Welcome. Good afternoon. Lovely to see you registered.
Unfortunately, I can see your faces. So welcome to the opening of our Hillary term, serious of these studies seminar.
Our speaker today's tells you more who is in ISIS Foundation? Internation and fellow in the Department of Social Anthropology at Cambridge University.
Tul wrote his pitch in cultural anthropology in the University of Haifa.
His work focuses on questions of belonging and identification within the Orben sphere.
His book he wrote a book titled Hope and Melancholy on an Urban Frontier Ethnicity, Space and Gender in Hatikva neighbourhood.
Tel Aviv was just recently published by Haifa University Press and his articles,
English articles were published in journals such as The Emotions, Space and Society and Citizenship Studies.
And the title of Does Talk today is The Emergence of Melancholic Citizenship at the Urban Periphery.
The Case of South Tel of Protest Against Global Migration.
Thank you so much for coming. Lovely to.
Thank you professionally for this lovely opportunity to present my research.
Excited just to share and some of my findings based on my P.H. and dissertation.
And today I'm going to speak about the concept of melancholic citizenship and basically presenting the emotional
spared that is arising amongst the long term residents of this specific neighbourhood of south Tel Aviv.
When they encounter a process,
we and highlight their Montoneros marginalisation within their urban spare and at the overall Israeli society as a whole.
And then and here you can see you can see right in the beginning, you can see the protest of the long, long term residence.
And and on the surface, you can see the rage.
But in my mind and what I will try to show in this presentation,
I will also try to to show the break off the songs and the sorrow that is hidden within days and process,
which they consider as a sign of their discrimination.
So, OK, I'm going to start to add just a quick note about global status.
I know it's a bit weird to think about Aviv as a global city, but it is considered to be a global city.
And in the process of becoming a it's a very central city in Israel for.
For those of you that are not familiar with the city. But it's quite known that thing worldwide.
And it is an economic centre and and also a social centre in Israel.
And and then the thing about global cities where you you you can recognise cities are very central in the local arena,
but they also play an active role in the global economy.
And and and in the global and network and media.
And but but interestedly of Dodo's cities are very central.
And you can recognise also poverty. And, you know, many circuits of migration and a disadvantaged group as I look at the margins of the city.
So on the whole, you can you can speak about very central places, a globally connected but and also nationally, of course.
But at the same time, you can you can see at the margins a social processes of discrimination, of poverty and disadvantage,
people that are crowded together, basically given sources to the people living in the centre of those cities.
So, of course, when you you can think about New York, London, Tokyo, they immediately come to mind when you think about global cities,
but also places like Berlin and Tel Aviv, they encounter these processes in both the central.
They both play like central place in the national scope and in the global one.
But they are also a source of a a poverty and disadvantaged group that are located at the margins of this city's.
So what you see in the open periphery, you know, what is the urban periphery condition?
When we think about global cities, a, you can see you can and identified the classic allegation.
I mean, certain neighbourhoods that are a and that are connected with certain ethnicity.
And and basically lower income neighbourhoods.
Look at that at the margins. And sometimes you can see at the margins, a, of course, you can recognise that the pool,
economic conditions, people leaving and the crowdedness and that exist.
And also the contest between citizens and non-citizens,
especially when we speak about the process of migration that and that, and connects people from different cultures,
but people who share and pool conditions and fight for them, you know,
and and battle for the limited sources that look at it at the margins of the global the global cities.
And I will speak about a bit about the question of citizenship, because when you think about citizenship and we normally think about the nation state,
that a like a top down process, when a nation decides what are the criteria is where they're they give Syrians safe for and for the people.
And but a today it's very common to speak about citizenship as a process,
about how people about issues of belonging in relation not only to their and nation state, but also in the despair.
So you can speak about urban citizenship in relation, for example, to undocumented and migrants and that they might or in most cases,
they won't hold to like the form of Israeli citizenship or American citizens as citizenship.
But they do have some kind of belonging to the old bonds, fair and connexion to all kinds of communities they feel belong to.
And in another interesting and concept in relation to citizenship is the concept of insurgent citizenship,
where I the concept that I will elaborate on further anger, because it's a concept that.
Yeah. It's a concept that A emphasises at the citizenship power against the formal Cartier of the nation states.
It's a process where discriminated citizens that actually they hold a day, they and the common citizen.
But they feel discrimination and they often fight or battle against a regime that excludes them from a wider society.
So it's often violent in a way that the researcher that was developing this concept concepts is James Hallstein, and he's a researcher.
But it is about and is based on Sao Paolo, Brazil.
And he focussed on the way people and enact certain practises that might be seen as as
insurgent and to manoeuvre or to overcome the unequal regime that pushed them to this side.
So this week, I think that it's a really interesting contribution to the idea of citizenship.
And it's also very much common to the open sphere as well.
But what I was discovering when I tried to a interpret that my data is that this concept is and it's
concentrating on rage and then and and A doesn't give me enough space to vulnerability of these people,
because what you see on the ground, without doubt, is that people are angry, especially when they demonstrate against the discriminated regimes.
But behind the scenes,
what I've seen in my data about this specific neighbourhood of this particular neighbourhood of south Tel Aviv is there is a sense of loss.
There is a sense of sadness and anger behind the scenes when people understood there that this specific
process of global migration that I will elaborate more just to beat is highlighting their marginality.
So I. You can definitely see the violence.
You can see racism in that demonstration against migration.
But here I want to focus about the more tangible emotion of melancholy that I will.
And sadness. Collective. A collective sadness that is arising when they understand a despair assesses
another evidence of their ongoing discrimination of lower income Iraqi juice.
And the Italian press to leave at the margins of the Israeli society.
And a. And they. And in the city of Tel Aviv.
Specifically in this case. That's the.
So when I speak about when they tried to do the connexion between Street is a bit melancholy, doesn't it?
It might be odd in the beginning, but I want to to explain more about this, Joseph, of this concept.
When we speak about melancholy, we we we start.
And normally we slide. And that and that is a death for him.
Melancholy is like an unfinished a and mourning process of a lost loved person or a place or a liberti or some kind of ideal that you lost.
Am what? What does it mean? It means that you had without game getting you to all the psychological concept.
But just to give you an idea. It means that you invested your libido in this a neighbourhood or in this place or in this person, and he's lost.
And you haven't really finished all the mourning process.
And it's it and you stuck it up at a point where, A, you don't invest the libido in something else.
But it's like internal process. When you feel depressed, you feel melancholic because you haven't really.
Eh, eh, eh. Acknowledged the loss that you've experienced.
It's in them ambivalent emotion. When you don't really add Feni,
you haven't finished the whole process and you have this ongoing sadness because you haven't come to terms with the loss of a dispersant.
They say, yeah, so but this and this very interesting idea of fair a Floyd and Christopher afterwards.
And. And they've mainly and remains in their psychological lean and but it has all kinds of many,
many to and and develop land developments and of this concept in relation to the social to to the social reality.
And he would speak about social melancholia. And then when you speak about social and I'm calling out,
it means that there is some kind of a loss that a certain group within the society feel that they don't belong.
It's like a loss. It can be the loss of the melting pot me in the way that it's not just one society that we're all sharing.
And it can be gender melancholy in the way that.
Add that and we are all a and it's very common to speak about a heteronormativity and duded,
Bucknell spoke about how do people of gay people feel when they are not really representative in the wider society?
There is a sense of, you know, you don't get an acknowledgement to who you are and then you lost some.
You lose something, but you've done what you've lost because it's not accepted in the wider society in that way.
And there is also the concept of Stasha out melancholy. And I'll say a a gallon in a vowel.
It's a it's basically speaks about. Aye, aye.
And and finish a mourning process of off your rival community and a and and.
That is invested in this space and in in my data.
I speak about at the lost of the Palestinians that it's lived in.
And next to the residents of that tick, the neighbourhood. And that being lost in a way, in the 1948 war.
They were and they ran away or they were expelled and dragging maimings of them in a specific space of that thick fur neighbourhood.
And also in the narrative of the long term, a women I've met in the neighbourhood and a U.N. abolishing spoke about this concept
in relation to the nineteen seventy four invasion of Turkey to north of Cyprus.
And so many of the Greeks a a ran away.
And to the south. And that woman is over there and she interviewed the ad and the Turkish and Cyprus.
And that leaves in the Gulf of Cyprus. And and the feel of lost of day and a of the Greek.
So I just I will elaborate just a bit more about ethnic melancholy, because it's more related to add to my talk here.
So just to tell you again, so it's this sense of sadness that is aroused following the loss of the melting pot.
And I am. Foiled again.
It's interesting because many of them are.
Ah, ah, our citizens and they get equal rights.
But at the same time, they don't feel they and they can follow.
And and the mainstream culture rules seem that way.
So they try to imitate some kinds of white norms that they don't really accept and don't or don't really follow try to imitate.
But they. And but their integration is very it's very limited.
So a descent, a concept is there.
It's very interesting to my case, a. But still a.
And it doesn't really acknowledge that a melancholic emotion which is aroused and amongst DEA citizens.
So just to speak again about. About that.
And they. And so can you just speak again about a group present?
Did you mean to drop it, was it no. This resharing.
Is the president. Yes, and I'm sorry. Yes, you can see the.
OK. And. But no, I can't see.
Now can see in. OK. An.
And so the concept of temulum exigency and is the combination of fear, the melancholic emotion and the citizenship concept.
It's basically eh eh, eh, eh, eh, eh, eh.
It describes the sense of fear, collective and melancholic emotion, which is aroused amongst the long term residents,
and they a discriminated group when they encountered a certain process and that highlights their social
marginality and their and the relation to and to the residents of the Hatikvah and neighbourhood.
And it's a process of an and global migration and migrants from Sudan.
And now they are a. Who lives through the neighbourhood.
In the past decades. And there really they affect a sense of belonging of the veteran community.
And I've just I will speak just briefly about the and the biography of the neighbourhood.
And just a quick note about the world of biography and the relation to the concept of neighbourhood.
I believe that in neighbourhoods, it's not just history. It is biography of a certain place.
And not not only that, I feel that sometimes and or in many cases,
the biography of the longtime resident is immerge or connected to the biography of a place in relation to this specific neighbourhood.
You can see it's very. And the buildings are very old and you can see the narrow roads in the picture.
The right pictures. And then you can see the skyline of Telaprevir. So you can see the different sense of what I'm speaking.
What I've spoke before between the global city, Tel Aviv and the marginal ad space itself, Tel Aviv.
And so it was the neighbourhood was established in 1935 and before Israel was launched.
And it's it and it was and separated as a separate social structure in a way that then
when this topography of Tel Aviv and hasn't it didn't want to include it in the territory,
in its territory. And it was home.
And it's still home to many of families that are immigrants, Jews who immigrate to Israel and from Arab countries in the 50s and end this situation.
And the current situation of the Hatikva neighbourhood is the is as follows.
The original residents have left and died.
Also the second and third generation and other groups.
And it became very dominant, including the recent arrival of asylum seekers from Sudan and on the.
Am. So the issue that I examined,
I am doing my research and is I followed the place detachment of the long term residents of
the particular neighbourhood and against the urban transformation that I just described.
And specifically, I a I tried to identify the emotional a charge and the long term residents.
They had. As they spoke about this frontal transformation as well as their own life, so let's speak about your processes,
the shrinkage of the veteran community, the arrival of African migrants, and and they say that the social and economic cost per condition of it.
And this enables at the margins of and it just quick mountain barriers, even diamond topologies.
It's always important to have some data. And there are about 12000 people and living in the neighbourhood.
I am. And the last time I've checked, there are about 40 thousand residents that living these rail and about a third of them live in South Talaba.
So they're pretty much an and dominant in this area.
There isn't a specific data. How many of them live in that?
Take the neighbourhood itself itself. And but many of the long term residents do feel add and the domination in their own neighbourhood.
And and I was told about, you know, when I come as anthropologist, I can to ask, you know, general questions about ethics, the neighbourhood.
And many of the longtime residents and really spoke about.
And a death silence seekers as a some kind of a social problem that affects their life and a rousing DEA melancholic emotions, a.
So what they did in my research was that participant observation and observation that between 2010 and 2015 and of course,
in relation to the topic that I'm speaking about today, I attended meetings and demonstration and regarding DAF work on migration.
And also, I went to an AM counsel for informal got to readings and speaking about this and this
issue and as well as more formal meetings about this topic in the Israeli Knesset,
Israeli parliament, a parliament. And beside being a conducting a a public participant observation,
I also had like I handed like a life piece to regroup of elderly women and that
I was speaking with them every every week for eight month about their life
story and their connexion to the neighbourhood and all kinds of Calzado conflict
and conversation and more full Monday interviews and doing the research.
I also I was then I went to leave next to the neighbourhood and I was working in the local market.
You can see a picture of the local market here. I volunteered and then in the elderly day centre and then I turned in many
communal events and also went to the entire season of the local soccer team May.
Them. So the fourth time that I did the research.
Between 2010 and 2014, but it was an ice.
I visit a lot of neighbourhoods and I stay in touch with the residents until this President Day and their arguments.
You can see there the women that I was in touch with.
Dustoff, many of the women that you can see in the pictures, in the picture are they were part of this.
A group that I mentioned between eight to 12 women came to this group for eight months and they spoke with me about,
you know, different aspects of their life and mainly their vulnerability in old age.
And as well as their, you know,
discrimination they felt as they maslowski women and they shared with me and their I'm unequal and and and the relationship with their husbands,
many of them were. And Chai, you know, they were involved in child marriage and they were married in their early teens.
And they and they encounter discrimination and for deskin at the elite.
And they some also told me about the kidnap of the Yemenite children affair.
That is a very, I would say, a heating problem here in Israel when they tried to deal with this today about the story about
and many children and these are children mainly from Yemen and that were kidnapped from them,
their mothers and some of them women.
Yes. And told me about this, that they encountered this terrible lost himself or it was happening in the in their family.
And up until today, where they feel fragile because when they and they most of them live alone in their house and their pet,
their husbands died many years ago because there was a huge age gap between them and husbands and because it was a match, married a marriage.
And then and then so they they leave alone and the children left the neighbourhood.
And the neighbourhood is transforming. So they feel this kind of Flosse ongoing, lost in their life in this current condition.
And they say. And neighbourhood transformation.
So my main ay ay argument is that the struggle of the long term residents across melancholic feelings when they realise
that this global migration to then a vote is another evidence for a four day discrimination as lower income is looking.
And you can see it goes for their life story.
So it's only one extra event that is highlighting their social marginality within the general eh eh Israeli society.
So what is the interesting that in the protest? Of course, you can hear racism.
You can see all kinds of exclusionary comments.
But you can also and I will bring more narrative further along as I speak.
And you can also see the ambivalence of the long term residents because they feel and they feel some kind of them.
And they feel they had similar lifea story to the migrants.
So they feel for what they went through. But on the other side,
they feel that their presence of the migrants broken in their neighbourhood is an undercurrent of their anger and their discrimination.
So on one side, they might be empathic.
But on the other side, they feel that they can't really hug them to their neighbourhood and they can't really accept that because if they accept them,
it is like they come to terms with their discrimination. And so I will just.
And we'll just give a few examples at. And what I try to add to all of your view.
And so this quote, it comes from an A and a meeting I attended and a day in which is in the Israeli Knesset that was conducted in the Israeli Knesset.
And that was only one of the main activists of south Tel Aviv against global migration.
And, you know, you can see you can see what I'm highlighting there.
I live in fear. You don't understand me. My life is terrible. How much can a software.
What have I done to them? Don't I pay my taxes? So here you can see, OK.
He says basically I'm I'm, you know, an obedient citizens.
Why? Why don't you take care of my problem? You said like, did I go to die army that is compulsory in Israeli society.
Wasn't I part of the state?
So basically, it's it's a question that he knows the answer for it because they know it's another it's a it's a it's an evident of his.
There's discrimination as the lower income man is lucky to.
And so basically, in the end, he said Knesset, the Israeli parliament government help us wearing pain.
So here you can see the loss, the loss he feels when he understands he's not an equal citizens,
is and is discriminated citizens, citizens and citizen, and which is repressed to the margins of the overall society.
And the current migration wave is another indication for that.
And then more interest lead at the break of the time that he had when he spoke about it,
because I didn't follow only the words, but also I tried to hear the tone of what he said.
So we had like he he was really in pain when he tried to convince the parliament members about his suffering.
So I can't really show this here. But and it was very apparent he was very emotional and he was in pain a while.
He understood that this whole situation is another indication of FESA marginality.
Well, is it? And you can see my story.
You can see that you can see there in the screen.
We could see. OK. Thank you. Am. And another example for a sense of loss that the long term residents felt is they lying in
the story of Dead and DOKO movie and which was the ad which was shot in the neighbourhood.
And they say this movie was done, but by the director of the Dauterive almost.
And then the residents felt and they can trust her in a way that they took her to all the places.
And they spoke very frank with her, trying to explain their their sorrow and misery following this current global migration wave.
But they were very much surprised when she decided also to include narratives of migrant workers in this movie.
And they feel and they felt betrayed. They saw her as a source of help so that somebody will show their side because there are many left wing
activist and global human rights activists that show or at the side of the migrant hope Welker's.
And there were and there were really and embracing this opportunity that their side can be heard.
But again, these sorts of help. And it was discovered by them as something that is more complicated.
And when it was screened in the neighbourhood, so they tried.
So they were very upset, angry and sad.
So they wrote a letter, an open letter to her.
And they said something like it was it was most upsetting and immoral to use the
house that we gave you scenically help without which you couldn't shot the film.
People open up to you and talked about our personal pain, pain.
Let the camera show the most intimate details of their life because they believed it would enable the wider public to understand the major distress.
And they made a major distress at their migration has created and enabled.
However, you betrayed the trust that was given to you hate your opinions.
And only when you finish shooting the film and you didn't need the residents help you down to suppress it.
So here, another emotion of melancholic and they and and a feel of insecurity that the long,
long term residents felt in a way they tried to communicate.
They tried to extend their sides of this story.
And then again, they see they saw a more complicated picture when it actually came and was screened in the media and.
I just want to say that I've seen this movie and it's I think the movie is very much balanced.
But I think that and the feeling off of the day betrayed is that it was arousing because
they felt she will present their exclusive narrative about the current situation.
Aye, but behind the scenes, it's important to also feel them be villains.
Part of the residents feel towards the anger towards the act and the protest against the migration.
Some think that, you know, we should accept them.
It's an older woman that I've that I've spoke with, that I've spoken with and in the attic of the neighbourhood.
And and but she also said, like, now I hear they want to deport them.
And they I said, good Lord, whatever have these children done because they wanted to depart at that time.
Sudanese children back to their natural land. But on the other hand, tomorrow they will want their own country.
So here you we hear the national tongue and and they feel many of the residents,
a feel towards their transformation of their neighbourhood and they and the character of the Jewish state.
And she said, like, we have only one country. They took all the jobs.
I don't want to say bad things about them. It is for beating a bus, really, wherever you go down there.
So here you can see the that presence is really out there, the neighbourhood.
You can really discern.
And a day and a day migrants who live there and the day many of the other women, they feel to a go up and, you know, go around the streets.
And mainly at night. So she said here that they intend every day and they can get a can't CentOS.
You can see them walk in health care clinics and in the Social Security offices.
So they basically down everywhere and then and and, you know, some a month,
some residents might say, and they don't feel belong in their own neighbourhood.
And to a certain point. So they said they are not part of us.
So there is kind of an ideal scope of day's rally society and the migrants don't belong here.
In her mind, I feel as if I live in a foreign city.
I live in a ghetto today they me and not the migrant. So this is all middle aged, a woman and the residents of fatigue when they vote.
So she said, like, I have no compassion for them because I want somebody to feel sorry for me.
So this is a really central part because and they're long term residents feel
a they are neglected in a way and they down neglected by the authorities,
down neglected by their overall society.
And many of their skin is the elite subparts.
And they prefer to support the migrant workers based off a global human rights.
And other than supporting their own people, because this is the exact gap between the skin of zeolite and them.
Exactly. Especially the lower income is lucky to Jews and that they feel they are not.
They feel the discrimination. And this is there a sense of sorrow and when and that that that I try to add to illustrate here in a way.
So she said, because this is a lost if we go back to flawed.
This is a lot of a place or an idea. So this is what you said.
You in my neighbourhood is diminishing. Yeah.
Despite the emotional emotions you've felt since that neighbourhood change.
She refuses to leave it and try to convince her friends to stay.
Telling them we should. Why should you leave? This is your home.
So this is the domination of where the migrant workers in this specific neighbourhood is.
An evidence of the social marginality of them is attacking Jews and their diminishing death,
their fellow offs and their feeling of sorry and and melancholy towards their neighbourhood
transformation that they've changed its character in the past day and decade.
And so just to conclude about the idea of a melancholic citizenship and when when we hear
about a process off and off and long term residence demonstration against migrant workers,
my mind, we should just hold the critique and say those are racist because the racism does exist.
But we also have to use it in my mind.
We can use this faster than the way to experience and to follow what is happening behind the scenes.
That is more complicated. It's more ambivalent.
And they can show, especially in processes of migration that we see in Europe and in other places of the world there.
And the ambivalent position of discriminated groups within their own societies.
And and and used it is like a mirror to the social hierarchies and which come to the ground or Iraq or arise when when meeting this extreme process,
which which is and which is transforming their all life and their own neighbourhoods.
This is. Thank you so much, Todd.
This is a fascinating a lot of food for thought.
So just to remind ourselves, I guess myself primarily the ACU and a chat is open and please submit your questions through it.
And also a reminder that we recording this.
So if you don't want your name to be mentioned when we read the questions, just noticed, we already have two questions.
So I guess I'll read them and we'll get them. We'll go over them one by one.
The first question asks, well, sorry, if not very relevant,
but was the mob in Washington displaying a dramatic form of melancholia on six January, albeit from a national periphery?
This is the question I want to add. Maybe. Well, you know, I think it's. Well, I think I would say what happened in in Washington was rage.
And the question that immediately comes to mind is regarding what you argued. Why did not your case.
Translate into rage.
Why was this finding its way to a melancholic sadness while these guys in Washington were ranging over the way to freedom, I guess?
Thank you. It's a great, great question.
I think also if age was a parent in long term resident demonstrations and, you know, maybe I should have maybe presented more.
But but what was apparent to me that it wasn't a raid per say in a way that a rage did exist.
And it was also violent, as we've seen in most in other places.
But and my observations also revealed and the minimum quality motion when they spoke about the residents, about the process which changed their lives.
So you can definitely identify. I don't know if it was that extreme as the as we've seen in Washington and.
I think your line dropped. I think Tull's line dropped all of a sudden and let us through if he comes back.
Yes, yes. And now you're back. Yes. Thank you.
OK. And bye. But still at a crime scene.
Because I went to all kinds of. I had all kinds of kinds of chefs and chefs with the people and telling me about them.
And that's one more emotional.
All I could experience how people had a break off a tone or they were very emotional when they spoke about this process.
So when I went to this, a protest or this a demonstration of the longtime residents, it was violent and violent and there were clashes.
But add another layer that I wanted to add is not just the violent aspect where you can use the concept of James stonking sergeant citizenship,
but also to the concept that and that is highlighting a more tangible emotion behind the scenes.
Thank you. Next question is from Marcus, who is thanking you for an excellent presentation.
One question is what has been more significant in creating the melancholy?
The arrival of large numbers of refugees or the social marginalisation caused by
Israeli racism and discrimination against them is what residents of the area.
And a second related question, have you studied the impact on the residents when more affluent TEL citizens move in to
the particular area looking for more affordable property to buy and renew and renovate?
I'm sorry. In other words, did the gentrification counter the melancholy?
He. Cédula, quit the first get a first question again.
What has been more significant in creating the melancholy,
the arrival of the large number of refugees or the social marginalisation caused by Israeli racism against Jews?
A good question. I think this current and this current migration wave is another indication of the ongoing discrimination.
Many of them is lucky to have a Jews. Longtime residents of that one neighbourhood field and and and over the years.
So I can't really rank it. But I think that, you know, when I think about, you know, elderly women and that went through, you know,
how wall and they felt the discrimination in the labour market and many,
many of them encountered, you know, problematic relation with there and with the government.
And then, you know, there they lived in poverty. So today it's like, you know, it's like a complete psycho.
So there are other rry when they're coming, you know, all there, they feel there and,
you know, they feel more vulnerable due to their age and the age of vulnerability and health.
Six, health problem and sickness lovingness where they feel, you know, lonely at home, especially when their husbands,
wives and children often left the nest and and in the neighbourhood, that was transformed completely in a way that they don't feel belong in a way.
But I don't want to say that it's all melancholic or it's all dark because people in the attic, the neighbourhood,
I should have maybe put more emphasis on it because people and I think poor neighbourhood do feel pride,
pride in a way of being part of the neighbourhood. And there are all kinds of men.
And look, I recognise that the long term residents are active in and they expressed their, you know, unique culture and identity.
But there is kind of this sense.
And when they encounter this process where, you know, when when the sun sets, they don't feel safe to leave their homes.
And it's not it's not something racist against the migrants because they often used
to say we don't have something against them and people we have something about.
We have to say something about this process that really changed, that change our lives,
our lives and our sense of security and belonging in in our neighbourhood.
Some of gentrification about the second question, gentrification in the neighbourhood.
I don't know if it's a very apparent today and maybe it will be more dominant in the recent years because now and it might be more easier to build,
you know,
new homes and houses in that way because they're only now starting to divide their land in a way because many people were more signing the same.
That ended the way. So now they do the postulation process.
So maybe now it will be easier to build new homes and new buildings and more young people will arrive.
But we have to see it. But then now there are some people that live in that big, bad neighbourhood, younger people, but especially, I think actors,
because there is a really famous acting and school in the neighbourhood and that it wasn't very apparent in that way.
It wasn't, you know, there the African migrants were more apparent than students or,
you know, young people come to live beside the longtime residents. Thank you.
We have a question from Mattel was thanking you for this insightful, nuanced presentation of what has been the response of the authorities so far?
In particular, how do the elected representatives of this neighbourhood negotiate the tensions between newcomers and more long standing residents?
And you mean like the local local leaders or in the global or international local leaders?
Yeah. OK. And so basically the local leaders, eh?
It. It's also very much ambivalent. Some people say, OK.
I remember this one time when I went to this meeting gay in the local and local,
they at a local meeting and one of the leaders used to say, OK, you know, people are helping the migrant smokers.
They tried to speak with them.
And then many people were were rejecting this idea because they felt like it would walk against them if they accept them.
I went. So how how we can how we can approach today authorities and.
OK. They they really affected our lives negatively. And then.
And, you know, they protest in a way was also connected to the Israeli right wing politicians because they were the ones hurting because it was.
And it was, you know, promoting their agenda for a Jewish state then and, you know, against migrants.
But the residents were hesitating. Some used to say, OK,
we should we should let them come to the demonstration because they're the one that helping us to promote this agenda in the Israeli Knesset.
But on the other side, people say, OK, how we might be perceived in the public if people,
you know, he had names like, you know, very, you know, extreme Israeli like Ben Grigoriev or.
And other, you know, very and permanent leaders from the extreme right that were coming today.
Demonstrations, though, you know, many people in the Israeli audience.
General audience will immediately shut up, shop the television or or stop stop reading about the protest.
So so there are they felt in a way, the leaders were felt in between.
They tried to say, OK, this is what this is about, our own neighbourhood rights and character.
But it couldn't really be detached from, you know,
the general real agenda of the right from the left side and the left wing activist supporting the refugees from the other side.
So it was a very complicated situation that was the heart for the long term residents to manoeuvre I.
Thank you. No question for me. Lisa Simmon, again, thank you for the talk.
Could you maybe expand on this melancholic citizenship in other circumstances,
like in neighbourhoods that become poverty or even high class areas and cities like San Francisco, which is dealing with high levels of homelessness?
Can high class with high class residents experience melancholy to.
It's a good question. I have to think about it then.
I think the main idea of fair, melancholic emotion to do have to lose something or to feel you don't belong in a way.
If we think about these terms, you know, some people might leave in a very affluent neighbourhood that is that might be changing or becoming holiday.
And and they might feel, you know, they are losing something.
So I think, yeah, if I think about the Twilight speak, so I think definitely because they lose about their sense of identity or they
lose about their place attachment because it's changing that significantly.
And it might it might be related to other events of inequality they might feel in their lives even though they are wealthier.
But even if it's really a continent and this specific idea of urban transformation,
I think it might be applied also to these kinds of sites in relation to homelessness.
I didn't quite get it. Can you repeat it?
So I'll just repeat the question. In cities like San Francisco, which is dealing with high levels of homelessness,
can high class residents experience melancholy when their cities transformed into something else?
Yeah, yeah, I think so. I think so. Yeah.
And. Yeah, I think it also apply to these kind of.
But the plus you have to think about it in your head to see that they die in the
concrete history of the place in order to try to see how to use this concept correctly.
But overall, you have to think about this place where a a in relation to the law or is it a sense of inequality?
Thank you. I think these are the questions that were posted.
And so maybe I'll take the prerogative of asking, you know, the last question before we conclude and thank you.
I find a very interesting tension or isolation and necessary tension between three levels of three levels of this phenomena.
One is it's a very universal phenomena.
We can just approach this is yet another case of marginalised people having to deal with the fact that this is where migrants end up in.
So in this case, I think what is just one case of this global phenomena midway between this national issue,
which you mentioned, the detention between. Residents and newcomers under the umbrella of nationalising narrative that paints it differently.
And then there's the very specific nature of a tick. I guess no one could immediately ask this.
I ask you to compare it to other neighbourhoods in Tillawi which have experienced the large waves of migration,
such as the all the bus station neighbourhood and similar the bus station.
Everyone does not have a local patriotic sense like Tikvah has done is have a football team, for example.
Right? As far as I know, not now. So. So my question is, to what degree does do this?
What does the tension or the oscillation between these levers?
To what degree can you explain the fact that this has not materialised? This does not materialise into violent rage.
But rather, is your chronic melancholy, I feel depressed.
Right. I don't want I don't want to start to pretend to know anything about the distinction between the psychological categories.
But it's very depressing. And you can you can see how depression would translate into rage.
I think this is what happens in now in Washington. If I understand correctly, not on this.
And I'm wondering maybe is it really the case that they are afraid to hurt the state's interest, for example?
That makes them just. Become subdued.
Oh, I just. Have you finished? Yes.
It's a long question. I'm sorry. Am.
You know, it's really interesting point, because Doug Mithaka do a very.
About Dianna's. And they morphed.
I mean, most of them, you know. Well, are they?
Right. And and and they're right for their right side in the Israeli political map.
And then and they feel betrayed in a way.
And I don't know if you can.
You can. You can. You can really. And you can't really know what comes before what.
Because they feel that the sense of rage and the sense of melancholy, they coexist in a way in that protest of the long term residents.
And I also want to say that it's not something that is ongoing.
You know, there are certain events that certain points in that biography's the door of emotion arise and not something that,
you know, it's off people. I'm not a I'm not a psychologist and I don't, you know, try to say they're depressed.
But I feel there is a collective sense of loss which is immersed in this current situation, highlighting their social marginality.
And I think you are they are you are right. You know, you can you can you can you can find Fowlers in Europe and in the UK.
I even know what a mean.
And indeed who asked I am. But specifically in Israel, I think it's the story of the Zionist mcduffee Jews and that are really you know, there are.
There are. Judaism is very important in their life. They are proud scissored citizens.
They see that they are being repressed to the margins of the overall society.
Of course we can. We can we can discern, you know, upper middle class today.
But my wall concept concentrated on the people that were left behind, especially the vulnerable people.
So in that, I think when they board, I think the second generation were more active or more raids.
And, you know, they all people, they were more volleyball and melancholic in their way.
And they embody that be they made a sort of melancholy of ethnic spazzing out and engendering melancholy that I mentioned before and.
Can you tell? Thank you so much for this fascinating talk and for the encouraging encouragement to further think this.
And also for being open for this term terms serious.
I want to mention that next week's slot of the seminar is reserved for the reconsidering early nasch early Jewish Nationalist Ideology Seminar,
where Adam Sutcliff of Casey L will talk about, well,
what are Jews for his book and specifically the idea of a Jewish purpose and the emergence of Zionism.
So thank you all and I hope to see you next week.