a lawyer and also in the labour courts.
This figure two out of 55 is minimal. Representation is notable truly reflects the credibility of the judicial system of the State of Israel.
Therefore, the Sixth District, which gives the age ethical system.
To wrap up,
it's essential to shed the light so there is liability to impress quality to all citizens since Israel defined itself as Jewish and democratic states.
However, Israel struggles to safeguard equal rights and liberties for all citizens.
Israel needs to adopt active regulation in order to secure the trust of citizens quality in the months of policies,
budgets, education, housing, access to land. It must allocated resources to fight against racism, the gritty and discriminated discrimination.
For instance,
we can argue that the higher education fees for and even as a students or staff should be represented in accordance with the size of the population.
Around 60 percent of the population are Palestinian citizens lives in poverty.
Poverty rate amongst the Palestinians, Susan families are significantly higher.
Arabs on 60 percent of the national average, which line Arab women.
And 70 percent of an average work,
which currently Israel struggles to maintain a state as Jewish and democratic states by giving precedence to the Jewish ethnicity over democracy.
Therefore, the protest against discrimination calls a struggle for a Palestinian citizen.
Legitimation and legitimised unjust mechanisms to develop and promote equality must be
adopted and should be able as you to employ on state level governments and in practical.
Thank you for your attention. I can't tell you sorry.
I do thank you for this. Well, interesting and painful presentation, I must say.
We are all virtually and physically clapping, so just to say thank you.
The Q&A is now open. All attendees are invited to send their questions just to remind you this is recorded and will be broadcast as a podcast.
So if you don't want your names to be mentioned, just write in your questions.
And how do I use my status here to ask the first?
Actually, I have two questions I would appreciate if you could address.
One thing in a sense is informative. The other is an unfair question.
And listeners are so informative regarding the citizenship law regarding this ongoing for 17 years and going a temporary injunction,
but by which Palestinian citizens of Israel cannot marry anyone they want.
Simply put, can you say something about the reasoning of the Israeli High Court of Justice in allowing the law to be enacted?
It has been obviously challenged in court time and again, and the court did give the state the green light.
And if you like it, I'm sorry. And if you can say something about how the court reasoned this obvious limit of individual rights,
this is no collective that is individual right to the right to marry.
And the unfair question I have is unfair because I want to ask, in a way, a question that forces the minority to solve some of the majority's problem.
So it's unfair because I'm asking the Palestinian side in a way to do what the Israeli Jewish Israeli side is not doing.
But the question is such you in your presentation,
as is the discourse in Israel kind of accepted as as a foregone conclusion that Arabs do not include Jews,
that the division between Arab and Jewish is such that the two are mutually exclusive.
And when we count Arabs within Israeli borders, when we construct this identity scheme of who belongs to where,
so we can say that Palestinian Arabs are Muslims,
Christians, Druze and others, but not Jewish, because Arab Jews would not be counted as members of this community.
Obviously, this has been the triumphant position of the Zionist ideology,
and Israel has been hammering this distinction all along, and there's not much to argue about it from that point of view.
So my unfair question again is do you see any potential for the Palestinian minority within the 1948 borders to kind of offer?
Arab Jews and others within the Israeli Jewish majority, a way in in which to view this distinction between Arab and Jew differently.
I'll give you just one symbolic example, which, to my knowledge,
is not going anywhere but still has been important symbolically was when the Joint List.
And so the the yeah, the the parliamentary representation of the Palestinian minority within Israel shook hands with a couple of Mizrahi activists to
the point and to hire who was a guest in this seminar a few years ago was representing the Arab Jewish contingency in a sense,
shaking hands together and saying, yes, we can be participating as a whole community, which is nevertheless distinct.
Do you think anything could be done in this regard? And I'll put you alive before you answer.
Thank you. Thank you for the interesting questions.
I can't have. Mm-Hmm. Yes. Well, yes.
So first of all, actually, that the Supreme Court gives the first and the first question in the Supreme Court of Israel,
gives the leads for the legislator how in order to implement the citizenship law and the option of a unification of the families,
the main argument will be the demographic imbalance that they need to keep it kicked in Israel and amongst Arabs and
Jews in order to maintain that demographic change in order to keep the Jewish fundamental and phenomena of the states.
So actually was, some argue, that it was a mistake to apply it to don't like to reach the Supreme Court.
And that's the case because before reaching the Supreme Court case, it was individual cases then rejected by the internal minister.
But after giving the Supreme Court decision, it looks like the tools and the mechanism.
Why? If you want to just discriminate based on the some of the unification and the basic of rights for those,
this is just this is the, you know, the format of how you should do it.
And this is where the Israel adopted system and even they keep extending the unification and extending it to them in some countries.
And it's really like, this is this is very unacceptable because literally children been then split from their own families just because of that law,
even during the enactment of that law. The court didn't give even the green light to the INS authorities to start.
After inspecting the law, even if they already like the families, is already in the process of unification,
the before the state court and their give the green light to the states to suspend those who even they have the application.
So actually, and this is when we have, we raised the very interesting topic of the question of whether the Supreme Court was following the agenda.
And I argue when when we are dealing with sensitive topics such as demographic, all threats end of their,
I'm kind of indirectly they're trying to block the Oracle CEO from the occupied territories to obtain a citizen because who would be marines?
They are policy. Is not there in that other community, which they are geographically nearby from the occupied territory,
meaning that although theoretically, it's also possible to use drones.
And on the other hand, also the Supreme Court is thought to become very positive role in dealing with demography changes,
land law as well that I hope I would have liked because it's a different topic,
a more fundamental issue that we could also distinguish how the Supreme Court reacts to the distinguish
between Jewish and Arab and forming the policy agenda for the very liberal like terrorism one.
On the other hand, if this your other hand.
An interesting question, because you will be firstly,
the Jewish are the next six Arabs and the starts of the establishment of the State of Israel because of the idealism.
And that's why was that the Ashkenazi asking is the place to be Jewish?
And this is where we see life. Currently, we are facing a classification that includes also the Jewish Arab citizens.
That's the first different type of struggle and discriminations and qualities of this.
But that one, you have to ask the majority of us case because the Arab Israelis didn't accept us as nothing.
Now things are changing because they are proudly Jewish.
Arabs are now very proud of their heritage, who they are, their language, their culture.
Unlike from the beginning, when they try to integrate in the idealism Ashkenazi Jews,
when when they're following the establishment of the state of 1948.
So I strongly believe that there is fear that we could evolve together.
But in that case, the majority Jews. Arabs should have the initiatives because as minorities, you have no no say in that.
And this is how we see that nobody considered that, for instance, the Arab and all of the things that in any other coalition for the government.
But also there we have to highlight that there's commission also against Israeli Jews.
But yet, if they'd been creative,
the lack of leadership of both sides make things more and more complicated than just like just putting my throat and.
Thank you. We have a question from one of our attendees who is thanking you for your presentation and asking How can minorities,
such as the Arab citizens of Israel, ever democratically gain enough of a voice to be heard in?
And I just add to this if you allow me, maybe equality struggle is not the right struggle to conduct in this regard.
Yeah, only because it seems that it's failed, even if I agree with your comment as well as other qualities.
But on that, like the equality struggle,
is still very important to the crucial because if we even lose this very basic voice of asking for equality within the democratic atmosphere,
then I think this is a very good example of the right of the right to vote on the representation of the members and the Knesset.
We could see that even the representation whenever even when the numbers of the Arab members of the Knesset
with insignias of the majority never even didn't gain any additional rights or nobody cares about them,
we literally they've been excluded despite the fact that they supposedly should have
more power now because they have more representation in this kind of platform.
There is more fundamental questions of whether like, is Israel like?
The same question also would be. I will argue about the Supreme Court.
Should I apply, like should I appeal as a minority to the Supreme Court that's not represented in any?
The claim that it's liberal and the claim that it's really like fair and objective.
Yet following the legislation, the judgements related to land or Jerusalem or in Arabic,
that language, we could see how they deal with this very positive, double minded.
But we that limit the Arabs and like if you want to see the quality, you should like losing your heritage and culture and perspective on the problem.
And this is where it came. The criticism to this in jaws like yours that they will appeal to the Supreme Court in the name
of the Arab minority was the of this representation because I'm so proud you are similar to,
I think, yes, still probably my heritage.
So when they approach the court or they approach the system, they try to speak within the same similar terms.
In order to win that case, they will totally degrade my rights as a citizen in my home,
that indigenous minority going to my who just asking for this very same political rights.
So the question, but so we have to have one person in equal measure.
You know, we are living, though we deserve to receive the civil rights and the civic economic equality,
and we have to keep using the system, although exclusion and exclusion exclusive deaths.
So this is the tools that we have as law, like I have the capacity as a lawyer,
you have to have this mechanism, OK, if we have that law, so let's use it.
I'm not saying this is the optimum situation yet we have because otherwise we will lose everything in this kind
of super lift regimes and we get rid of regulations and policies and in order to prevent that from happening.
Yes, I will keep asking for my rights to have a higher education.
Do not need to travel every night to go to proper school for two hours and to have schools and exclusive to have adequate villages.
This is very basic rights to marry whom I love, regardless to ask him about what is your passport?
Because I need you to take the laws book to make sure that I am allowed to eligible to love that person or the other,
even if and even Jewish from Iran. I can't marry because also like Jewish from Iran, because it's also to be in this category.
So the categorisation of the description is stupid, but as lawyers, we need and schools we need to use the tools to maximise the tools that we have.
It's not the best way. And the question of selecting a recommendation is different.
Like very interesting, and analyse will analyse the situation of Arabs who are opposed to being a citizen of Israel.
Yet I think that we have to tackle this from all angles because.
It's life I'd like, likes freedom. We are forced to make basic human rights that everyone deserves to have regardless.
Yeah, so we have.
The questions and I'll reverse the order, which was submitted because the last question to be submitted is actually touching upon what you already,
in a sense touched upon it, but just to stress the point in a sense,
and this is from again another one of our attendees from the perspective of most Palestinians.
It said Israel is a racist settler colonial apartheid state, given that their struggle is not for equality, but rather for decolonisation.
So isn't the framework of equality a framework for legitimate legitimating?
I'm sorry, the colonial state. Yes, I think that it's all past ones of and this is when we are dealing with a.
I still believe that as well as post-colonial countries, given the fact that we see how Israel adapted the laws and legislations from the previous
egregious colonisation and also its view that citizen and not in the same sense.
So the idea of tracing the rules in this regime also could reflect the point of view of settler colonialism and say,
Oh, like, but still again, I still believe that equality. I didn't,
and I don't approve like the minority is a minority division of the Palestinians was right
because meaning that they will accept the idea that this was not settler and it's not possible.
And I will agree that despite that, we still use it as a collective and individual rights.
And this is what we are fighting for. And even if we are going to lose, still,
we have to use the tools that are offered by the current regime because we don't want to keep losing much in one's life.
For instance, you could see how the colonial regime embedded within the states in order to control resources and resources
is like it's even to build one in period when we can tell which one is right and the current legislations.
National law is one of the very like.
The new 2018 is one of the examples of how Islam is a state that was what is blind to moving more right,
moving towards US states that literally shamelessly excluding full communities within their land.
Twenty one percent of the population with disregard them. Because why?
Because we are now controlling the we all under. This recent legislation since 2009 are extremely going towards this.
Actually in this governance is, you know, the truth of what we had that we could do now is well with some South African apartheid regime,
specifically with the Israeli national law. So it's also a tool and tools that I think that we have to use in order to tackle the current situation.
So the the question that is remaining to be asked, and I think this will be our last question so we can wrap up on time.
Your previous work is on land law, as we mentioned in the beginning.
Can you explain in a bit more detail how Israel's land laws discriminate against Palestinian citizens of Israel?
Mm-Hmm. Yes. It's really like to miss answer, but I was just to give them a brief.
The system the mechanism of Israel had limited limiting access to land in Israel is two layers, which means that 93 percent of the lands in Israel is.
Israel as a Jewish fund owned by Jews and.
Jewish Fund is a private sector that can employ the like, the criteria,
all of whom are eligible to be accessing those land so it automatically excludes exclude,
although our population of Israel, its tool, our system that indirectly is the State of Israel.
But the thing that they are not responsible is that the accessibility of land in this
democratic state yet is a Jewish one and can at say they own like three percent of the land.
And that limits the accessibility of any Palestinian information in Israel.
And this is why the are villages and their towns are very crowded,
crowded because they are surrounded by services to their limits and is why didn't add up and Israel
didn't establish any city since the establishment of the state of the out of cities or town?
Despite the growth of the population, this is that's the case why we are seeing the case,
that reason why we don't have any properties on land and planning regulation to improve the situation of those lands.
So this system will exclusion.
The population allows the Jewish Fund to control over 90 percent of the lands, meaning that most of the Arabs can't even access the lands.
And that's both up to them.
And the British mandate is very smartly adopted selectively as there is a colonial laws, they give them whatever they need.
And one of the many tools used it was the subsidies confiscation of most of the
land use that it's automatically moved to the estate ownership regardless.
Because they are Jews, there's no ownership exist or is present in Israel.
So Israel automatically confiscate most of those lands.
And this is why, especially in the military, during 1948 and in 1966, the valuation of land was increasingly at the beginning.
They considered most of the land and they kind of they built the regime in order to support the.
It was the controlling of land and confiscation, land speculation and their core, and that's a lot of people's taxes on them.
And then based on that, this is why we easily could buy state regulation.
We had exclusive to those nets.
So this mechanism been used since well, since the establishment of the states make accessibility to land almost impossible to any enrich themselves.
And this is where they are. You like, sell stuff. Most of the Arab population won't leave their own villages because they don't.
They don't have the accessibility to even renting places that the majority of Israelis,
as even if they were living in tents and mixed cities, they will be in their neighbourhood.
So accessibility to land based on a Jewish fund, the private sector criteria,
it's one of the very mechanism of colonial settler who wanted to control the resources.
And one of the main resources is that this is actually, I believe that is most important in the 30 questions,
and the property is one of the main fundamental issues in going conflict regarding the Palestinians within the whole casino people.
Thank you. Thank you, Hudale.
There's much to think about and discuss further. Hopefully, we will have a chance to do it, sometimes face to face sometime soon.
All of us, maybe as a group. Thank you all for attending.
Just to remind you, next week on ROHTER is not the Israel Studies seminar, but the Reconsidering Early Jewish Nationalism seminar,
where the Rory will give a lecture on Yosef Klausner in Translation Zionism and Christianity.
You will find a link where you'll find the link for this seminar, too.
And these were studies seminars. Next meeting is in two weeks where in a host nation,
Peres and Yuval Giovanni will be discussing their book about the secret sacred places in Israel and elsewhere.
Thank you so much. Goodbye. Thank you very much. Thank you.