Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. Believe me, we are trying every means we can to avoid the feedback that comes from the microphone.
One possibility is for the lecturer to remain static throughout.
This is impossible, but other means are being tried.
We have seen how in the democracy that France proudly proclaimed itself to be the Third Republic used art to address the people.
The state employed its systems and patronage to disseminate its ideology, to instil its values.
This was an initiative that came from above from the centre.
But to what extent was there an art that emanated from the people that address them from their own level?
What might such art have looked like?
The purpose of this lecture is first to ask how Llave Populaire, the people's art formed part of public discourse and second,
to take some tentative steps towards finding it to find work that might be classified as Populaire.
I'm using Populaire in the literary dictionaries primary ideological sense from
concerning belonging to the people and not in its secondary sense of popular.
By using the term popular.
By trying it Forsys as a means of analysing style in the 1980s and 90s, I'll be employing a word widely used by contemporaries.
I'll be probing the terms, definition and value, but also gauging its usefulness as a stylistic term alongside more customary art,
historical terminology such as outraced and primitive. This is going out on a limb,
and I'm asking you to accompany me in an experiment as I enquire if it is
helpful to apply a common but complex word like popular to cultural production.
How much we try and adumbrate schemas and languages of style outside the traditional stylistic typologies.
For here I will be searching for style by approaching key works of art via unfamiliar coordinates, by illuminating the pictorial.
For example, with Argo in a nation unusual in fantasy actually Europe for its universal manhood suffrage yet substantially manipulated by elites.
How did the popular find its cultural voice articulate its identity?
Politicians and intellectuals were particularly concerned with this question in the 80s 90s.
The Republic, now in its third decade, seemed soundly, soundly established.
But if its struggle with the church had been largely settled, it faced new pressures.
Above all, the rise of socialism. In the elections of 1893, the Socialists won six hundred thousand votes and 50 deputies.
Industrial strikes were becoming better organised by Sandy. But whereas during the 1980s they had never been more than 200 a year.
During the 80s 90s, this had effectively doubled. Against a background of increasing working class pressure.
One aspect of the debate about how to bind the masses into the Republican core was by using culture as a mechanism which sounds vaguely familiar.
A scheme for popular sundaes at the Paris Opera in 1894 was, unsurprisingly, a failure.
It was followed by a number of initiatives for a tout were popular,
including a drive backed by the veggie dog thematic supported by writers such as Zola Mellberg.
Other initiative sought to nurture the practical cultural education of the urban proletariat,
notably the Music du Soir project launched by Gustaaf Jeff Schwab in Logistics in 1894 to five.
But such projects intended to address the culture and aspirations of the Class Populaire were essentially initiated by the establishment and elites.
Populaire was a word easily thrown out by Republicans as an expression of loosely worn egalitarianism.
It was a term widely and liberally used in the art writing of Republican functionaries such as lay offs Benedicts when in the late 80s 90s,
he credited the eclectic Egypt classicism of Bartolomeo as Monuments to the Dead with Accepts Your
Populaire or lauded Rhoda's kiss for breaking with the Latin tradition to create an R Populaire,
one is surely justified in finding his judgement's mealy mouthed,
assuming mass approval for such work without bothering to define who those publics might be beyond the
premature that he could give as an aspect to their Bouzar government at both national and regional level.
Articulate. Its own notions of the popular as a means of addressing its constituents isn't drawing attention to its achievements and ideology.
Public art was a primary means of achieving this works that could be seen by every citizen,
regardless of class or education were of necessity, popular as a means of, in the clearest sense.
But they tended to promote ideas and identities which articulated the ideology and taste of the politicians and committees which commissioned them,
projecting their values from the top down.
Such public efforts to engender popular art were effectively forms of propaganda and control in one regional city lethal force.
Amid a called Donya as monuments to Louis Pasteur completed in 1898, stands as an example of patronising Republican public art.
The great chemist surmounts the plimoth and heroic exemplar of the Third Republic's progressive validation of science.
Beneath him, two figures pay homage a brewer and a mother.
The man from the world of Labour and the woman with her family responsibilities.
Each lauding Pasteur for his work on food, fermentation and inoculation, which has improved their lives.
The Republic itself launched a national project, uniting art and the popular in its remodelling of the French currency.
The idea was egalitarian and Republican enough to create a coinage that gave every citizen daily experience for work of art launched in 1897.
Oscar Ortiz Simmers Figure achieved this.
That said, the initiative was fundamentally elitist.
Its chief promoter was Akagi Marx as an aspect of their Bouzar,
a high rent ranking civil servant and also wealthy son of a Jewish departmental store owner from N-E.
Whilst the medalled is the HOTI had won the prestigious pleader home.
The Acle, the Bouzar, the project and its realisation were admirably Republican but came from top down.
The Republic's concern to address its various class constituencies was founded not only a desire to promote its ideology amongst its citizens,
but also to allay anxieties amongst its elite groups about social and political development.
In this context, the word Populaire could be used as a dismissive term by those troubled by what threatened to be excessive Égalité,
as manifested by the growing number of socialist deputies.
The importance of Boston Tanvi Labour Exchange serving as working class centres and demagogic political movements such as Bulos ism.
But such anxieties were not confined to the political sphere for national cultural standards were also threatened.
A more autonomous culture seemed to be emerging, replacing Broadway values with those of the lower classes,
subverting cultural and moral norms and evading the control of the elites.
Writing, in their view, they do mourn.
In 1896, Mollies Tamaya fulminated against the pervasive new medium of the coloured poster, which he saw as lacking respect for law authority,
women, religion and family while promoting promiscuous and excessively individualistic behaviour.
But its vulgar, lurid colours, as this poster by good admirably does the Cathy courser, was perceived as another threat.
FELICIO She also complained in the chic loving model in 1885 that the theatre was
losing custom to the Cafe Corser with its crass repertoire to Seafood Gagas.
That's today's hit song, he complained.
Writing in Lovey Quinton Bohan in 1894, Xabi, A who noticed how stars from operetta were migrating to the café called Sur,
which itself was ever lowering its standards with the least gay language and indecent exposure.
The situation was more complex than this rhetoric allowed, for one thing.
By 1890, the cafe also was a highly professional and capitalised industry,
profitably run by middle class entrepreneurs such as Joseph Now and Charlotte Ziegler.
It increasingly engaged, well-educated writers such as Zschau Hoff, while performers like Evet Giebel,
seen here in an 1893 poster by back, were introducing Budler into their repertoire from another perspective.
There was a counterargument from the left that working class culture was being dumbed down by the vulgarity expected by the promoters locked up.
Melbourne made this case into anarchist periodicals lawned.
And the Latino vote in May 1892, in which he argued that the prototype, Terry,
that was offered repugnant spectacles of the most abject delights to divert them from
serious education for male WBO anarchism had an educational role reaching out to the masses,
which he advocated the appropriation of the republic's policy of education,
which sought to impose its values from above, adapting it to inform and thus liberate the working classes from below.
Opposing ideologies, thus competed to define and influence a modern popular culture.
Liked one use the popular as a cultural term in fantasy Air France in terms of forms of styles.
The popular suggests a creative character that actually emerges from is crafted by and belongs to the populace,
as the literary dictionary defined it, a lower class culture.
In other words, generated from it within working communities, the vitality of the popular will be defined by its environment.
Like any creative impetus, and it will inevitably be diverse.
The term was used by contemporaries to discuss and define aspects of artistic production.
Though necessarily they uses usage was divergent and often unspecific.
The glass and furniture maker Emil Galley's seen there in a portrait by Victor Poovey,
a leading figure in North Sea, are nouveau used the word popular in two senses.
During his disco, the Hayslip seal at the Academy Stanislas in May.
Nineteen hundred for Gannaway. Much of whose imagery was based on flowers and vegetation, not a deck of Populaire,
is to be found ubiquitously throughout the regions of France in nature herself.
But he agreed with William Morris that Popular had a democratic and humanitarian dimension.
The Neverland bomb giving art say now Populaire Ganny envisioned a renaissance of an art nazionale popular herald of better times of justice for all.
For all his humanitarian ideals, however, Galley's spoke from a position of privilege as a successful businessman and celebrated artist.
Although proudly,
Nawzad Gandhi acknowledged that depopulation of one region will not be the popular of another because of its rural and provincial dimensions.
The popular does not tally exactly with the Polar Tower, with its explicitly urban associations.
That said, the Polar Tower is an important component of the popular because whereas the popular in the
provinces was a question of sustaining long existing regional forms and traditions in the city.
These went into the melting pot. New forms and languages emerged themselves shaped by a centralising mono cultural modernity.
In addition, as a result of metropolitan ization, there was a fear that the diversity of the regional Populaire was under threat from modernity.
Eugen Moots, art historian and librarian at the Echo.
Their bows are in Paris. In his book, La Populaire, published in 1899, feared that the vital manifestations of popular culture,
such as the different quotes from women of all Elsas, were menaced by the increased ease of communication and the mass production of cheap goods.
But what's defied the Populaire in terms of style? Given that,
we need to bear in mind so many different cultural forms from the quaffed Ima's
Deep in Ireland files that months disgust to the songs of the Cafe Corsair,
as well as the painting and the sculpture that I'll explore.
Any definition will of necessity outline the most generic of features rather than specify the stylistics of particular forms.
In 1895, the socialist intellectual George Dollface argued in Le Depeche to Toulouse that in everything made, in all human artefacts,
in every crafted object in the house people inhabit in the bottle which pours their wine in the plate where their hand reaches for a fine fruit.
There ought to be art and beauty, not an ornate or excessive beauty, but a beauty of simple elegance and grace fused with the object's utility.
Chavez acknowledged and promoted an instinctive desire for some level of ease.
That is aesthetic satisfaction in every man. I'd propose that beauty could be found in the functional as well as the highly crafted.
What characterised for chauffeurs a beauty that we might call popular was simplicity, elegance and utility.
If your office wrote about domestic objects, the recalled ter twist on Bhavna,
seen here in a portrait by Toulouse Lautrec, turned his attention to Cafe Corsairs songs.
He argued in Luthy be brought in 1891 that the best ones are characterised and articulated by the populace itself.
According to an instinctive need for simple things clearly expressed, although discussing some different forms.
Both authors emphasised the crucial importance of simplicity and clarity in La Populaire.
The popular half articulate itself, one obvious means was by language.
And it's worth a brief deviation into the still very, very patois and algo that characterised the different regions and localities of frauds.
Such language both gave identities to communities and divided them from other groups.
One's own accent, turn of phrase, even complete lexicon, gave one an identity, whether as a native of a P or a member of a local trade.
Such an identity set one apart in 1892.
The painter Kaminen, PSR Pissarro and his family, living in the Vixen to the north of Paris,
hired a brat on maid whose language they could not understand.
Language manifested the differences and distinctions of France inconsistencies that the centralising republic sought to eradicate.
But divergence weather between class, group or region was endemic in France.
In addition, the languages that articulated those divergences were paradoxically fascinating because of the very
differences they highlight from the later eighteen seventies as the Third Republic got into gear,
the Borsa are reading public devourer Daniel Zola's novels such as Lasse on Moi with their working class Argo.
Was this an expression of newly minted Égalité,
or rather the scrutiny of proletarian Paris from a safe distance through the filter of fiction, a way of different things social groups,
rather than harmonising the crucial S.R. by the fantasy eg the use of slang was a standard
mechanism by which the bourgeoisie negotiated an understanding of the working class world,
the popular the little heart. Marcel Schwabe submitted Parisian argot to quasi scientific study.
Justice Charles Darwin has proved that insects and act as intermediaries in the cross pollination of flowers, Schwabe wrote in 1889.
So the proletarian prostitute in the plus Mubasher plot passes on her language to the club man with whom she consorts,
via whom an expression then appears in Jiblah older figure.
Hope is the latest. In chic parlance.
Schwabe was initially impressed by the songs of a Steve Bull performed first at the Shanu are from and from 1885 at his own cabaret at La Melonie.
Her brutal songs were written in Parisian argot,
performed in a rough voice like early Bob Dylan with simple and abrasive piano and trumpet accompaniment
and often titled After the Proletarian CAFTA of the City at Southwold or more Hujer for Schwalbe.
In 1889, Blue typified the Polet Populaire.
Trump's claim that the songs were expressions of nature gave them an organic,
even Darwinian identity, which authenticated Borel's own boast that I took them from the street.
I return them to the street. I came from the street. I go back there.
This was the persona with which, to his gratification bluegill was endowed in Toulouse, La.
Trex poster for the Singers 1892 season at the Ambassador Cafe Corsair, on the shores of elizee in Electric's image before,
with his characteristic black hat and scarlet scarf safely passes the sinister silhouette of the proletarian figure,
the backstreet type who would terrify the bourgeoisie but who respects the singer as a mouthpiece of his pull the polar bear culture.
But who was no Parisian proletarian?
He came from a small town in the Lafe of artisanal stock and had worked as a railway clerk in Paris before launching his career as a performer.
By 1892, Schwabe had seen the sham of Brewer's claim to be an authentic voice of the popular,
dismissing him as less prole peignoir than profiteer Pat.
But the accusations of critics such as Schwabe did nothing to kerb the success of war, who by the mid 80s 90s was a highly successful entertainer,
launching court cases against his imitators and retiring in 1897 to life as a country gentleman.
The poet Gumpel Victor specifically power paralleled that poesy popular out of the city,
which he founded Cafe Corsairs Songs and particularly Boulez and of the country.
For Viqueira, the poetry of peasant songs was slightly melancholy and soft, sometimes brutal, but always naive and simple.
There is no complication of style, and the verse varies according to the impression it's trying to give.
Sometimes rhyme is just simple assonance here, he said, with the real roots of love poesy,
Poppy LaForce says none of this brings us close to a tight definition of the popular, as manifested by Argo and patois.
But it does bring forward some defining principles simplicity perhaps to the point of the naive and even the coarse
clarity and a lack of unnecessary complication and honesty and functionalism that obviated the need for sophistication.
What were the visual languages of the Populaire? Are we going to see any decent slides?
Can we find a Pictorial Populaire that was equivalent to the use of HONGO by asking these questions?
I'm continuing my experiment by proving the effectiveness of some of the style
labels that are often used for late 19th century French art terms like that.
You have at least the descriptive representation of the material world or sambal, least suggestive invocations of moods or inner states.
Well, of course used that the period and were both very elastic expressions, which allowed a great deal of stylistic flexibility.
However, post Impressionism as a 20th century neologism,
which some have found useful in dealing with the late 19th century avant garde artists such as Silver and Van.
But perhaps Populaire, part of contemporary parlance and a shorthand for various cultural assumptions, offers another dimension.
Take an artist like Eugen Buelow. His work is naturalistic in the sense that it describes the everyday world.
But how does one cope with the stylisation of paintings such as Propaganda of 1889 and visits to the Virgin of Benno Day of 1898?
One is set anywhere in France representing a travelling salesman, visiting a peasant home to sell prints at the same time,
apparently canvassing on behalf of General Bulgy in the late 18th 80s, a political figure with dangerously populist appeal.
The other is set in a specific Breton town and in a particular chapel.
Both are highly detailed in their description of faces and settings with rather stiffly posed.
Hence, rather too polished and precise. Both employ rigid hieratic postures, notably the profile,
but also the frontal iconic positions which deny the haphazard in favour of the formal and stylised the exact attitude that
stylisation sets such paintings subtlely apart from a naturalist painting I'd be discussing in these lectures booleans.
Typical imagery represents the French working classes showing respect for religion in paintings such as the visit to the Virgin for Law
and the inheritors of 1887 or for local and economic order in the Municipal Council of Pyar LED organising the annual fête of 1891.
You may laugh at these pictures. I mean, please do. Below also used his painting to articulate basic morality, as in Flug home doulis of 1893,
with its suggestion of alfresco fornication in which the guard Sean For brings a couple of Rhorer lovers before the magistrate and his canvases
were also given titles from Sors and proverbs such as Setu The Mawji that haveI of 1886 or almost Schubel Buzzwire do property one of 1892,
an image of workers drinking.
There is surely a consistency here to create an art that apparently emerges from the popular but interprets it as salt of the earth.
Stable conservative religious content with the old ways.
This seems to fit Boodles who really regional existence. He was rooted in the village of Schutt.
Release your mahne to the east of Paris, uninterested in any presence in the metropolitan art world other than his annual submissions to the salon.
In painting such as the Municipal Council and Flagger or Dilli,
the precision of the stiffness seemed to work against each other, almost a comic effect.
And yet this is an effect which Buhrow preferred with a calculated unwillingness to change.
How can we consider such paintings? Populaire, the critic George Laughland Astrachan used that word about Brunos figures in 1892.
Although he thought vulgar was better,
Laffan ouster identified Brunos work as having a certain incisive brutality and the definition of the silhouette,
as well as a delicacy in the faces giving the worker durability. Just on the right side of caricature.
The following year,
only Bouchet praised the congruity of style and subject in pictures such as Blackhall Delete for Bouchet means of representation tallied with meaning,
eliding the correct and the goosh, the clear cut and the clumsy in a style which was genuine, not manat.
Can we then count Budos painting as Populaire? Perhaps we can fling the characteristics of the popular simple.
City clarity. A certain socialist's in sculpture.
This is the case. I would suggest with Laboon or J.
By Alexander the Sharp Clear. It was a piece which shot 28 and worked on over a long period.
A plaster had been shown at the salon of 1889. But the final version was not exhibited until 1897.
This time the medium was enamelled stoneware finished in the ceramic workshop of Emina Mula, measuring over four by five and a half metres.
Lee Budokan. She has three figures. Larger than life size.
The man to the left puts bread into an oven or a long shovel in the centre.
Another carries a small basket, almost like a votive offering.
And to the right, a third reaches forward to plunge his hands into a deep wooden tub.
All a naked to the waist. They wear long white aprons and slippers.
The figures are surrounded by their tools and materials. So sacks and baskets a show.
But to set the scene, not to distract their faces.
A prank, but an idealised. And the gestures, while aptly practical, a slightly ritualised evoking a sense of service, even a business.
The effect is less modern than timeless. The baking of bread is an artisan activity regularly repeated to serve the community.
That's slightly naive and even hieratic.
Quality is enhanced by the simple delineation of the figures, and the quite reductive quality of the coloured glaze is pale green in the background.
Orange and brown around the oven. As a number of critics noticed while viewing the bulgy in 1897,
the evident creation of the phrase from rectangular blocks recalls ancient art, particularly a Syrian sculpture shop.
Wheelchair's decision to quit. The style was apparently to deliberately endow his frieze with an ageless,
hieratic character with labour rosacea on Tabors drinks, choosing simple forms to represent a simple act.
And I think that his combination of artisanal work and its social function with
clarity of design and slight Goshen as a form can be classed as Populaire.
That seems to have been sharp on his intention.
He himself came from a proletarian Parisian family and had been apprenticed to an ornamental engraver aged 12.
Charpentier. Apparently intended Laboon O.J. to be mounted on a box to do TVI, in which case this work of art really did come from the people,
represented the people and was made for the people's public building a labour exchange.
It was made in a style that I would typify as intentionally Populaire and was quite at odds with the private
work that sharp Paul t.A might do for wealthy clients such as this dining room for the banker Anthony,
our BNR made in 1981. Lee Baloji was certainly received in those terms by sympathetic critics.
Shaft's Sunia writing in 1992 to notice that Charpentier used models whose bodies were
attuned to manual labour and that when the plaster of labour law Jay was shown in 1889,
it was scorned by profane sculptors but admired by artisan bakers to shop on Cheers Delight.
The leftist novelist Lucio DCR, also writing in 1982, fantasised that if we really lived in a democracy which cared about beauty shop paintings,
sculptures representing different kinds of labour would embellish parks and squares for decaf.
Schopp, 28, was an egalitarian artist whose art depicting common themes of work should be for the people set in public locations.
Interestingly enough, one critical voice who disliked labour laws pay for its heavy,
grubby in harmonious tones was the sculptor who needs some marceaux.
But so much so with his private means and aristocratic. Connexions was a man of different class from sharp LTA, ill attuned to the Populaire.
Another artist who might be classed as popular is for the Whoso Ladoo.
On the day in 1895, Rousseau submitted an unsolicited autobiographical text to the publication Potgieter Portia Sickler.
While convinced enough of his own artistic stature to consider himself worthy of inclusion in such a grandiose series,
Rousso humbly delivered it by hand to the typographer and was in.
Ragingly, Frank, as well as naively presumptuous in his account of himself,
Russo made it clear that his parents were from the lower classes, assuming the mantle of the dominant naturalism.
He pronounced himself one of our best realist painters, as if that was what the serious painter should aim to be.
While his mention of one of his canvases, one man Portale pays to look to,
implicitly claimed this new Zhora the portrait landscape as his own invention.
Russo explained that he exhibited at the salad days Andy Pandor because of his belief in liberty to produce,
thus articulating his Republican credentials and thanked the press for the publicity they gave to his work.
Russo's autobiographical text first presented him as the modern artisan painter at work.
The picture to which Russo referred was his self-portrait, painted in 1890.
It's a strange picture.
It takes up a standard, full length, dark suited format of the stock grand portrait of the period typified by the portraits of LÉ or Bonner.
Yet Russo couldn't give the figure necessarily. Descriptive volume of the body in its black suit is flatly painted as if it was a silhouette.
Russo didn't originally intend the figure to be read as an artist because the hand
holding the brush was certainly added over the flags and rigging underneath,
while the hand holding the palette was probably also an addition to begin with.
Then he saw himself a sick whale and then changed himself to artist.
So much for the Portale. The Pasar large is oddly composite.
The bridges of the 19th century iron portrait carousel. And behind it the 17th century St. Paul hail from this position looking eastward.
One would expect to find the move on the right, not Kreis and tense.
The sailing ship is far too large to be this far up the sand and flies a bizarre collection of flags.
Amongst them the two colour and the red end sign. That one's reminded of certain submarines ramming each other in the Atlantic.
The sun is much too high to be rising or setting.
Yet red reflections appear in the river. The balloon has no basket.
And yet this is contemporary Paris, with the newly constructed Eiffel Tower to the real left, towering above houses with modern metal chimney pots.
The new bridge pushes the old one into the background. The landscape thus bids for modernity.
Roussos, Porto Pizarro. Like his later autobiographical text, makes claims to naturalism and modernity.
But by the contemporary standards of descriptive, exactitude fails to achieve them.
It is the schematic view of modern Paris by the modern artisanal painter alluding to the new marvel of the tool.
He fell to commerce, to typical drab housing, to the processes of change in its lucid simplicity,
its Eichen, a graphical non sequiturs, its determination to have a voice, however, and articulate the pull.
Taipei's Aage seems to me to suggest that Populaire is a better way to define Roussos work than the overused Plimmer teef.
Another painter who was very interested in portraiture was Vincent van Hoffe.
But what was different from Rousseau in that he worked in closer contact with other artists,
albeit cheaply, with by correspondence, and was conscious of having a presence in the avant garde.
Van Hoffe was also Dutch, as is my attempt at pronunciation and the son of a pastor.
So an educated man from the middle classes.
However, by 1888, Vanderhoff was expressing his fascination with portraiture as a means of characterising modernity.
He explained in letters that he was content to pay people who he called insignificant and as dramatic as a dusty blade of grass by the roadside.
Paralleling this to the naturalist, novels of Zola and Mopar saw his belief that contemporary portraiture would serve as a
record for people in a centuries time was also a fundamentally naturalistic position.
That said, Van Hoffe was not interested in.
In a letter of 1890, he explained that he was trying to achieve the modern portrait not by a photographic resemblance,
but by means of impassioned expressions.
That is to say, using our knowledge of modern taste for colour as a means of arriving at the expression and the intensification of character.
As an outsider to all zahavi and over that horse engagement with the local people.
It was unsystematic, opportunistic and even shallow.
But he turned this to advantage and his representations of the hoola family in all are perhaps the most
thorough pictorial charting of a late 19th century French working class family ever made in painting.
Joseph Tianna Hoola was a postal clerk at all railway station, subsisting with his wife and three children on a salary of 135 francs per month.
In Van Hof's first portrait of him made in early August 1888, Ruelas hands are salient.
The discomfiture was both the artist's Bahnhof had difficulty with the structure, with the troublesome drawing of hands and rulers.
What, after all, did a provincial postman know about posing that combination of artistic and behavioural?
Gosha This seems to me to encapsulate something of the popular character of the portrait.
This naivete is carried even further in a second portrait probably made in early December 1888.
In this painting, Coula is seen head and shoulders. The image is very stark.
The blue uniform acts like a dark, chromatic plinth on which the head is set.
The head itself is painted broadly. The brush marks brusquely, marking the fall of light on the beard and facial features.
This abruptness is enhanced by the striking chrome yellow background, the emphatically direct frontal and simplified impact of this head suggested.
This portrait may not have been made from life. Perhaps it was made from memory.
A practise which Gugga living with Van Hokkien all in late 1888 was urging upon the artist in which Vanderhoff found,
quite contrary to his usual practise of direct engagement with his motif.
Whatever the case, this image is so schematic that ruler becomes more a popular type than the portrait of an individual.
In addition, the undifferentiated yellow background is consistent with the lurid colour fields which characterised contemporary promotor lithographs.
One of the cheapest forms of colour imagery and one aimed at the lower class market, like this promotional image of Aristide bluegill.
Perhaps this portrait of this portrait of Rugare.
We see Vanderhoff appropriating the visual vocabulary of the chromo lithograph to create a more directly Populaire identity for the postal clerk Lula.
In January 1889, hoodlums transferred to Marseilles, though for the time being his family remained in all.
Van Hoffe painted him again in January and also in March on one of Ruelas visits home.
These paintings, by contrast with the December canvas,
have a much greater sense of having been painted from life with close observation of Ruelas gaze and his luxuriant beard.
If these later canvases represent Hoobler more of us as an individual than a type,
his identity is further specified not only by the uniform of the Postal Service, but also by the brash floral wallpaper in the background.
We don't know where this wallpaper was to be found, whether in the Ruelas house Van Hock's lodging or perhaps to the local café.
The artist certainly treated it arbitrarily at times, enhancing its pattern.
But the wallpaper's emphatic from Talenti echoes Lula has it swirls Ryan with his beards.
Postal clerk and wallpaper define each other.
One might say proletarian provincial populaire.
This identity was grasped in Van Hock's lifetime. I'll bet all the writing in the Mafia.
The force in January 1890 divined how the artist nurtured the idea of inventing a very, very simple kind of painting.
Populaire, almost infantile, capable of moving humble people who don't try and complicate things,
and being understood by the most naive of the alleged,
created and all cited the portraits of Madame Hoola and the portrait of the phlegmatic and indescribably jubilant postal clerk.
Horia concluded that Van Hoff is simultaneously too simple and too subtle for the contemporary borderline mind.
He will only ever be fully understood by his brother's very artistic artists and the fortunate amongst the lower classes,
the lowest classes who have somehow managed to escape the benefits of a secular
education with sophisticated language in a sophisticated metropolitan periodical.
All the aid put his finger on Van Hof's credentials as an image maker of the popular.
His final. gybe about state education voiced his own critique of Republicanism.
But it also suggested that it was possible in the case of an artist like Banhart,
to create work that was successfully popular and yet not in hock to diffuse yeast Republicanism.
In this aspect of his assessment of Bahnhof work, or he made him out to be an egalitarian artist with a style not Naturaliste,
but Populaire, because his work depicted and spoke directly to people of the lower classes in a style that matched their mortality.
Here was a new art, both outside naturalism in style and beyond the reach of Republican pedagogy in its appeal.
Visitor to France. As he was, Vanderhoff did not directly engage his conception of the popular with the
states systems for supporting its ideology by visual culture or Rousseau did.
Throughout this period, there were competitions to produce mural decorations for public buildings.
As we've seen in 1893, a competition was held to decorate the sun effect of the town hall of the Parisian suburb of Banally.
The eventual winner was Pierre-Yves Beauty, with scenes of communal festivity and public ceremony,
which represent the various classes of Banyo lay in fraternal harmony.
Under the tree, other such images epitomised Republican decoration, descriptive in style, legible in ideology.
Russos submission was apparently a view of the pulldown Clennell, an elongated composition reductively and flatly painted for decorative purposes,
representing a bridge to the west of Paris was hardly suitable for a Mathey to the east.
But perhaps Rousseau reckoned that the recent recently erected reduction of a
bar told his Statue of Liberty gave the bridge an apt Republican resonance.
What he was offering in his naivete was a painting far too stark and simple, lacking the animated, naturalistic detail required.
But could one say that his portrait of an owl was too popular for public decoration?
Perhaps it looked too much as if it were the pictorial counterpart to the people's language,
rather than a painting that used the pictorial paternalistically to speak to the people.
Were there other efforts to create decorative paintings which actually employed popular
visual forms that's attempting to address a lower class public with a pictorial syntax?
It understood. I think it can be argued that Sehar was attempting this around 1890.
In early 1891, he exhibited his most recent large figure painting Silk Apostolides,
and pawned all the undie pulled all where Rousso and Bahnhof also exhibited was
supported by the Coolsaet Minister's pal of Paris of leftist Republican makeup.
And the exhibition is Jury Free Organisation typified its egalitarian principles.
Silk was painted in the plenteous style pioneered by Sirhan and his neo impressionist colleagues in the mid 80s 90s.
Recently, he had begun to organise his touch in relation to her paintings, linear construction, following the ideas of his friend,
the eccentric psycho physicist show Orthey,
whose theories argued that the colour and the direction of lines coalesced to evoke certain responses in the spectator.
Warm colours and rising lines necessarily suggested happiness, for instance.
Thus, from the point of view of touch and theory, sic was sophisticatedly avant garde.
However, suras reduction of his palette to emphasise the primary colours red,
yellow and blue, as well as his adoption of a linearity which was energised,
angular and very much to the fore, was reminiscent of the work of Jules Shohei, then the preamp pre-eminent poster designer in Paris.
The importance of Shafei for C0 has long been recognised,
but we still neglect to read this ideologically by effecting a stylistic alliance between the innovative and the popular.
Suhad tried to unify in Seor, the avant garde and scientific and the inclusive and engaging both progressive and
democratic exhibited at the egalitarian and de Pournelle sic met Republican requirements.
At the same time, it used a subject matter and an immediately appealing style to involve the widest public.
It was the model, one might argue, for a new democratic kind of public decoration at the soul of 1889.
They meet Kog exhibited Coolibah DeCock the cockfight.
Kog is now a forgotten artist and Soha considered one of the pioneers of modern art.
But in the context of the popular Silk and Pumbaa DeCock can be contrasted to some purpose.
Kog came from Roubaix in the Department of the Ngau on the Belgian border.
At the end of the 19th century, Roubaix was a manufacturing town of some 140000, with its economy based on textiles.
Its proletariat worked 12 hour days, six days a week in this harsh environment.
The diversions were drink. Jubei had an exterminator for every 50 head of population beating Glasgow, I should think.
And the local tradition of cockfighting cooks painting was foetid in a poem written in Qty Patois.
By June 12, ASSU Soniya from neighbouring Tuckwell.
I'm going to try and go into a qty accent miserably.
The poem noted the cross-class community of Coggs Painting V to Shake Shack.
Alaka put in Soho in Bush encash Get the Leash, a Puth amateur.
Thank you. Combatted Cock represents bourgeois and worker temporarily unified by effort, by their fascination with the sport.
Kog represents us with details of their clothing and expressions and shows their gestures as dramatic and into related.
We as spectators are implicitly at the ringside across from these people, noisy, demonstrative.
They are the mirror of us vividly and legibly.
Painted by an artists from the local proletariat korma DeCock represents a popular egalitarian pastime when displayed at the Hubei town hall.
It proved immensely popular. But for all that, does QMI DeCock qualify as Populaire?
Perhaps not, because kog tied to the Naturaliste aesthetic couldn't find a populace style to suit his subject and public.
Why contrast these two paintings? They are.
Totally different in style, Coggs, naturalistic in its sense of immediacy and the very ism of its description.
Suhas Malad in colour, drawing and composition. They were pitched at different audiences, one to the establishment Sulla, the other to the maverick.
And they Paltalk Kog came from a working class background in the nor silver from the Parisian bourgeoisie.
But while allowing for these differences, there are significant similarities.
Both Corbo, DeCock and Silk, a large paintings about two metres by one and a half.
They were intended to have public impact.
Both are about spectacle, popular entertainment enjoyed by the range of social classes that both artists deliberately show us and their audiences.
One might argue that Silver's image is elitist. Painted by a borsch y and an avant garde style.
Once again, the popular articulated from top down.
Whereas Kobes is a direct engagement with the popular culture of the noodle, that Silk has an ironic Karaca tural quality.
Whereas Paul Cock is emotive and direct. But if the visual language is employed by the two artists, Difford So did their publics.
Sylhet was aiming his work not only at fellow artists, dealers and symbolist writers and critics.
He opted for the pictorial parallel with Jeffares posters because he wanted his painting to read in a
way that was legible to all Parisians to take on the egalitarian aesthetic of the poster and to use it,
I believe, to craft a new kind of public decorative painting that would be genuinely modern in style and democratically resonant resonance.
Coggs painting was made by a Hubei artist and was absorbed into Hubei culture as what use?
Part one poem shows presented in Paris.
It presented its Lubi identity to the capital. I hope that this experiment, teasing out the popular trying to find its forms, has proved valuable.
The popular was quintessentially polyvalent. Not only were there divergences in artistic style, but also differences between Metropolis and province.
And amongst the many voices within them, the search for the popular, as I describe it,
also incorporated contested attitudes to modernity, in some cases pressing for new styles.
The radical ideology and emerging new social circumstances in others anti modern in the clinging to old forms to echo traditional values.
Such an account would incorporate, on the one hand, silvered Charpentier.
And on the other, Bulo on Cobh. But I do not want to tie my notion of the popular down to style.
One can adumbrate some stylistic features that might characterise the popular, such as the goosh, the abrupt, the simple.
But these are very general and not, one might argue, essential.
Perhaps the Populaire could also be characterised by its vitality and diversity.
The fact that it is difficult to define that it was various.
One might finally ask, was the popular ever honest the painter's Van Hofman, Saleha and the Schuss show Sunday?
Boole were not proletarian. They reached down, learnt the languages of the lower classes, familiarise themselves with the back purply.
The same is true, however well-meaning, their various intentions of George Lopez gentlemens and twist on Ballona voices of the educated elite.
One is usually aware of an effort, a sense of the spurious or some ideological acrobatics in their grappling with the popular.
Of all the artists that I've discussed, only Rousso and Shuff Paul Chieh were genuinely from the people producing art for the people.
Perhaps in the end, popular must be considered an equivocal, untrustworthy term.
But it was felt in some quarters to be estimable, where it was found worth promoting and protecting fruitful to adapt one's art towards those kinds of
process of negotiation between elite and popular cultural manifestations need to be acknowledged,
for they are part of the complex Meccan mechanisms of fantasy eckler culture in France.
Thank you. Next week, he'll be talking about organic CISM, which is about science.
But it will be trying to look at some new artists and also some favourites.
Van Hoff comes back and so does money. So it's a new take on things.
Give.