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Good afternoon, welcome, everybody. It's nice to see names appearing on the screen, but it's a little bit sad that we're not doing it face to face.

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I'm very happy. I'm delighted to have the honour to present Haggai this afternoon.

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But I can only wish we'd had the chance to sit together for lunch before and maybe afterwards.

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So keep that promise for me for later.

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A speaker Professor Hagai Raam is a historian of the Middle East at Ben-Gurion University in the Negev in Israel.

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His area of research areas of research include the social and cultural histories of Iran and the Levant,

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and amongst his publications are the books, myth and mobilisation in Revolutionary Iran.

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Reading Iran and Israel came out in Hebrew in 2006 and Iran a phobia.

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The logic of an Israeli obsession came out with Stanford University Press 20 09 and his latest book,

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which is the topic of the talk today, is intoxicating Zion, a social history of Hashish in Mandatory Palestine and Israel.

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And the title of his talk today is the social life of hashish in monetary policy and in Israel.

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A global history I think is so much for joining this seminar.

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Thank you, Yaakov, for this very generous introduction and my my.

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The only thing which is a bit regretful is that I couldn't make it the best.

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Thank God there is Zoom, although I'm sure that most of us who have been teaching and using it in the past two years, I've grown quite tired of it.

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But I'll try to make the best of it. I'm going to share a PowerPoint presentation.

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Please let me. Are you seeing it? Do you see it?

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Yes, working. Fantastic. OK.

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So my can you hear me well?

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So everything is fantastic. OK, the social life of cannabis or association Palestine-Israel.

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A global history. So my presentation here is based, as Yakov just mentioned, is based on my book Intoxicating Zion Social History of Fashion,

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Mandatory Palestine and Israel, which was published earlier this year with Stanford University Press the.

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The overall study is concerned with the previously untold social history of hashish in Palestine,

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Israel, the drug which is made from the cannabis resin.

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And my story begins in the 1920s, the mandatory period in Palestine and in the Levant in general,

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which coincided with the criminalisation of cannabis and other drugs in the international arena.

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And the story ends in nineteen sixty seven, specifically with the 1967 war, which, together with other local and global trends and circumstances,

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dramatically transformed patterns of hashish policy and drug culture in the Levant region for years to come.

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It is. A transnational, perhaps even global study that examines the transition from mandatory Palestine to the State of Israel in the 1950s and the

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1960s through the perspective of hashish cannabis as an illicit commodity that is smuggled across borders that is traded,

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consumed, regulated and endlessly debated,

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and as a screen on which human beings project their class ethnic [INAUDIBLE] racial and gender desires and inside.

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So just to give a short introduction starting in the 1990s.

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Trained historians began to forge what historian Paul Guttenberg termed the new drug history.

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So until that point in time, academic interests in criminalised drugs was largely limited to those in the biomedical or legal criminological fields.

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So when historians began to demonstrate an interest in the subject, they mobilised the tools of their profession.

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They delved into previously untapped archives and analysed a wide array of sources using cross-disciplinary,

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cultural and sociological methods in order to understand such things as the

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modern origins of a variety of intoxicants that have rich and complex social,

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cultural, economic and political histories. In the process,

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they have shed light on an immense and fascinating field of study that includes new

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understandings of the political and cultural context within which substances became drugs.

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The underworld of users and traffickers, the complex role of race,

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gender and class in the construction of addiction and the place of colonialism and

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nation building projects in dispersing drug use and enforcing drug restrictions.

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Historical research on these topics has offered.

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Exciting observations about a variety of societies in the Americas and Europe, in Asia and Africa, and perhaps more excitingly, at least to my mind.

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These studies also demonstrate the links between criminalised drugs and broader political, social and economic histories.

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So as of late? There has been, I would say, a trickle of monographs,

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articles and dissertations on the history of drugs in the pre-modern early modern and modern Middle East,

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specifically Egypt, Morocco, the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, Lebanon and Iran.

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With regard to Palestine, Israel specifically, no historical study of drugs in Palestine has ever been undertaken,

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and no academic attention has been paid to the links between criminalised drugs and broader

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historical issues in the State of Israel from its establishment until the present,

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intoxicating Zion is the first study that addresses these lacuna.

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And it focuses on cannabis, which was and remains the main criminalised,

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mind altering substance that circulated in the Levant in the region's most popular recreational drug.

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So in my talk now, I would like to discuss three interrelated aspects of the social history of hashish in Mandatory Palestine in the State of Israel.

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The first is hashish commodity chains.

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And the movement of hashish traffickers across the Levant region, including Palestine.

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The second is the evolution of hashish culture in mandatory Palestine, and the third is the attitude of Jews in pre and post 1948.

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Periods to cannabis and cannabis intoxication in the process,

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what I hope would come through is the porous nature of the Levant states and the interdependence between them.

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Not only in matters relating to live in time, culture and political horizons,

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which have been sufficiently addressed in previous scholarship, but also in matters pertaining to criminal activity and leisure culture.

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So let us begin. Contrary to 19th and 20th century Orientalist discourses, hashish consumption in late Ottoman Palestine.

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Appears to have been very negligible. It is indeed likely that hashish was consumed in Palestine in moderation.

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In much of the same way that opium was used in 19th century England without any fatal loss of control as it were.

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This, however, began to change with the establishment of unprecedented global controls over opiates before and during the interwar years.

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And over cannabis in the 1925 League of Nations 2nd Opium Convention.

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So before the emergence of these incipient drugs, drug control regimes, Greece was the main supply source of Egypt, of hashish to Egypt,

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Egypt being one of the having one of the longest histories with hashish in the Arab Middle East,

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the history that dates back to the Middle Ages, indeed, as Philip Robins suggests.

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And here I quote, I hope, verbatim with a mix of affection and mild contempt to this day,

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Egyptians are widely referred to as the hashish scene that is hashish users across the rest of the Arab world.

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In recognition of their fondness for their drug. At any rate, without supplies from Greece.

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Egyptians turned for the first time to hashish supplies from Lebanon and Syria.

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As a result, Palestine emerged as a new junction and a transit route in the Levant for three straight that extended between Lebanon in the North.

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And Egypt in the south and short Palestine's geographical position ensured that vast quantities

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of illicit hashish supplies would be smuggled across its territory and route to Egypt.

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How should I proceed from here? OK? According to our zone upward ride, I had the ride.

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It is classic the social life of things,

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and I quote the diversion of commodities from specific from specified pets is always a sign of creativity or crisis.

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Whether static or economic, so arguably the diversion of hashish smuggling routes from Egypt to Greece.

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Sorry, the the the the diversion or hashish smuggling routes to Egypt from Greece to

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the Levant was a sign of crisis for the British in Palestine and a sign of

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creativity for hashish traffickers lacking the infrastructure to build the economic

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capacity and sometimes the willpower to enforce the ban on the drug trade.

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Border crossing illicit hashish flows demonstrated to the British, the porous and perforated nature of the mandate states border.

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And by extension, they also question the very legitimacy of these states.

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Let me just give you one example.

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Claude Skidmore Jarvis, a British major who served in the English Army in Egypt and Palestine, conveyed this sentiment most succinctly,

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as such as as as follows he complaining about the menace of hashish traffickers in the Levant region.

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He mused she smuggling is rather like an attempt to dam a stream with the clay barrier directly.

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You have plugged up one hole. The water comes through in another place.

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On the other hand, as I mentioned, the diversion of smuggling routes to the Levant compelled or, I wouldn't say,

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inspired hashish traffickers to come up with the most creative and ingenious rouses and

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subterfuges in order to transport their cargoes safely from Lebanon to Egypt safely.

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Now, to be remembered that the interwar period presented these hashish traffickers with serious challenges,

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firstly, incipient, international and local control efforts had criminalised them.

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But perhaps even more importantly, as people who were previously that is the late Ottoman period crossed territories in relative ease,

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the creation of the Divine Mandate states with customs and police outposts created along these states,

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borders restricted their movement and they could no longer expect their now illicit cargoes to go undetected.

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These, in a special circumstances, required our traffickers.

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I mean, I'm sorry, I should have said that before, because when I say traffickers, I mean ordinary Palestinians.

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Arabs from adjacent countries. International gangs from different countries in Europe and the Middle East.

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British soldiers stationed in Palestine, Egypt. And significantly also Zionist paramilitary organisations that fought the British.

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So these circumstances of erecting borders in the Levant states required all of these people

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to come up with a variety of ploys and deceptions to transport their cargoes safely.

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So smugglers concealed hashish in shoes with thick, hollow soles and heels inside wheels in hollow,

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a slab of chocolate on the bodies of men forced to dress as monks and priests in spare,

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and secret compartments built in automobiles, buses, lorries and trains in false bottom of suitcases in musical instruments.

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And the list goes on and on and on and on.

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But significantly in these ploys for a few smugglers took advantage and were also empowered by what historian Paul Mecca

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described in the context of criminal activity in interwar Europe as world shrinking technologies or speed technologies.

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Part of the long 19th century art smugglers used cars, ships and even aeroplanes to ferry their illicit merchandise across borders.

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But significantly, these these were employed alongside more traditional transportation needs, such as camels and other beasts of burden smugglers.

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For instance, wood glue hashish cylinders underneath the hair of camels, humps or ultimately, and please don't try this at home.

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They would force these hashish cylinders down their throats.

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Once crossing the border into Egypt, the unfortunate beasts would then be slaughtered and the valuable cargo recovered.

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Another illuminating example of such ploys is transmitted in the 1994 novella Majima A Fraa Bundle of secrets by the celebrated Lebanese novelist,

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playwright and critic. Elias, who was one of the novellas protagonists, is a certain also Ulsterman,

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a convict in a Beirut prison in the 1940s who's awaiting his verdict execution by hanging for the killing of two prostitutes.

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Listens. Attempt to.

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Two stories disclosed to him by Ahmad and Munir is to cellmates, he's fascinated by their tales about the exploits of a certain Sami Al.

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Not to be confused, of course, with the author alias hoodie,

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who is described in Novella and I quote as one of the most dangerous smugglers in the world of the drugs, a.k.a. the boss.

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While the following Kabbage story, which illustrates the boss's ingenuity and his quote amazing ability to escape police

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networks that pursued him impressed Hunter the most and steered up his emotions.

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And the story goes like this. The boss instructed us That is Ahmad Amir to saw cabbage.

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We thought he lost his mind. He said obtain the plot and land and saw cabbage.

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We said bus, we came here to eat bread. We're not farmers, he said.

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Stop cabbages and the rest is on me. So we saw, you know, when the cabbage starts growing, they explained to to find out a sermon.

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When the cabbage starts growing, it's open. We kept watering the cabbage looking around us, not understanding.

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We were instructed to see to it that the cabbage would open one moonless night.

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The bus arrived with 10 young men equipped with magnum revolvers and tent trucks loaded with hashish.

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We took the hashish and planted it inside the open cabbages.

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We worked all night, Darren Sammy insisted on rolling up his sleeves.

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This wasn't a smuggling operation. It was a hobby. He planted hashish in between the cabbage leaves as though he were a physician,

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given giving medicine to a patient after 10 days, which lasted like 100 years.

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The cabbage leaves had sharp, covering the hashish and swallowing it up, I swear to Allah.

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After that, we collected the cabbage and sent it in cargo planes to Egypt under the pretence of a cabbage export deal.

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So to be clear, the novella is primarily a work of fiction.

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However, like most fictional, work it or it also echoes a credible historical reality and demonstrates the extent to which the creation of the Levant

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hashish trade stretching from Lebanon to Egypt with Palestine in between provided a bonanza for many hashish traffickers,

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Lebanese and many others as well. The credibility of this tale is reinforced by the fact that Sami, a hoodie,

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was indeed a real Lebanese drug baron, both during the interwar period in and afterwards in 1952.

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It was described in, I quote, as the most powerful and notorious drug trafficker in Lebanon's young history.

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At an early stage of his career, he indeed may have run hashish trafficking operations from Lebanon to Egypt,

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along the lines recounted in bundle of secrets. As a matter of fact,

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as I found out later in 1947 and who was imprisoned in Egypt for three years after attempting to smuggle two hundred and sixty

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six kilograms of hashish and 47 kilograms of opium on board of an aeroplane which stopped over in Palestine for refuelling.

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Anyway, it was under these circumstances. In 1936, Joseph Broadhurst, a senior officer at the Palestine Police, recalled with exasperation,

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and I quote the immensity of the smuggling problem that faced the Palestine police and the so numerous what he called smugglers of originality,

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who, by virtue of having been born with great natural cunning, had played so many tricks of the police and gave us endless trouble.

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Broadhurst went on to say, and I quote again,

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by every measure of the trick of trick hashish is smuggled over the Syrian Penn Palestinian frontier through Palestine,

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across the burning Sinai desert, over a lonely part of the Suez Canal and up to Cairo.

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So let me move to the second theme of my lecture the the emergence of Hashish Culture in Palestine,

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which, as you will see, is closely related to my previous discussion.

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And I'll start with Sebastian Conran, who in his book What Is History Suggests follows and I quote the history of commodities traces particular items,

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most famously sugar in the classic study by Sidney Mintz, but also cotton sold porcelain in glass.

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And I may add hashish as well across distinct geographies and across time.

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These are studies of interconnectedness that link sites of production and consumption

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in different locations and show how these commodities impacted individual households,

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as well as larger groups and social formations accordingly.

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What I would like to argue now is that the novel links.

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That develop between the sides of hashish production in Lebanon,

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on the one hand and the sides of hashish consumption in Egypt on the other led

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to a dramatic change in the leisure culture practises of Palestinian Arabs,

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while Palestinian Arabs, as I previously mentioned, were not known to be avid hashish consumers in the late Ottoman period.

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The emergence of Palestine as the largest hashish depot in the Levant during the interwar years led to a surge in hashish,

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smoking, smoking amongst them. My sources provide ample evidence that by the early 1930s,

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hashish smoking spread throughout Palestine's urban centres of Jaffa, Haifa, Jerusalem, A. Nablus,

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Tiberius, Ramallah leader and even Tel-Aviv, the first Hebrew city and many persons could be seen wandering the streets of these towns utterly stoned.

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Venues of hashish consumption were primarily of two kinds.

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Makeshift hashish dens, which the Hebrew and Arabic press at the time described as hashish, smoking clubs and coffee houses.

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What went on inside these establishments?

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A contemporary Jewish observer described what transpired in one such club, which was located in an Arab quarter of Haifa's lower city.

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And he describes it as follows Various people were either sitting down or lying down.

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Others were smoking glucans, water pipes and the rest were lying motions.

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The motionless as if dead, their lips mumbled.

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Meaningless, meaningless, broken words and syllables. Their face glowing with silly smiles.

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Within two hours, all the guests were fast asleep.

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The only sounds were fleeting words and unintelligible roars coming out of the sleeping man's mouths.

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Be that as it made, decisions were not the main main venues of hashish smoking in the interior.

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Palestine, like elsewhere in the Arab, Ottoman, Turkish and Iranian Middle East coffeehouses, were now.

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This is not surprising. A Middle Eastern adventure coffee first appeared in the Ottoman Empire and in Safavi Iran in the 16th and 17th century.

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Soon, emerging oops. Sorry, so emerging as as urban venues where new kinds of sociability and new patrons

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of public conviviality came into play from the perspective of drug history.

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One of the reasons why these institutions reached such such a paramount social position, I argue,

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is that they became a point of convergence of consumable drugs such as coffee, tobacco, opium and cannabis.

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The combination of all of these enabled coffeehouses patrons to sip coffee leisurely,

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but also pursuing collective pleasure in ingesting opium and hashish and beginning in the 18th and 19th centuries,

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also smoking each of them mixed with tobacco.

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Now it is a known fact amongst historians of Palestine. The coffeehouse culture had expanded dramatically in the interwar years.

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It is my contention that this expansion may have led may have been linked to the

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emergence of Palestine as a major depot of hashish commodities in the Levant.

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As I discussed earlier. Indeed, it may not have been a coincidence that the record recreational activities that were soon

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hosted in coffeehouses in Palestine included in addition to two small scale gambling.

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The performance of music and prostitution. It also included the sale and consumption of tobacco and hashish.

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Now it is certain that hashish serving cafes were a thorn in the side of the British authorities in Palestine.

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And that is why café patrons and café owners were regularly arrested due to hashish smoking and or hashish possession and wine from the 1930s onward.

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The police conducted repeated and coordinated raids on cafes in various towns at the same time that these hashish smoking venues concern.

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The British authorities can also be gleaned from the dangerous from the Dangerous

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Drugs Ordinance issued by the Government of Palestine in nineteen thirty six.

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Article 14 of the ordinance, which did not appear in the previous British ordinance is of 1925 1928 to 1932,

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was designed to contend with the situation previously not known right as it shows on the on the upper right side of the slide.

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The offences in connexion with the premises used for sale or smoking or opium were hashish or, in other words,

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recreational fishers, smoking in cafes and other spaces designated for the same illicit activity.

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Conspicuously missing from drug smuggling activities were Palestine's Jews.

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Was number had risen from fifty six thousand in the wake of World War one to around six hundred and fifty thousand.

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Towards the end of the mandate period, first, of course, there were Zionist values to be considered as intoxication.

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To put it mildly, did not sit well with a movement, then rising the virtues of abstemious frontier pioneering and Hebrew labour.

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Now augmenting Jewish aversion to hashish was fear of over assimilation into the area to into the Orient.

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Now I see over assimilation because Zionist attitudes towards the Orient, as I'm sure we all know, were never free of tensions and contradictions.

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Alongside the rejection of the Orient Pre 1948 Zionists were attracted to, for instance.

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They were fascinated with the image of the Bedouin, its noble warriors, and sought to emulate them,

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and they contemplated the life of Arab peasants Philippine as a window onto a biblical times.

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In short, before 1948, many, many Zionists viewed the Orient not just as an enemy territory,

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but also as a token space of possibility for Jewish renewal.

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The same goes incidentally for more mundane concerns, such as culinary preferences.

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As anthropologist Duff Mekere shows vividly demonstrated,

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Jewish Zionist settlers discovered that popular leavened time dip and spread in the late in the late mandate period and began to consume

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it because they believed it to be part of a repertoire of Arab food whose effect was the consolidation of an authentic tied to the net.

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Moreover, and since the late 1950s, hummus was gradually nationalised by Israeli Jews and its Arab identity

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suppressed with Jewish immigrants from the Middle East acting as intermediaries.

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However. Or the Jews of Palestine, are she smoking was a wholly different matter.

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It amounted to an extreme act of border crossing between Jews and Arabs, and one that would take them far too down the road of Oriental ization,

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thereby exposing Jewish bodies most perilously to the implication of an alien space, virtually turning them into Arabs, by the way.

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Much of the same way that English opium smokers in the late 19th century were deemed as being or gentlemen.

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But I don't have time to go into that right now.

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Be that as a historian of free, Ilana has recently shown that during the mandatory period, so-called contraction.

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Of sodomy by Jews and particularly by European Zionists was described as an especially

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severe symptom of ideological laxity and the harming effect of the Arab environment.

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I argue that perhaps second only to sodomy, hashish,

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smoking in mandatory Palestine was seen as a form of backwardness and barbarism linked to the realities of living amongst Arabs in the least.

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That is why such venues as hashish,

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dense coffee houses and brothels in which Arabs and Jews could co-mingle and assimilate while sharing a fish field hookah were construed as a

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national political threat that these venues were also signal out is as disreputable places of sexual and homosexual encounters is not coincidental.

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Both represented an oriental advice not to be transgress to further dissuade.

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Juice from joining Eric's. To become hashish smokers,

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Zionist public discourse relied on interwar colleague colonial knowledge with a view to asserting that cannabis was specifically oriental substance.

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It's special kinds of intoxication being racially compatible with the mentality of Arabs,

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and there's only this knowledge it is important to stress arrived in Palestine from three main sites.

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As I show in my book India and Egypt,

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where the British had contended with cannabis oriented cultures long before arriving in Palestine and from the Geneva based League of Nations,

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which was one of the of the forums in which colonial knowledge about cannabis was produced and exchanged within and across imperial centres.

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Take, for example, Dr. Zul Book Inspector of pharmacies in Tunis hospitals and a member of the Subcommittee on Cannabis Cannabis,

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appointed by the League of Nations in 1934,

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who proclaimed and I quote repeated prohibition from imams edicts and penalties from the emirs and Sultans.

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All were in vain. Hashish triumphed and triumph.

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Still, for it is precisely owing to their special mentality that Muslims became and remain devotees of the drug.

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On another occasion, the same expert also asserted,

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and this is important that cannabis for Orientals increased sexual arousal and caused violent frenzy.

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On the one hand, and indolence and many probability on the other, he concluded by saying that Europeans in North Africa.

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We've had the fencing to try hashish did not experience these particular effects because cannabis intoxication was

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quote a question of racial sensibility or a question of race receptiveness right there by rationalising the substance.

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What I'd like to show you, and very briefly, is that into war zones discourse.

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Reproduce these ideas and at the same time, adapted them to local circumstances.

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A 1938 commentary in the daily newspapers defied the mouthpiece of the mainstream

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Zionism's labour movement and the most popular Hebrew language newspaper,

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and into work on this night should should demonstrate this to demonstrate this point.

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The commentary was the commentary was published during the 1936 1939 Arab Revolt in Palestine,

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which is rightly considered the most significant anti-colonial insurgency in the Arab East during the interwar period.

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The writer's primary objective, however, was to repudiate the revolt by reducing its causes and motivations to one overarching cause.

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And I quote oriental intoxication or poisoning, which is carried out, which is carried on for generations and on a massive scale,

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massive scale by means of oriental drugs by which he meant hashish in order to substantiate this point.

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The writer begins by enumerating the effects of hashish intoxication.

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Which, as you will see, echoes the arguments of Zubac of the of the League of Nations.

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First, the writer claims hashish and I quote begets powerful erotic feelings and generally speaking, it increases sexual drives and sexual activity.

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Second, as the writer goes on to say hashish induces violent insanity,

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it begets angry behaviour which can easily reach brutal and fearless aggression.

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The hashish user, he claims, is easily given to boiling rage or homicide with remarkable, cold hearted.

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That is because hashish quote starts, his mind weakens or destroys his recognition of reality and neutralises his natural and social conditions.

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By the way. Compare this.

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To the moral panic of reefer madness and killer weed in the U.S. at the very same time.

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Which demonstrates the global reverberations of these attitudes.

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So let me have much more time, do I have Yaku old, we'll had some more time.

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You have plenty of time for the test. OK, good. So I'll move on quickly to the Post 1948 era and discuss Jewish attitudes to hashish

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and in the social history of in the first two decades of the State of Israel.

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Now what? I would like to argue that these attitudes that I've just described to you.

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In the post, 1948 era represented a continuation of pre 1948 notions of the grass.

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But responding to new demographic and political realities and when I say new demographic and political realities,

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I am specifically referring to the explosion and flight of the Arab population of Palestine

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on the one hand and the country's recognition by Jews from the Middle East and North Africa,

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collectively known as Mr. Rahim. On the other hand, some of these Jews,

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not too many I should have used hashish in their countries of origin and had brought the habit with them to Israel.

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Other first and second generation immigrants from Muslim countries were not hashish smokers,

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but had picked up on the habit in Israel owing to their socioeconomic and ethnic marginalisation.

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Many of these immigrants were settled in transit camps in Hebrew and singular Marlborough,

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which sprang up across the country with some transforming into development towns in the 1960s, as their name implies.

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These settlements were originally perceived as temporary places of dwelling.

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Yet many Jews remained there for much longer periods, with settlement between one to seven years.

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They suffered from poor sanitary and hygiene conditions, poverty and neglect,

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as well as ill treatment and discrimination by the state authorities so beset by these adversities.

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Transit camps soon evolved into centres of drug wheeling and dealing and substance abuse,

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and this way hashish became a Jewish problem where formerly it was considered largely an Arab world.

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It is crucial to stress that the she smoking in Israel remained limited to no more than a few thousand members of the

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Israeli underclass and did not make inroads into the dominant Ashkenazi middle classes until after the 1967 war.

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Yet there were plenty of moral entrepreneurs.

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Removable hashish consuming this regime endangered the very western foundations of the Jewish state,

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bringing it to the brink of becoming a full fledged Arab or Levantine space.

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The primary terms that expressed these fears were contagion and a plague,

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as though hashish smoking was a disease that might spread to the enlightened European.

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Not to say white sectors of Jewish society in Israel.

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These metaphors are reminiscent. Of older continental anxieties of reverse colonialism,

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which spoke of an insidious invasion of Orientals and oriental drugs disrupting metropolitan life by debilitating and immobilising citizens.

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Consider, for example, the following ominous warning issued by senior police officer in 1956.

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What we have here is a national peril, a terrible peril.

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If something is not done to eliminate this terrible plague in ten years time, Israel will become a second Egypt.

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How she smoking venues or hashish could be shared by Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews.

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On the one hand, and between Jews and Arabs on the other,

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we're especially signalled out as a threat to the homogeneity common euro centricity of the national project.

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Now that these venues were usually located in Israel's ethnically mixed towns such as Jaffa, Haifa,

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Acre, Lod and these towns are basically binational borderlands in which Arabs and Jews live together.

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That that these venues were actually located there heightened the threat of mixing this issue,

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issuing from the mainstream public discourse, test these hashish smoking spaces into the realms of radical alternative.

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Patrons of these venues were described as, and I quote from a collection of references.

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They were described as worn out and filthy riffraff.

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The most revolting figures ever seen a mixture of malignant diseases, degeneration and the underworld, and the prey for bugs and lice.

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The interiors of these establishments were also said to be filthy, foul smelling, depressing and in a state of utterly disrepair.

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And here again, a collection of utterances about this, about about these places.

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Everything in this place is dirty and sticky.

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The furniture, the glasses, the cups, the thick hair air hanging in space, or most of these cafes are very dirty.

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They are located in ancient, ramshackle one-story buildings in quarters of tin shacks, in pitiable wooden checks,

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in plaster lost buildings whose entrance yawns before you, bringing to mind toothless old women.

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The stench is discernible in every corner. The smell of beasts manure is truly nosy.

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OK. Briefly turning the gaze to the voices of the restructuring themselves.

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And I don't have time to go into it.

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It is interesting to note that they oftentimes assimilated these negative derogatory notions of hashish and hashish smoking.

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The case in point, and again, I don't have time to go into it right now.

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A case in point is novelist Shimon Bus.

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Now. And of course, I take it that most of you are familiar with him.

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So I will keep it short for all of us.

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How should I put it vehemently subversive?

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Mizrahi susceptibilities, oftentimes anti-Zionist in nature, his literary works, such as is his novel The Transit, the Transit Camp, Karbala write.

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His literary works also testified to a remarkable, even wholesale integration of Zionist oriented,

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ized racialised and gendered conceptual accusations of hashish and hashish addicts.

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The same goes, however, for other Mizrahi novelists such as Kahlo selling sail.

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Your show had modified to be Amir of Non Shamash, to name, but a few.

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So I shall limit myself saying that this circumstance is consistent with other cases of the colonial

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post-corona world in which the indigenous middle classes have conceptualised hashish in negative terms.

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In much of the same way as the recently departed European colonisers had done, so, I come to the conclusion.

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Global trends and the occupation of Palestinian territories in 19 in the 1967 war joined to prompt a

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significant expansion of hashish smoking amongst Israeli Jews that were previously immune to to the habit,

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thus bringing down the ethnic, gender and class boundaries that kept the fees strictly an Arab or Mizrahi, or it is roughly vice.

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This process? Which was by no means linear resisted through the 21st century.

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In this circumstance prompted a rather recent publication of an op ed in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz that crowned Israelis as a nation of stoners.

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Let me just give you a little piece from that op ed about the op was titled What Really Unites Israel?

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Israel's right, left and Centre, and it argues as follows A love of pot smoking is shared amongst all populations in Israel.

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Hilltop settler youth in Tel Aviv. Radicals young and old Knesset members and simple folk, city and country people.

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Religious and secular. Everyone loves.

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Marijuana and hashish are the largest common denominator in Israeli society, despite the common ideals held by hippies in Israel.

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It turns out that one can be a religious fanatic, a human rights trampling racist or a war mongering militarist.

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And will be incredibly and still will be incredibly good at rolling joints.

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No problem. Hot couldn't be any more common in Israel.

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There aren't enough lungs, so admittedly this description of Jewish Israel as a nation of stoners is surely an overstatement.

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But a 2017 survey conducted conducted by the Israel Anti-Drug Authority validates the general impression.

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Backing breaking it up with hard numbers. The survey found.

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A dramatic surge in the adult. A surge in the prevalence of cannabis use by Israelis,

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Jews and non-Jews like twenty seven percent of the adult population reported using

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cannabis in the past year in comparison to just under nine percent in 2000 and not.

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A comparison with surveys conducted in other countries shows that Israel is probably at the top of cannabis use by adult populations,

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with Iceland and the U.S. lagging behind at 18 percent and 60 percent, respectively.

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So although the normalisation of recreational cannabis use in Israel has been gaining

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steam in recent years as old mythologies about the substance are losing their credibility.

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Remnants of obsolete oriental fantasies about the substance remain in reconfigured form.

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A blatant example of this is a short 33 second video clip prepared by the Israel Anti-Drug Authority 2006,

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with which I will conclude designed to dissuade teenagers from using intoxicating drugs,

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particularly cannabis, and broadcast on Israel's main public television channel.

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The clip was produced in the style of the Daily Times lasting will testament videos by Muslim suicide bombers.

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It shows a teenage boy holding a bong as a deadly weapon, standing in front of an unsteady camera and reciting the following monologue.

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Look. I, Omer Kendall, aged 16, of Ranjana, bid goodbye today from my parents ramekin,

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Cherwell and from my sister Karen, and I'm going to a party in Tel Aviv.

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There's only one way to be truly liberated to get drunk, take drugs and get really stoned.

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Don't cry, mom. I'm going to paradise now.

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It is easy to see in this short clip echoes of Orientalist fantasies about sheesh taking Muslims,

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which are addressed in an early 21st century Islamophobic garb.

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At the time of the clips broadcast, and let me remind you that 2006, so it's the final days of the Second Intifada.

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And at the height of President George W. Bush's global war on terror, the suicide bomber had in the US,

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in Western Europe and in Israel become emblematic of the so-called Islamic death culture.

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The clip does argued, deliberately played on the strength of these anti-Muslim sentiments that were rampant in Israeli society at the time.

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At the same time, it drew upon the vocabulary of 19th and early 20th century images of cannabis,

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namely that hashish is an oriental substance used by uncivilised Muslim Arab zealots who championed a ritual of death rather than a ritual of life.

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Whatever the case may be, it appears that the Zionist nightmare of assimilation into the Levant and nightmare

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that haunted Jews in Palestine Israel since the 1920s had has materialised,

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at least to some extent, or at least to the extent that cannabis consumption is concerned.

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Thank you very much. They thank you for this fascinating, fascinating presentation.