Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. I am afraid that bodiless librarian Richard Overton is indisposed,
so he has asked me to stand in for him and to read his speech of introduction this evening.
I'm Henry Hudson, one of the lectures and rector of Lincoln College.
I'm going to do so as though I am him, but I'm not him.
As you may have noticed. Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Richard Hovenden,
and I have the immense privilege of being both bodiless librarian and the chair of the board of electors to the local leadership in Bibliographic.
It is under these dual auspices that I welcome you here to the body in western Libya this evening, both in person and via the Internet.
Wherever you are in will be both in person and wherever you are in Rubeo, in Buenos Aries.
Welcome. Before I go any further, I would like to invite those of you who are here in Oxford to join the electors,
this year's reader and me, that's me, not Richard Ovando for an adult autumnal libation in Blackwall Hall after the lecture.
Sadly, those of you in Buenos Aries must take care of this element to yourselves before we move on to the specifics of this evening's lecture.
Allow me, please, to explain a little of the background and history to these lectures.
James Carlisle was a lawyer and book collector who lived in Oxford and on his retirement in Abingdon,
he not only collected books in a serious way, but studied them closely, publishing his research from early book illustration in Spain in 1925,
over 100 of his best mediaeval manuscripts were bequeathed to the Bodleian on his death in 1948,
and the library subsequently purchased another 60 manuscripts and many early printed books from his executors till de Delamare.
Then on the staff of the Bodleian, published a scholarly catalogue of Lyall's mediaeval manuscripts acquired by the library in 1971.
In addition to this great generosity to the Bodleian,
JPL also left a bequest to establish a series of lectures in bibliography to be delivered by invitation by leading scholars working in the field.
To this end, the university established a board of electors to review the state of scholarship
in the subject and to invite its leading proponents to hold the leadership.
It is this body, one that I have chaired since 2013 that has invited the current leader to deliver this year's lecture's.
The lectures have more than fulfilled the expectations of their benefactor,
the lecturers have made a substantial contribution to the field of bibliography in its broadest interpretation,
a high proportion of the lectures have been published, and many of these have become heavily cited works of scholarship.
Not off, not a few are known internationally as groundbreaking works in their field.
The first lectures were delivered in 1950, two to three by Neil Kurr,
reader in bibliography in the University of Oxford and published by up in 1960 as English manuscripts in the Century After the Norman Conquest.
Since then, many distinguished readers have delivered lectures which have produced scholarship of an enduring quality.
In 1950, four to five,
Sir Walter Gregg gave his lectures and publish them as some aspects and problems of London publishing between 50 and 50 and 60 and 50.
Feddersen Bowers soon after gave his fifty eight to nine lectures published as bibliography and textual criticism.
David Foxton was the reader in 1975 to six and delivered the lectures,
which were eventually published in 1991 as Pope and the early 18th century book trade.
In 1978 to nine, the leader was Howard Nixon, who delivered lectures on English decorated bookbinding,
which are eventually published as the history of decorated bookbinding in England in 1992.
Jonathan Alexander published Mediæval Illuminatus and Their Methods of Work in 1993 from his 1982 to three Lyall's.
John Mackenzie gave the lectures as bibliography and history, 17th century England, though sadly they have never been published.
The following year saw Elizabeth Eisenstein deliver hers on Grub Street,
applaud aspects of the French cosmopolitan press from the age of Louis the Fourteenth to the French Revolution.
Robert Darnton was the reader in nineteen ninety six to seven, delivering the lectures as bohemians and bohemianism,
Grub Street Libertines in Paris and London 1770 to 1789, which fed into a number of his subsequent publications.
David McKitrick of 1999 to 200, 200 were given as set in print the fortunes of an idea 40 and 50 to 80,
100 publishers print manuscript and the search for order.
In 2003, the most recent reader, Mark Smith, delivered his own Renaissance handwriting models in virtual form last year,
although we hope that his fifth and final lecture will be delivered in hybrid mode next year.
I should also like you to know that the electors have selected the next full series of electoral lecturers,
they will be they will be Professor Susan Rankin, professor and Blair, Professor Stephen Oakley and Professor Leah Price.
Now, we do this year more than lives up to the standards of eminent set by the best of his predecessors.
He is a mediaeval scholar whose work has shaped more than one field and whose
work brings the primary sources of mediaeval history books and documents,
libraries and archives into the forefront of broader historical investigation.
Our reader for this year's series of lectures, Paul Needham,
returns us for the first time in many years to someone who has worked both in libraries and in the book trade.
Paul Needham was an undergraduate at Swarthmore College and did his doctorate at Harvard,
then worked at the Huntington Library for a year before moving back east to the Pierpont Morgan Library,
which he joined in 1971 for a memorable 19 years before jumping nimbly over the fence to join the book department at Sotheby's in 1990.
In 1998, he became Qadi librarian at Princeton University, where he remained until his retirement in May 2020.
Whilst at the Morgan in 1976, he calculated the major exhibition, William Morris and the Art of the book,
together with John Dreifus and John Dunlap, producing the exhibition catalogue, which remains a major work of reference.
He was the lead curator a few years later, for 12 centuries of bookbinding, 400 to 600,
published as an extended exhibition catalogue for a show at the Morgan in 1979.
Like his other books, it sits on my shelves as an important reference work in the history of bookbinding scholarship.
He has published many articles on the use of paper in early printing and early printing
in general with specialised studies on German and Italian printing in the 15th century.
His deep investigations into early printing in England have been published in important essays,
such as the one linking Caxton with Veldon as cologne type.
But his scholarship on Caxton had its fullest representation in the printer and the pardoner, which was published by the Library of Congress in 1986.
For the Festschrift, for Loti Hillinger, he even contributed an essay on Kontinental book sold at Oxford and 14 80 to 14 81.
He's also given rare book school courses on early printed books both at the Morgan and Huntington and
has been very active in the Bibliographical Society of America and the American Historical Association.
He was awarded a John Simon Guggenheim Foundation Fellowship, gave the Saunders lectures at Cambridge University in 2004,
four to five, and the Rosenbach Lectures at the University of Pennsylvania in 2013.
Amongst his many accolades, Paul has been the recipient of the Bibliographical Society's Gold Medal.
He has been heavily involved in locating stolen copies of the Rome printing of
the 14 93 Colombus letter and helping to get them returned to their true owners,
including the Bibliotheque de Catalunya in Barcelona, the Bibliotheque and the cardinal in Florence,
the Vatican Library, and the Bibliotheque, a museum in Venice.
But the subject, which has long dominated his brilliant and tenacious mind, has been Johann Gutenberg.
In a series of highly influential articles and the papers of the Bibliographical Society of America
and the Gutenberg Yarbo and indeed in the wonderful Sotheby's auction catalogue for the Doheny copy.
Now in Japan, Paul Needham has transformed the way we look at and understand Europe's earliest printing.
Ladies and gentlemen, I have great pleasure in inviting Paul Needham to give the 2020 to 2021 lectures.
Well, thank you, Richard, I must say, for the very kind words and I have to express my gratitude to the electors,
but I had no idea how hard you were going to make me work.
There are areas that one spends a lot of time with and begins to feel rather comfortable with.
And for me, certainly the Gutenberg Bible was one of those areas.
And yet the moment it comes to writing words down on the page, sort of like storm clouds, all one's ignorance comes sweeping up across the horizon.
And you're in a kind of a battle. Not sound foolish.
I'm. Grateful, as always, to the many generations of scholars of the Latin Bible and of early printing,
and I just want to mention one name that I cherish, and that is the late Gérard Pervert's, a great scholar, died recently of great modesty.
And I also want to thank two friends who carefully read. To their benefit draughts of my talks, Laura Light and Eric White, who,
of course have no responsibility for the mistakes that you may be about to hear.
In the early 40s,
50s minds the metropolis of an immense archdiocese housed many Latin Bibles in its churches and convents and more were being created.
The most luxurious of these new copies was the so-called giant Bible of Mights, and may we have the second.
There is the slide now in the Library of Congress through the generosity of Lessing Rosenwald.
It's an Atlas codex and two volumes written by a single scribe in texture quadrotor
for matter of high quality on vellum leaves measuring nearly 58 by 41 centimetres.
The anonymous but talented scribe recorded the progress of the commission begun in early April 14 52
and finished early July 14 53 by writing completion dates and a small hand at the end of most books,
all but one were scraped away as part of the finishing processes of the work.
But the Library of Congress, its conservation department, was able to retrieve most of these under Ultraviolet and Reinking light,
and Christopher Dalmau has made a detailed study of them.
The pages were laid out in double columns of 60 lines, we see the third slide over sixty six weeks inscribed,
wrote the text of the Bible with its many prologues in something over 97000 lines, an average of about 1500 lines or 12 to 13 pages per week.
A second Bible and we see the fourth slide commissioned by the Brethren of
the Common Life of Woodstock was written less formally on royal paper sheets.
That is with the leaves measuring about 40 by 29 centimetres.
It is an A minus binding and a note on the lower pace down records that the volume was completed on 19 September 14 54.
We have a second slide of it and gives the prices for paper writing illumination and binding to a total of a little over 21.
Florens, one scribe wrote the Old Testament. The second the new.
That second scribe wrote another Royal Folio Bible.
That would be the sixth slide, please.
Which survives in the City Library of Mines, it, too, must date to the early 40s and 50s and was made for the Collegiate Church of Saint Stefan.
A fourth bible, next slide, please. Almost certainly written in minds in the early 40s and 50s,
the first volume only surviving was written on chancery folio paper sheets that it was at least measuring
about 30 by 21 centimetres and unusually was written in long lines rather than double columns.
It belonged to the Parish Church of Bishop's Time on the north bank of the River Mine.
A short walk from Mainz. A fifth might Bible overlapping in time with these had no scribe's,
it was fashioned by workmen who assembled text by picking a rectangular metal castings, terminating in reverse,
raised little shapes from hundreds of boxes of characters,
setting them side by side to form lines of text in mirror image by additional processes not previously known in Europe.
The lines were made up into pages of type, as those castings are called,
and those type pages were stamped with viscose ink and printed off under the
pressure of a screw driven plate onto sheets of both royal sized paper and vellum,
eventually, eventually producing hundreds of stacks of sheets bearing Bible text,
which could be gathered into many dozens of individual copies of the Latin Bible.
That would have been some 58000 printed sheets to be kept in order if we suppose the number of copies printed to have been 180,
a figure reported by an early witness. This fifth Bible is, of course, what we call the Gutenberg Bible.
It would better be named if the Gutenberg first Bible,
but Gutenberg Bible is now so firmly rooted that it is convenient to continue to use it in shorthand.
It is often simply called be 42 42, referring to the number of excuse me, to the number of lines in its double columns.
The fact that the Gutenberg Bible was made in so many nearly identical copies means that even our vocabulary,
referring to it as a fifth mights Bible of the 40s, 14 50s, is seriously misleading.
The fifth mights Bible was a hitherto unimaginable hoard of Bibles.
Any particular copy of the Gutenberg Bible is more accurately to be seen as a single sample of a project of,
say, as we've suggested, 180 copies, as is true of any copy of every printed book.
If we were to select just one copy of the Gutenberg Bible and place it alongside the four other handwritten mights Bibles,
we could make many fruitful comparisons. Three of the five would be the same size Royal Folio.
One, the giant by both choice would be strikingly larger, larger than could have been created on paper.
One The Bishop, same Bible written on chancery paper would be conspicuously smaller and thus, so to speak, Mandir.
The conceptual difference between a handwritten and a printed book complicates this question with our
five minds Bibles comprised of four paper copies and one vellum copy or three paper and two vellum.
It would depend on which Gutenberg Bible you choose is a sample.
About three quarters of the edition was printed on royal paper. The remaining quarter on vellum sheets of the same size.
Two of the group, the giant Bible, when the Gutenberg Bible, we have the next slide, yes, please keep that one for a moment,
would be closely similar and their character both representing Quadrotor for matter of high quality.
And could we see the second? Yes. The other three are in cursive scripts,
two of these were written without reward lines so that the number of lines slightly
varies from one page to the other and even often enough from one column to another.
The third, the bishop, same Bible was written unrooted lines and in more formal and added almost calligraphic cursive.
This suggests with a much larger number of other manuscript Bibles of the period, make certain in the 15th century,
no single script style was especially appropriate to or characteristic of a Latin Bible.
The Gothic quadrotor format of the giant Bible of Mines and of the Gutenberg Bible was in fact rather uncommon.
One point of difference across all five Bibles, although not apparent from simple physical examination, bears emphasis and will be explored later.
All five had different exemplars as witnessed by numerous small textual variants that distinguish one from the other.
Within this narrow frame of time and place meit's in the early 40s and 50s, there was no common or standard text of the Latin Bible.
And more broadly, in the 15th century, there was no common text of the Latin Bible at all.
Various existing codices could serve as exemplars for a group of five and each may have in each of the five,
may have had more than one exemplar for the Gutenberg Bible.
We can prove this was the case. In the early three 80s, Jarome had written to Pope Tomas's that for the Latin gospels and not just the Gospels,
there were nearly as many texts as there were copies. A millennium later, his remark remained valid.
This changed, of course,
with the Gutenberg Bible for the first time in the history of the Latin Bible and essentially identical text appeared with all faults,
in some 180 copies. Moreover, those copies were sold to many areas of Europe abroad.
Sale of copies was part of the fundamental planning of this multiple Bible project so that readers of this book and say Spain, England,
Sweden and Austria would all be reading identical words and moreover would find
them in exactly the same places page column in line in their various copies.
Not that any reader would have been paying attention to this.
The Latin text we find in the Gutenberg Bible is, of course, descended from an ancient tradition, reaching back 100 years or more.
The foundational literary documents of the early Christians, gospels, apostolic letters,
Luke's history of the Apostles and the apocalyptic work called in English revelation were written in Greek,
the lingua franca of the eastern half of the Roman Empire and the language particularly of Jews of the Hellenistic diaspora.
Even Paul's letter to a Christian community in Rome, perhaps primarily formed amongst the Jews of that city, was written in Greek.
A guiding principle of Christian proselytism strongly emphasised, for instance,
in the Gospel of Matthew was that the figure of Jesus fulfilled, embodied and exemplified events and prophecies of the Jewish Bible.
And so early Christians, often themselves Jews,
make continuous use of in reference to the Jewish Bible and Greek translations of roughly the third century BCE and after.
This translation, in fact, a complicated group of translations and ascensions is commonly called the Septuagint,
a term used by Jérome based on an apocryphal creation myth for the Greek version of the Pentateuch, which need not detain us.
As Christian communities took root in the Latin speaking areas of the empire,
unsuccessfully repressed by sporadic imperial persecutions, Communicants needed their sacred books in the language they spoke.
By the early third century, there's substantial evidence for the existence of Latin versions of the Bible's books, both Jewish.
That is the Old Testament, as Christians would call it, and Christian, the New Testament, as quoted in the Latin Tractatus of Tertullian of Carthage.
In the mid third century, two treatises of Ciprian Bishop of Carthage, murdered in 258,
are densely filled with biblical quotations in Latin for most books of both testaments,
suggesting that a full text of the Christian Latin Bible was available to him.
And you composite these versions preceding the revisions and translations made by
Jerome in the late 4th and early 5th centuries are known as the old Latin Bible.
The pioneering work in gathering the old Latin texts was carried out in the 18th century by the Maoist scholar.
Pierre Sabatier died in 1742. His three massive volumes of evidences for the old Latin texts were published posthumously.
The earliest substantial physical record of the old Latin Bible.
Thank you. Is a partially preserved gospel book in Turin, formerly in the library of the ancient North Italian Abbey of Bobbio,
founded in the early 7th century by St. Colomban,
this codex of relatively modest size, its original leaf height would have been about 20 or 21 centimetres,
is accepted by Polygraphers as having been written in North Africa in the 4th century.
The Pastor Bobbio is uncertain. But to other late fourth or fifth century codices from the Bobbio library containing writers containing writings
of Ciprian were likewise plausibly written in North Africa and may have followed the same untraced path.
In the fourth and fifth centuries following the emperor Constantines, pre-Christian decrees, wealthy Greek communities commissioned for Bibles,
the earliest of these being the fourth century codex Vatican has probably written in Alexandria,
possibly connected with Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, who died in 373, whose canon of scripture is reflected in the book Order of Vatican s.
It is a square parchment book with leaves measuring about 27 by 27 centimetres, written in three columns,
which will fit this format is still preserves good margins and it is easy to see that it was and despite imperfections, remains a noble book.
Did Latin Christians of the same period also possess four Bibles, none survive,
nor is it likely that any survivals of Latin biblical books, dateable to the fifth century, are remnants of what were once four Bibles.
We see here the Trent Gospel book written in gold ink on purple vellum, purple stained vellum.
This is interesting because of its large margins, which means that we are really very near the original size.
Now, of course, this is just the kind of Christian book that the ascetic Jérome deprecated.
Uncertainty is inevitable because of the fate suffered by most of the earliest witnesses to the old Latin text,
their codices were either at a relatively early time, seventh tonight, centuries palimpsest,
and they just washed and scraped for reuse as the support for later codices or if they survived into the late Middle Ages and early modern era,
were discarded from their libraries, persisting, if at all, only as construction materials for bindings and document wrappers.
The Monastery of Bobbio, they're bringing into its library and the seventh and eighth centuries,
a considerable number of very early Christian codices soon dispose of, many by Palimpsest, citing its scriptorium was also an abattoir.
The Bobbio gospel book just illustrated is a rare but very incomplete escapee.
The most important event in the history of the Latin Bible in OVO was the birth near the year 347 in Dalmatia of Eusebius Euronymous,
that is Jerome or Jerome, his father,
a well-off estate owner, sent to Rome to Rome for advanced education and grammar and rhetoric,
probably intending him for a career in the imperial bureaucracy. One of Jerome's teachers was the grammarians grammarian ileus Donatos.
It is a peculiar coincidence that the earliest remains of mines typography in the first half of the 14 50s are
primarily multiple editions of the Arias minor grammar of Donatos surviving only as binding waste fragments,
some of these having been published even before the Gutenberg Bible was completed.
From Rome, Jerome went to Tahrir, perhaps serving in some administrative office,
he soon abandoned Tahrir and secular ambitions following a dramatic conversion that
led him to dedicate himself to ascetic Christianity and Orthodox apologetics.
Travels in the next year took Jarome to Aquilina and then to Antioch,
where he was patronised by evacuees who had similarly abandoned the imperial cursus for Christian service.
Well, in Antioch, Jarome intensively studied both pagan and Christian Greek philosophy for some years, he lived the life of a hermit,
but a very well connected hermit in the desert of caucus in northern Syria, east of Antioch and Aleppo.
In 380, he moved to Constantinople, where he formed fruitful contacts in both imperial and ecclesiastical circles.
He earned a high reputation as a Latin writer, unusually learnt in Greek Christian theology,
especially that of the Alexandrian scholar origin, many of whose writings Jarome translated.
He translated also the Historia ecclesiastic of Eusebius of Kataria, adding a continuation from 324 to his present,
which emphasised events in the Latin West, including a commendation of Donatos Grammaticus preceptor, Mayos.
By Jerome's own testimony already in the three 70s, he had invested,
he interested himself seriously in both the vernacular language, Syriac and in Hebrew.
His preface to the U.S. Chronicle addressed it to Constantinople Friends shows that he was already engaged
in questions of translation of the Bible and of the conflict between two approaches to translation,
word by word as against sense by sense.
His preface also shows familiarity with the great reference work on the Greek Bible, the zappala of origin, on which a few more words shortly.
In 382, Jarome travel to Rome back in Rome for the first time since his student days,
he won the respect and patronage of Pope Tomas's and of other aristocratic Romans who were interested in the monastic ideal of holy living,
most notably a wealthy widow, Paula and her daughter, Eustachian.
Jerome's first work on improving the available text of the Latin Bible came when Damascus's urging,
so Jerome's prologue informs us he revised the Latin gospels by comparing them against the variety of their Greek sources.
He referred to this. Labour is creating a new work out of an old novum opus and accurately forecast the criticisms he would suffer from those
accustomed to the familiar Latin text themes that would arise again and again with subsequent translations and revisions.
His letters to another wealthy, aristocratic widow, Marcela,
show that Jerome was already studying the Hebrew Bible intently in Rome with such immersion that, as he wrote his own Latin grew a little rusty.
He borrowed Hebrew rolls from a Roman synagogue and consulted with Jewish authorities,
as he continued to do in the next decades, and he also studied Origins Heck Çöpler.
The heck Çöpler. Could we go to the next slide, please?
Yes, the hexapod laboriously compiled by Origin and the early fourth century,
presented in parallel columns for the most part, word by word, the Hebrew text of the Old Testament,
alongside both the Septuagint text and three later Greek versions attributed to three figures Aquilla Senecas and Theodore Tiong,
about whom very little is known with certainty.
Some portions of the hex Çöpler added columns for still other Greek versions similarly aligned with the Hebrew.
We do not know how many copies were made and where of the Çöpler, which would have been massive,
but it seems that Jérome was able to consolidate in Constantinople, in Rome and later in Bethlehem.
Origins Original Copy and Cesaria was first written on papyrus, but as Jerome was aware in his own time,
the bishops of Syria were having the supply in many other of origins, writings recopy to costlier but more durable parchment,
only scattered small fragments of several copies survive and palimpsest,
one of which which you see here discovered in the car here in the Cairo geniza now in Cambridge, is an ancient copy.
And of course, the examples are just the shadows at the top there of sloping Greek letters.
With the death of Damascus at the advanced advanced stage at the end of 384,
Jarome lost his most powerful patron and this unleashed aristocratic enemies who had suffered from his barbed tongue,
lacerating the hypocrisy of their two easily professed Christian faith.
With Paula and you Stockham and other supporters, Jarome left Rome and moved to the eastern Mediterranean, finally settling in Bethlem.
All this dislocation was remote Jerome Slater's document, an extremely active and wide ranging network of correspondents,
the most prominent of whom was Augustan in North Africa. The Oxford scholar Kasper Hamilton Turner, himself a notable stylist,
wrote in 1931 that Jerome's letters, as he said, are an exquisite model of Latin writing.
And one may almost say that no one who has not read them knows of what the Latin language is capable.
Turner qualified this, however, adding marred, though many of them are by grave faults of taste and temper.
Perhaps we may say that in Turner's eyes, Jerome was not quite a gentleman.
Many Roman aristocrats would have felt sure he was not.
Before leaving Rome to Rome had edited or amended the Latin Psalter for Damascus, but no trace of it is known and it may well not have been published.
Then in Bethlehem, at different times and in the midst of much other literary work,
Jarome began a series of new Latin translations of many biblical books.
These divide into two stages translations and revisions based on the hexapod Greek and translations based directly on the Hebrew.
The Hexa plaque translations we know are of Psalms chronicles, Chobe and the three Solomonic books, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and song of songs.
We have Jerome's prologues for all of these indicating that they were published, but their fates have been various.
The supplier mark the garlic and salt. It is, as it is known today was the great success story.
Amongst them, four became by far the common assault or text of the Middle Ages as against Jerome's later UKCS to reduce translation.
Explorer job is preserved and only three witnesses, one of which is here and broadly in the fine 12th century, walked by or Saint used Bible.
Explorer Chronicles does not survive,
but the brilliant scholar Alberto Vicari retrieved the entire text of Explorer song of songs and portions of Proverbs and Ecclesiastes by fishing,
as he put it, in the sea of Latin Christian literature of the 5th through 7th centuries.
Jerome's justification for his Bible translations from the Hebrew was exposed in his questions on Hebrew Genesis written about the year 392.
A work which, like his gospel sort of mission, he called a no from Opus,
and so by extension, his Hebrew translations would also be Nova Opéra books of a new kind.
Is simplest argument was that just as the New Testament was in direct descent from the Greek original,
so the Latin Old Testament should be in direct descent from its original and not tertiary.
Jerome did not make his translations in the order of the Hebrew canon and in many of his prologues,
he presents himself as having acceded to the requests of his addressees rather than having initiated the work himself,
a literary formula that may be at once a public expression of modesty and true.
Thus, in one of his later translations of the Book of Ezra. That is the double book Ezra Nehemiah Jerome wrote to Friends in Rome,
I can scarcely say which is more bothersome to fulfil your request or to deny it.
I can hardly refuse your demand, yet it will only unleash on me a new round of invective.
For three years you've been asking this of me. Why can't you just make do with what is already available in Greek and Latin?
But of course, in writing the letter, Jerome had already fulfilled his recipient's imploringly.
And he continued with a contradictory request. I beg you, my dear friends, not to publish this work, but to keep it for your private reading.
Do not feed it to the envious who can criticise others but contribute nothing themselves.
However, if there are others of goodwill who will not be displeased,
do send it to them to take special care that the Hebrew names be spelled carefully and correctly.
In other words, do not publish it, but yes, publish it.
Jerome was not strict about staying within the Hebrew canon.
He agreed to translate noncanonical Torbert from Aramaic, writing to the north, Italian bishops, Grammaticus and Helier.
Doris, I done this only because you begged me to, not from any enthusiasm stating that he spent but a day on it.
Having found a Jew who is master of both Aramaic and Hebrew to help him, he dealt similarly with Judas writing apparently to the same two bishops.
I gave only an evening to this work, laying aside other labours that were preoccupying me.
And scholars have noted that Jerome's versions of Turbit and Judas are in fact revisions of the old Latin text.
In translating Esther Jarome appended to the Hebrew text all the supplementary narratives found only in the Septuagint,
likewise in translating Daniel, he kept moving them to the end.
The Greek Tales of Susanna and the Elders and of Belle and the Dragon that accompanied Septuagint Daniel.
Thus,
a Jerome's death and for 20 separate translations of the gospels and of different Old Testament books or groups of books have been sent to readers,
especially in Rome over the course of 15 years or more, each going its own way along, pass through now invisible.
At this time, these different translations were not yet the mediaeval Bible that we call the Vulgate,
but rather major ingredients or building blocks for what eventually and gradually became the mediaeval Bible.
Meanwhile, and with even more obscurity, a revised version of the remaining components of the Latin New Testament,
the Paulene Letters X, the Catholic letters and Apocalypse, as we will call it, had also been published.
Recent scholarship, especially that of Bonifacio Fisher, has conjectured that this Ed was an obscure ruefulness of Syria,
a disciple of Jérome in Bethlehem, whom about the year 399 Jerome sent to Rome.
Thus, contextually bookseller's in Rome in the early 5th century would have had access
to an entire New Testament in the revised form that we find in mediaeval Bibles.
The greater part of three centuries lies between Jerome's death and the first
completely surviving Bible to present the text of his revisions and translations,
what can be called approximately the Folgate Bible.
This is the Codex AMEA Tainos, one of the greatest treasures in the House of Tracer's The Bibliotheque, admitted Shayler and Siano in Florence.
It was created in the early 8th century under the aegis of Crawford joint Abbott of the twin Northumbrian ministries of wear mouth and.
It is an artefact of monumental dignity consisting of 1030 leaves,
measuring about fifty five point five by 34 centimetres written and double columns of 44 lines in careful unseeable by at least seven scribes,
each provided with a separate set of quires and texts.
The biblical texts were written in cents lines with Jerome A. Prologues to Isaiah and Ezekiel called Pascola at Kamata.
This is, he wrote, made for easier reading, each line being a distinct phrase.
I mean, Heartiness is one of three large Bibles that were created at Children's Order,
one intended for each of the twin monasteries and the third and finest,
the Amish tinies destined is a gift from Alfred to the newly elected Pope Gregory, the second in Rome who was elected in May 715.
Beed amongst Kojiro during the years in question,
refers in detail in his history of the Abbots to Children's three Bible project, as does the anonymous life of Colford.
We are told that throughout his Abbassi, Kofod worked steadily to strengthen the libraries of both houses.
Beat specifies that the three Bibles Tilford had made were of the what he called new translation,
whereas Crawford had earlier brought back from Rome a bible of what he called the old translation.
It is striking that three centuries after Jerome's death, his biblical revisions would still be naturally referred to as new.
The elderly, children and a large retinue of companions set out for Rome with their massive Bible.
In the summer of 716, but in September, children died under way in long, a contingent of his companions continued on to roam,
presented the Bible and receive Pope Gregory's thanks for the precious gift.
It is unclear why and when the Bible subsequently journeyed from Rome to the south southern Tuscan Convent of San Salvatore at on Miyata.
These precarious journeys preserved on Martinus for if it had remained in Northumbria would almost certainly have been destroyed,
whether in the Viking invasions at the end of the 18th century or in the great Hecke
tome of mediaeval books that accompanied Henry the dissolution of the monasteries.
By good fortune, it doesn't leave survivor of one of the sister manuscript's,
they were used in the late 16th century and after as rappers on Nottinghamshire estate records of the Elizabethans Sir Francis and Willoughby.
The text of Coatis AMEA Taino Synovate sources has been intensively studied.
For large portions of the Vulgate Bible, it is the oldest witness,
the exemplars for they were Myrth Jero Scribe's would have been, for the most part, Italian biblical codices.
It has been plausibly suggested that one of these exemplars for Maccabees.
Can we see the next slide, please? Survives in a single and perfectly fuses binding waste in a manuscript at Durham.
It was written in 6th century Italian unseeable and the text is laid out in cents lines.
Indeed, Italy was inevitably the source of most Christian Latin books in England before the 9th century.
The founder of the warehouse and Jarrod Convent's phonetic bishop made repeated journeys to Rome
before his death in 690 and Beed records that Benedict brought back innumerable books from their.
Other Christian books from Italy and especially from Rome would have been sent to Canterbury
in the late 6th and 7th centuries as support for the mission of St. Augustine of Canterbury.
The Codex Salmiya can be defined in terms of its shape, that is its order of biblical books and their paratus.
There is a detailed account of its contents accounting for every page in the first volume
of the catalogue of illuminated Bible manuscripts in the Lawrence Siana published in 2003.
That description extends over more than 26 pages and 53 columns.
It is useful to digest the contents into a more perspective, a single page form.
And that is what I. Did on the first hand out?
No, I don't know if you have handouts, but that's all I can maybe call it the needle formula for giving the contents of Latin Bibles.
The principle is that each seek common sequence of text is given a separate paragraph, such as Pentateuch or Josh, Joshua, Judges and Ruth,
and that the prologues are listed within the same framework directly preceding the book or group of books to which they're attached.
That is, they are not pulled out as they are in many recent German catalogues of mediaeval
manuscripts for a separate listing that divorces them from their positions in the volume.
The list of the biblical books is obvious, note that muteness does not contain Baruch, the text,
which in the Septuagint followed and is closely connected to Jeremiah Jerome's prologue to Jeremiah, states specifically that he passed it by.
However, I meatiness, like essentially all subsequent four Bibles did not restrict itself only to Jerome's translated books.
The books of wisdom, ecclesiastical and Maccabees untouched by Jérome are all present in revised versions of their old Latin text,
the place and time of these revisions being uncertain.
The prologues are identified by the numbers assigned them in Stadtmueller repertory, unbiblical.
Those are the numbers of 1950 and also we're relevant in New Yorkers K numbers numbered list
of 64 prologues of what he called the common set of 13th century French Vulgate Bibles.
Both numbers will be discussed presently when looking at what is called the Paris Bible.
The variation in prologue sets, no, there's a second hand out from one Latin Bible to another over the following centuries becomes extremely complex.
The second hand out I've tried just to give a brief table of the Emir Tinies prologues in a very abbreviated note of their sources.
The most fundamental group is the prologues Taroom wrote for his translations and revisions,
the prologues for the individual minor profits are extracted from Jerome's lengthy epistle,
53 to Polynice of note, in which he summarised all the books, summarised and characterised all the books of the Bible.
For prologues to the gospels known as Manakin Prologues and most prologues to the Paul line,
letters known as and prologues precede date Jérome in the Vulgate text and are associated with heterodox Christian sects.
There is silent irony in their strongly anchored position in the history of the Vulgate Bible.
Then on that hand out books prefaced by Capitulate are noted by the word cap in small caps and then by absence those such as Ruth and Chronicles,
which do not have capitulation. We see the Yes, thank you.
These are brief chapter summaries of the individual biblical books first seen in old Latin Bibles.
The variations in wording. A number of the Petula lists from one Bible or group of Bibles to another is extremely complex.
For instance, the Benedictine editors of the Vulgate Old Testament record for Genesis 10,
different series of capitulation, three based on Old Latin, yet attested in Vulgate Bibles and seven on Folgate Genesis.
And six of these 10 series are then subdivided into variant forms.
The contents layout of AMEA Tinies records no more than the presence of capitulate of whatever form.
And then two New Testament attacks are not prologues, the canon tables, I think,
is conspicuous before your eyes to the gospels and the concordance of the letters of Paul.
The canon tables compiled for the Greek gospels by Eusebius of Syria were adapted to the Latin gospels by Jarrow,
who discuss them in detail in his novum opus Prologue.
Each gospel is marked off into hundreds of short numbered passages.
John has 232. Matthew has 355. Then 10.
Prefatory tables or canons are laid out in columns lining up in rows the numbers of one gospel with those of the other gospels
where the passages are parallel or comparable to the first table lines up the passages and that's what you will go back one slide.
Just for a moment, please. And then let's go to this one where all four gospels present a related text.
The tenth table lists the passages of each gospel that have no analogue in any of the others.
And then the next slide, please. Here.
We see a full treatment in emptiness below each marginal passage number in each gospels to be written,
Jerome said do it and read the number of the table which contains that passage number that you,
Sybian Kennan's had a long life than a temporary death in Paris and then a rebirth and later Vulgate Bibles.
And so you see here the 52, which is the capitulation.
You see the section number and forty eight for Matthew, sixty five for Mark,
and then in between them, six, meaning you'll find them in the six of the canon tables.
The system of recording contents of all Bibles can be applied uniformly to any such Bible, whether handwritten or printed,
these compressed tables allow rapid comparison of one Bible with another or one group of Bibles with another.
Two more examples are on your hand out.
We won't spend time with them recording a particular codex of each of the two main Carolingian ascensions of the Vulgate Bible,
both formed near the year 800 one Bible representing the editorial work of Theodore Bishop of Aurally on the other.
The work of Charlemagne's close adviser, Alcuin has found particularly but not exclusively,
in a succession of large format Bibles written at tour under the ABC of Alcuin and his successors.
This is really just for the pleasure of your eyes, the spectacular Moutier Gravelle Bible,
and there could be 50 more spectacular images shown from it.
There are two major and complementary scholarly editions of the Vulgate Bible based on the oldest surviving witnesses,
what we will call the Rome Old Testament and the Oxford New Testament,
the Oxford New Testament is the older project of the two initiated in the 1970s by John Wordsworth,
grandnephew of the poet at the time, fellow of Braze Nose and subsequently Bishop of Saulsberry.
It was issued in.
Fazekas later gathered into three volumes covering the Gospels, the polling, the Paul line letters and the remainder of the Testament.
The first Vassago appeared from Oxford University Press in 1889 and the last in 1954, 65 years.
Wordsworth died in 1911 and many other scholars contributed to the work, most notably Henry Julian White, who died in 1934,
some time fellow of Merton and later Dean of Christchurch, who worked on the project for fully 50 years.
Plans for the Rome Old Testament began in 1987 under papal support as a Benedictine project,
emulation of the Oxford project was undoubtedly an important motivator.
The chief editor until his death in 1934 was Dom Ari Conter,
who in 1922 published a preliminary memoir on the text of the Arctic that included a still useful overview of the manuscript,
an early printed versions Vol. One of that project, Genesis, was published by the Vatican in 1926 and Vol. 17 Maccabees in 1995.
So 69 years.
There is a striking difference between the two projects, the Oxford editors were focussed on one thing the establishment of an authentic text.
The Rome project under Qatar's influence, tried also to trace through a carefully organised,
stratified apparatus of variance the broad outlines of the history of the Vulgate text.
The Oxford apparatus is less carefully organised, complex and overloaded,
sometimes to the point of confusion, as even dedicated scholars of the Vulgate text have complained.
This leads us back to the Gutenberg Bible as part of its stratified history, the Vulgate text, the Rome apparatus,
consistently records the readings of the Gutenberg Bible and of a selection of 16th century printed editions,
culminating in the papal authorised Clementine Edition of 1092.
In Oxford, the Gutenberg Bible could easily have been consulted, of course,
but Wordsworth would have seen no point in doing so as it manifestly lacked textual authority.
The Oxford project does list some 28, 15th and 16th century printed editions that were cited at what they called difficult passages.
But these sporadically occurring citations are analysed and perfunctory, essentially useless.
With regard to the transmission of the Vulgate text from the earliest witnesses to the Gutenberg Bible,
the Rome Old Testament also records the readings of three 13th century manuscripts that were taken to represent what is now called the Paris Bible.
One is Paris Mazarin manuscript five, which was believed incorrectly, as we will note in the second lecture to date to the early 14th century,
and to have been used by some Paris theology master and two Bibles at the Bibliotheque Nacional,
one from the Dominican House of Sanjak dating to the mid 13th century, the other from the College of Sorbonne with a scribal date of 2017.
These are grouped in the apparatus under the Seigler Omega. Contest saw these three manuscripts is representing a Paris University Bible,
but the implication the Bibles of this form had official approbation of the university has been long disproved.
The Paris Bible was, however, whatever its origins, a new and widely influential form of the Vulgate Bible.
For the first time, we find a large group of Bibles, hundreds, in fact, that all have with very minor deviations,
the same textual shape or profile, which can be represented concisely in this handout, your last handout.
And so I call it parece Bibles rather than any one manuscript.
This sequence of biblical books and associated prologues, it's not found in earlier Bibles.
And it can be said that even the concept of a standardised order of books and prologues did not exist before the Paris Bible.
Samuel Berger is indispensable, eastward advocate of 1893,
this more than 200 different sequences of the Old Testament books in pre 13th century Bible manuscripts,
the large majority, starting with OCTA two and the four books of kings, after which a multitude of variations ensue.
Now, could we see the next slide?
Yes, we will have just periodically now a couple of images of a Paris Bible, this one in the shade library in very fine condition.
The order of the biblical books in the Paris Bible is a small differences that of the Gutenberg Bible and from the Gutenberg Bible.
This profile was passed to most early printed editions and onward to most modern editions in Latin or in vernacular languages.
The chief difference is that in modern editions, the Gospels are followed by acts, not the Paulene letters.
Paris marbles include Baruch, which was part of the Theodore Feehan ascension, but not the LCO Indian.
They also include three Asira, a book hitherto very rare in the Vulgate tradition.
It is a translation of the Septuagint, the book they call oestrus A or Alpha,
whereas one and two Asira on this text layout is Jerome's translation of Hebrew.
Ezra who Septuagint equivalent is Astros' B or Batur.
Although Ezra is a single book in both Hebrew and Greek, as Jerome noted in his prologue in the Vulgate tradition,
it was commonly divided into two books and in Paris Bibles.
The second book is regularly titled Nehemiah and not as earlier to Ezra.
Do we see yes, there we are in Kippin Amyas Profeta.
In the Paris Bible, Second Chronicles regularly ends with a non biblical text, The Prayer of Manasa.
This is an apocryphal penitential prayer of the idol worshipping Monalisa King of Judah.
Which is written continuously. Can we go to the next sort peek over there?
Do you see the little brown ink hook in the left column, which marks just the beginning of the pair of Montasser?
It was written continuously without demarkation as the final words of Chapter 36 in Chapter 33 of Second Chronicles.
We're told that Monalisa repented and sought God's favour with earnest prayer.
The pair of Manasa, perhaps written by Hellenistic Jew and the first Christian century, supplies an appropriate text.
In Greek soldiers, including the codecs and Indicus, the pair of Montasser was often included amongst the canticles and the Latin version
was fully quoted and commented in the mid 6th century by the North African bishop,
Vera Conduce. But then it disappears within Latin as incorporated within second chronicles as we have it here.
The pair, Manasa, is not found before the early 13th century,
and it may be significant that two collections of biblical glosses attributed to Stephen Langdon,
who taught in the Paris schools from 11 to 12 06 when he was elected Archbishop of Canterbury,
treat the prayer of Monalisa as the conclusion of Second Chronicles.
The standardised prologues of the Paris Sparboe have already been referred to, that is these numbers, curs numbers one to 64, the common set.
Most of them have an earlier tradition,
and many of them belong to the earliest evidences of the Vulgate text as the key numbers of the text profiles of Codex Meatiness and your
theur dolphin and Alka Winnik Bible show Laurer Light has identified six Paris prologues that are late additions to the Vulgate profile.
These are marked with asterisks on your hand out five K, 15 for Ecclesiastes,
28 for Amus, 40 and 41 for Maccabees, 44 for Matthew and 64 for Apokolips.
She notes that some of these appear to have been imported into the Paris Bible from 12th century Gloster books of the Bible.
In terms of layout, the most influential feature of the Paris Bibles by far was the new division of books into chapters,
these becoming with small variations, the chapter, the chapter in use, currently in Bibles in all languages.
The new chapters replace the ancient numbered capitulate divisions dominant in earlier Bibles.
In 13th century Paris, this innovation was seen as originating with Stephen Langton.
Thank you. To contemporary chaperoned guides, you're looking at the one which is here in Oxford at Modlin,
giving the incubates of the modern chapter is associate them explicitly with the name of Langton.
But recently,
Paul Singer has demonstrated that this chapter system with some variants must have originated at St. Albans in the second half of the 12th century,
as exemplified in Corpus Cambridge Manuscript 48 above and written about 180.
Singer has traced this chapter system forward to other late 12th or at least early 13th century Bibles from St. Albans.
Thus, we can say the Paris chapter was a cross-channel variant of St. Albans chapter,
which then came to dominate Vulgate Bible layout's over the course of the 13th century through the example of the Paris Bible.
In 13th century English folgate bibles, however, it may be,
that's a new chapter in Radiata directly from St. Albans and not through the mediation of the Paris Bible.
A fundamental advance in our understanding of how the Paris Bible developed came with lower lights,
identification of a small group of what can be defined as Proteau Paris Bibles,
dateable to the early 13th century on the basis of evidence of their script and the style of their pen, initials and illumination.
These mostly, but not quite all include three Asira as a new book in the canon, at least two that have three exurbia.
Evidence that it was a Late Edition must also have the prayer of Monalisa, that other Late Edition incorporated into Second Chronicles.
But at least one admits it, and in another it was added marginally.
Lights original Proteau Paris group was a 14 codices and a few more have come to light since.
None is identical to any other. But their family features include capitulate lists in newly revised forms,
the Paris order for the biblical books with some variation or almost all of the 64 Curre prologues,
as we could call them, and only very rarely with prologues from outside that group.
These Bibles all show the new Paris chapter typically added in the margin in tandem with earlier or divisions.
Thus, two stages in the development of the Paris Bible can be seen a first proto Paris
stage of the first decades of the 13th century and the second stage of roughly 12,
30 and after, with the omission of capitulate less and have capitulated divisions with full incorporation of Paris
chapter that is making chapter initials and with a greater regularisation of book and prologue order.
In the formulation of this new prologue group to authentic prologues of Jérome were removed,
those to Solms and Gospels both addressed to Pope Dumarsais.
One other prologue to note is the first key one, which is not really a prologue,
but it's rather the full text of that already mentioned letter that Jerome wrote to Polynice of NOLA,
from which extracts were used to create minor prophets prologues short provokes.
This prologue does not appear on the handout I gave you of the very early Alcuin Bible S. Ghale 75.
But it did become a standard feature and later Koeneke Bibles and spread very widely.
It was not a new feature of the Paris Bible. This definition of the Paris Bible leaves aside the question of the text itself,
which in principle is or rather could be independent of the Paris Bible's external features.
Paris five as a group have, in fact, a considerable number of distinctive textual readings,
often quite minor, such as transposition of words, change of a preposition,
a word added for emphasis that appear to be new, that is,
are not attested in the old in the older traditions insofar as these are recorded in the Rome Old Testament apparatus.
Potentially any reading and the apparatus of the room, Old Testament,
whose earliest witness is within the three manuscripts of that Paris Omega Group, is a distinctive Paris Bible reading.
For the New Testament, by contrast, the slate is blank. The Oxford editors did not examine any Paris Bibles.
The Soul 13th century Bible collated by the Oxford project is English, dated 154 by its scribe William to Hale's.
Its order of books and prologues differs conspicuously from that of the Paris Bibles,
and there is no reason to expect its readings to reflect the Paris Bible tradition.
Don't hometown's 1922 memoir on the text of the artichoke gave a key to the
Paris text based on 13 of its characteristic variants drawn from Genesis 18,
Leviticus five numbers six Joshua two judges to this is a small group indeed confined to five books of the Bible.
But it does have predictive strength, a high contrast score that is agreement in 11 or 12 or all of the variants
correlates closely with the Bibles that have the Paris Bible shape for any Bible.
The 13th century and after it is always useful to record its contact score and
to note specifically which of its readings are not Paris by this definition.
Paris, five miles apart, with very little useful data on the text of 13th century Bibles, a period that saw a dramatic increase in Bible production.
This includes a large number of what are called portable Bibles, hardly seen before,
a single volumes handy enough that they were clearly intended for personal use.
For instance, by the new mendicant orders, the portable Bible itself, it should be noted, a term used constantly has no clear cut definition.
The number of 13th century Latin Bible surviving almost certainly exceeds and probably by a large margin the total of all preceding centuries,
but the absence of reliable censuses does not allow exploration.
One partial comparison can be given.
Newkirk's mediaeval manuscripts in British libraries describes from a wide variety of smaller collections some 110 Latin Bibles.
Of these, he dated five only to the 12th century, all English 89 to the 13th century, five to the 14th century and 11 to the 15th century.
Of the 13th century, Bibles, relocalize 45 to England, 36 to France and eight to other places.
Of the 14th century is five examples for our English one Netherlanders of the 11th, 15th century Bibles, none is either French or English.
The sample was evidently not random,
but if we had similar approximate information from other collections and especially the great libraries of Britain and the continent,
solid ground would begin to form.
If we possess the text profiles of, say, 500 or more of these Bibles as presented on your hand handouts, we could begin to think.
We do know the Paris Bibles as defined form,
are very numerous 13th century group in his classic Posthumus study of manuscript painting in Paris during the reign of Saint Louis.
Robert Brenner recorded some 175 Paris Bibles.
But these were the by-products of his Focus Parish Operation Illuminator shops,
a large number of other Paris Bibles not examined by or appear in one catalogue after another.
Several useful but not fully documented overviews of 13th and early 14th century Bible, for instance,
in Italy have shown that the Paris Bible shape spread to other centres,
but not absolutely dominating early and often with modifications, particularly in adding prologues.
Within this cloudy picture of Latin Bibles in the late Middle Ages, it is inevitable that the text,
the first printed Bible, the Gutenberg Bible, should be compared with that of the 13th century Paris Bible.
The Paris Bible was the only text form or recession for which we have good data.
And indeed, in the textual apparatus of the Rome Old Testament, we have a massive quantity of raw dating,
raw data allowing readings of the Gutenberg Bible to be consistently compared
with that of the Paris text as defined by the Rome Editor's Conter in 1922,
stated the very briefly that the Gutenberg Bible text represents what he called his university Bible form.
This relationship was concisely but deeply investigated by a highly accomplished scholar,
scholar of the Vulgate, Heinrich Schneider, in his 1954 monograph or Text Gutenberg People.
This is an indispensable work, which, amongst many other virtues, provides the best overall analysis we have of the nature of the Paris Bible text.
Schneider's study was supplemented without a detail by an equally accomplished scholar, Robert Veber,
in a chapter of the 1979 commentary band accompanying the facsimile of the Berlin copy of the Gutenberg Bible.
Bible study included a full collation of the Paris Bible,
witnesses against the Gutenberg Bible and its major printed successors for sample chapters Genesis 18, Isaiah one and two and Colossians one and two.
This last gave us our first solid information on the Paris Bible, New Testament drawing on fresh collections of those Paris witnesses.
Schneider summarised the Gutenberg Bible text as quote, and only lightly corrected parece text, Veber agreed,
writing that, quote, The close relationship of the Gutenberg Bible text with the Paris ascension is beyond doubt.
Schneiders and Weber's conclusions were accepted by another great scholar, Gerhard Prophets,
in his Gutenberg Yearbook 2009 study of the text of the Gutenberg Bible and of Emendations added by hand to several copies.
And another student of the Gutenberg Bible likewise agreed with Schnieder and Vapour writing,
it would indeed have been surprising if some other character of text had been chosen as exemplar for the Gutenberg Bible.
So if all of this is true, we seem therefore to have a foundation built on rock, not sand, the Gutenberg Bible descends from the Paris Bible.
But there will be a second lecture. Thank you.