Thank you, Alex. Again, it's pleasant to be standing in a room that has people on it.
The Gutenberg Bible was apparently overall a successful publishing project.
The surviving copies, including fragments preserved as binding waste,
show from the combined evidence of ownership and donor inscriptions localiser Bible,
Illuminations and localiser bindings are quite broad sale of copies widely in Germany,
but also with copies marketed to Austria, Bohemia, Poland,
the northern and southern low countries and very likely from there to Spain, England and Sweden.
The Bodleian copy comes from the Carmelite house of Heilbrunn and Baden-Wuerttemberg, the Nessel Cly cluster or cloister in the Nettle's.
He then cultivated pilgrimage site where in the 1940s, the Virgin Mary miraculously appeared to a peasant woman in the fields outside the town.
We do not, it should be noted, have any evidence of original sales of the Gutenberg Bible in France or Italy.
When we consider this marketing of copies, which was of course, the entire point of the Bible project,
we see that it would be preferable if this iconic monument of European typography was
always and familiarly known as the Gutenberg first Bible for his in the sale of copies,
that evidence for this role becomes prominent. In fact, it is likely that Gutenberg had no role outside the printing shop.
By the sale of copies which took place over a period of years,
a nearly identical text of the FOLGATE Bible came before the eyes of dozens and presumably hundreds of
widely scattered readers in striking contrast to the readers of 15th century or older handwritten Bibles.
However, the multiplicative power of the Gutenberg Bible text was exerted by just a handful of copies of the book, that is those copies,
his first readers were not ecclesiastic in churches,
but rather compositors in printing shops who use the Gutenberg Bible as exemplars for creating new editions of the Latin Bible.
Then some of those new editions themselves became the exemplars of yet other editions and so forth.
We know that five editions of the Bible were set directly from the Gutenberg Bible, and quite remarkably,
we can identify three surviving copies of the Gutenberg Bible that were actually in printing shops and touched by the hands of compositors.
In each case, they were handled with care so that the sheets, after being used by the printers, could be gathered into copies in themselves.
Sold one of these slide three, please.
The Gutenberg Bible, now at Cambridge University Library could well be the latest copy of the Bible to find an original customer
because it was not finished being used in the printing shop until late 469 or possibly early fourteen 70.
And you have a handout in which I have laid out what I refer to as the setting
profiles of the different five different editions set from the Gutenberg
Bible identified according to whether that copy that their compositor is used had in the relevant quarters where there was a duplicate setting,
either setting A or setting B, and each one is different from the others.
These five these five editions can be called Children of the Gutenberg Bible Slide for Johan MOUT
mentalists Bible completed in Strausberg not after 14 16 and the first book printed in that city,
Slide five, Our Breakfast or Sparboe completed in Bamburgh, not after 14 61.
And again, the first book printed their Slide six, the beautiful 14 62 mights Bible of Johann,
first former business associate of Gutenberg and if a servant Peter Shefer.
Slide seven, the second Strausberg Bible printed by Heinrich Augustine, not after 14, May 14,
66 and slide eight is the fourth Strausberg Bible again printed by Augustine not after the March 14 70 for the
setting of which he used a different Gutenberg Bible than that which was available to him four years earlier.
We can further trace excuse me, the children of these editions, two of which were Behren Mendelians Edition, was the exemplar Slide nine please,
for a Strausberg printing of Kirche 14, 73, assigned to a shop generally called the Art Printer, which I believe to be.
In fact, Mendelians own shop operated at that time in association with a son in law, Adolphe Roche.
It stands out amongst the early German editions.
It is as it is, the only one set with a Roman type, a fashion that did not take hold north of the Alps.
Although in the same brief period of the early 1970s, several Augsburg printers also published books using Roman fonts.
No Bible was set from either of the Bombach Bible or Fister or from eXistenZ third Bible, and so there are textual contents reach dead ends.
Agustin's first Bible was the exemplar for his second novel, not after 14, 68 and one or the other of these editions,
Slide 10, please, was the exemplar for the first Basil Bible printed by Bertaud Rupo about 14 17th, two or 14 73.
Now, parenthetically about this report, Ed. Most bibliographical sources have dated it to Chirikure,
14 68, but without evidence and this too early dating seems to be more or less unkillable.
Bad ink, in fact, dates the Bible just a little later to Kirche 14 69.
And they note this specifically, quote, as dated by Needham from paper evidence, citing a specific page of a specific publication of mine.
But on that page I wrote of this first spousal Bible quote, It's true completion date is Chirikure 14 72, no printing.
And Boso can be dated earlier than 14 72. Finally, slide 11.
The 14 62 Fiston Shiffer Bible had a relatively late child nine years after it was published,
that is the Bible printed in Rome for 1871 by Conrad Swinomish and Arnold Pinots.
This was the first printed Bible made in Italy or anywhere outside German speaking lands from this child,
a a numerous progeny like the seed of Abraham,
extending eventually all the way to the officially authorised editions of the Roman Catholic Church, the 16 Vulgate of 1090.
And it's corrected replacement the Clementine Folgate, a 1092, which continued to be reprinted well into the 20th century.
This is the descent of the Gutenberg Bible that will call for the closest attention in our final lecture.
Mostly small, but substantive differences between the two settings of 155 pages of the Gutenberg Bible distributed over 10 choirs, as in your handout,
enable us to determine the setting profile of each of the copies that were used as exemplars in these later printing shops of Strausberg,
Bamburgh and Mights. Some are conscious corrections.
Some are typographical errors. A few are difficult to classify.
Only the copy used by Johann Mendelssohn had all 10 relevant choirs in the original settings.
That is, it was made up entirely for these choirs of pages printed off before the decision to increase the print run was taken.
The other four editions listed on the handout were set from Gutenberg Bibles containing containing a mixture of setting A and setting B sheets,
although in the case of a number for the first book Bible printed by Heinrich Augustine and the second Bible printed in Strasbourg,
the setting copied all first settings of the relevant pages except for the first sheet of the 14th Choir with the beginning of the Books of Kings,
where the outer sheet of the choir was of the second setting and the inner sheets of the first.
A few other of the recorded Gutenberg Bibles, including the former Domine Vol. one Note Keio University in Tokyo.
Likewise have Choir 14 in this mixed state. The Krakow proofs.
Excuse me earlier than any of these children of the Gutenberg Bible is just a portion of
one printed Bible page of truly remarkable interest that has been generally overlooked.
This is Slide 12, please. There survives in Krakow and the Giacalone and Library, a partial leaf,
which is all that remains of what seems to be a trial attempt or first idea of printing
a Bible in mines in Gutenberg's DKA workshop using his earlier and larger type.
It is one of five paper leaks that were removed no later than 1900 from some unfortunately unrecorded binding in the library.
That finding must, by every probability, have come from minus for the leaves or cut down remnants of an account book kept by a minus cloth merchant,
which includes entries of payments, money owed and other transactions dating between 1083 and 13 94.
This account book must have come to Gutenberg's DKA shop waste paper.
Conceivably, I cannot restrain myself from speculating it was an account book of one of Gutenberg's forebears.
Slide 13, please. Wherever it came from, it was used in the shop,
despite being extensively written on for proof printing of three different texts in addition of the Donata to school grammar.
Which is what you see one small portion for February and the beginning of March
of what would have been a multi wall calendar giving positions of the planets.
And a single, imperfect page preserving 24 lines, slide 14, please.
And then that single imperfect page preserving 24 lines and double columns of an early portion of Genesis,
all three of these being set, of course, with the decay type.
We know already from various fragmentary, binding way, survival's the Gutenberg's stiction produced multiple editions of The Grammar of Donatos,
although none of those fragments can be matched with the Krako proofs, their family resemblance as close.
As for the wall calendar, a portion of the Finnish calendar for which this is a proof printed on vellum did survive as waste
in the binding of a 15th century manuscript from the convention of the Benedictines of Cherno,
northwest of Mights, was preserved in the Londis bibliotheque of Wiesbaden but was lost and presumably destroyed in World War Two.
This wall calendar is one of the great puzzle pieces of early mind sprinting for although the planetary positions of the
calendar were calculated for the year for 1848 by an extensive body of typographical evidence to which I subscribe.
The calendar could not have been printed before, about four, 1856, before 1857,
a time when the planets mentioned would have been nowhere near any of the Sudhakar location stated in the calendar.
But this is not our immediate problem. The survival of these printed proof leaves in a single binding suggests that all three were printed at
nearly the same time and represent three more or less concurrent projects of the decay shop in each case.
These are very early proofs, for they were not printed under a press,
but rather by rubbing the paper from the back over the ink to types, the same process used for printing many of the early black books.
This created deep impressions and makes the surrounding Quad's locking up the types in place very conspicuous.
They were not blocked off from the inking by Friskies.
In fact, these Krakow proofs we see slide 15 please provide us overall with perhaps the sharpest,
cleanest impressions we possess of the decay font type by type.
Slide 16, please.
The crack partial page of the Latin Bible covers Genesis 319 to 416 with gaps with the beginnings of the lines and column trimmed of.
As first calculated by Karl Famer, who published a classic monograph on the Krakouer proofs in 1948,
the fully set page would have been in two columns of 40 lines each.
And if such a Bible began, as it surely would have with Jerrems to prologues K1 and K2,
as we have short-handed them, this would have been the recto of the seventh leaf of the book.
We can go further in our calculations, as already noted several times, the decay type is considerably taller in body than the Gutenberg Bible type,
and the columns of this proof page are wider than the columns of the Gutenberg Bible, the full type page.
This decay type setting would have been about 330 by 215 millimetres to large a page to print.
As a Royal Folio, Gutenberg must have been experimenting with the production of a Latin Bible and even larger format an imperial folio.
Looseleaf dimensions would have been about 47 by 34 centimetres, compared with a Royal Folio of about 40 or 41 by 30 centimetres.
And in a roundabout way, we see slide 17, this reflects on another overlooked bibliographical curiosity in the workings of the DKA shop.
In late 14, 54, the deck, Sharpe printed a brief German pamphlet,
a warning to Christianity against the Turks generally called the Turkish calendar because it is presented in calendrical form,
going month by month through the year for 1855 and ending Slide 18, please, with a New Year's greeting for that year.
The only known copy, once belonging to the German humanist Konrad Pottinger, is in the brochure, states Bibliotheque in Munich.
The bibliographical curiosity is it this pamphlet was printed as an octavo,
that is, it was printed on by FOLIA of Korder sheets of paper and the unique copy,
although rather cut down at the bottom and outer margins, is even in its trim state, too large to have been made of quarter sheets of royal paper.
Thus it must have been printed on imperial paper. The implication, although we have frankly reached the limits of our evidence,
is that the Decay Shop had some specific reason even in the closing months of 14 54,
when the Gutenberg Bible was still under production, to be acquiring rare and expensive imperial paper.
The other significant point about this trial printing of a Latin Bible using the dictatorship and planned is an imperial folio,
is that the text was set from a manuscript, not from the Bible.
Besides many small difference,
there are three places on the page where the wording of the Krakow proof differs from the corresponding text of the Gutenberg Bible,
one of the three is illustrated here, slide 19.
This may be a little hard to see in column A of the Krakow proof we see, although the column is shaved on the left,
the indentation for a two line initial space to begin Chapter four of Genesis with
the words Adam the A to be supplied by the lubricator Adam Véro conservatism.
And so Adam New Eve. Well, in the Gutenberg Bible, the words are transposed, Kaganovich Véro, Adam, Avon.
The apparatus of the room, Old Testament does not record any manuscript concerning containing the words transposed as in the Gutenberg Bible.
In fact, in a rare oversight, the editors of the Rome Old Testament did not even notice the Gutenberg Bible reading,
although in principle they ought to have. The mental and Bibo of the five edition set directly from the Gutenberg Bible for are anonymous
inundated within this early group only the fourth 1862 Fust and Shiffer Bible has a call,
often giving a clear statement of city press and date.
Consider the mental Bible, which we treat as the second Bible to be printed,
nothing in it reveals any of the information found in the first in Shiffer, California.
And indeed, the mental and Bible can be seen as the forgotten monument, the forgotten great monument of the early years of European printing.
The copy of the mental and Bible at the University Library of Freiburg in Briscoe has to lubrication dates slide 20,
14, 60 at the end of Vol. one and 14 61 at the end of Volume two.
This copy belonged to the Augustinian hermit's of Oberndorf on the Neckar, about 50 miles southeast of Strausberg.
The older literature has therefore dated the additions not after 14 61 based on the later lubrication date.
However, the Mentone Bible, which could be bound in either one or two volumes, was set like the Gutenberg Bible in four concurrent composition units,
and so the entire edition would have been completed at essentially the same time if Volume one has bound the Fryeburg copy,
had its lubrication completed in 14 sixty, this strongly implies virtually necessitates that the addition as a whole was completed that year,
even if the lubricator of that particular copy did not finish his application of Volume two until the following year.
It is worth noting that the paper stock of the mental and Bible fits well with that date, four is the identical paper on which were printed,
the paper copies of the first impression of the minus Catholic on presumably the production of Johann Gutenberg,
financed by Conrad Murray with its explicit call of one date of 1860.
Although almost none of the books printed in mental and shop contain college funds,
there is a documentary record showing that mental and who can currently held the
Office of Episcopal Notary and Strausberg must have been the printer of this Bible.
Not that is literally the compositor or the pressmen, both presumably plural individuals, but the master or chief financer of the printing shop.
The municipal archives of Strausberg Preserve, a contract dated 14 October 14 61,
in which the parish priest of St. Andrew and Strausberg promised to pay mental and 12 Ryan Gulden for a
Bible paying equal instalments of four gold in each the last payment due on All Saints for 1862 and two.
It was added in annotation in which mental and attested that he had actually received full payment by the beginning of May 14 62.
And yet there is a sense in which the mental and Bibo appears mysteriously as if out of nowhere we have nothing equivalent to
the Helma Spurger instrument or the report of a neo silvius for the Gutenberg Bible to give us any sense of its gestation.
Strausberg printing history begins with an impressive Royal Folio with no hint of any earlier Quazi experimental printing to have led up to it.
Because the earliest documents have meant Alan's life and Strausberg reach
back into the 14 40s because Gutenberg resided in Strausberg into the 14 40s,
the date at which he returned to mines is not after 14 48, but cannot be pinned down more closely.
It is often men suppose that the two men knew each other. It has been speculated that mental and even journey to mines to learn the printing trade.
But this is a pure guess I don't like. Sending to people from one town to another, if we don't have a clue whether it happened or not,
the most striking feature of the mental and Bible is how widely different in character its font is from that of any of the early meit's types,
both the texture or quadrotor format to the decay type in the Gutenberg Bible types and the smaller types,
the smaller fonts used in the Cyprus indulgences of 14 54 and in the 14 59 Dorado's first and Shiffer mentalism.
Could we see Slide 21, please? Mentone was an accomplished scribe and presumably the font is his own design in its basis.
It is a gothic rotunda. But the capital letters are oversized by comparison with the miniscule as the offenders are exaggeratedly tall.
The Letter A. has a single loop, as in more cursive or hybrid scripts.
And there is one striking humanist element an exuberant ampersand folie twice the width of the letter ET for which it substitutes.
By happy accident of survival, a collection of proof pages survived for the first volume of Mental Unsurpassable at Cambridge University Library.
They were purchased by Henry Bradshaw at an 1870 Sotheby's auction for the grand figure of four pounds,
17 and six and so on the library shelves for more than a century until they were looked at closely.
These proofs were mostly printed not on the royal paper of the main print run, but rather on less expensive chancery paper of roughly half the size.
Plus every proof leaf is not a half life of a royal sheet, but a full chancery sheet with horizontally running chain lines,
with the watermark centred in either the top or the bottom half of the leaf,
and with the original forward running horizontally across the centre of the page,
showing where the paper had been folded when it was originally packed into Reames.
Only a few of the leaves have hand correction's, marking small changes to be made in the setting before the print run began,
the great majority of the leaks seem to be what can be called final proofs,
which were checked against earlier marked proofs to verify that any called for changes had been carried out correctly.
These proof leaves also show that the type font itself was still being modified as the printing began.
The Ascender We see Slide 22, please the Ascender of the letter T in the earliest state of the page that is the Cambridge proof of one.
Recto was hardly present at all and the cross stroke predominated, making the letter ambiguous in appearance while the page was still in proof.
Almost all these ambiguities were replaced by ones of more conventional shape with a clear ascender and a slightly broader crossbar.
But the first of the T's remain on the page in the word Frontiere.
As a result, at least one in cannibalised has transcribed the first word of tearooms preface as frare with a sick after the second.
Suppose it are. But that's supposed R is in fact the earliest form of T in mental illness type Nosik is called for.
Unlike the Gutenberg Bible, no copies of the mental and bi, but were printed on vellum,
nor, so far as we know, was there an an accompanying table of rubrics,
the spaces left in the mental and Bible for book and prologue,
to actually show no signs of being specially planned for particular wordings of teacherly.
Most commonly there is a single blank line, sometimes to sometimes less than a full line in no discernible pattern.
The mental and Bible was significantly rarer than the Gutenberg Bible, about 30 copies,
surviving as against 49 integral copies and 15 copies documented by binding waste for the Gutenberg Bible.
Extensive study of the early prognosis of copies of the mental and Bible by Eric
White reveals that many had ownership's in Strasbourg in the surrounding region.
Others were sold eastward to Bavaria and Austria, and some were sold down the Rhine with early ownership's traced to Bompard,
south of Koblentz, to Cologne and to denounce Lokken, north of Cologne.
At this time, the very early 14 60s, most copies of the Gutenberg Bible had already been sold.
So the mental and Bible would have been the only printed edition available.
A British library copy, you see, slide 23 is of special interest, its flight leaves contain an early manuscript,
an elaborate acrostic eulogy of mentalism by Ziggs meister Allen Benedict,
formerly of Oricon Afra in Augsburg, and then later at the Abbey of Burbach in southern Alsace.
And Eric White has recently been able to localise its distinctive replications to Strausberg and to a named artist, Johan Klingner.
It may be noted that the copy of the Mental InVivo at Queen's College in Oxford has its first leaf,
an expert facsimile copied from the British Library copy.
The 36 line Bible.
For centuries, the 36 line Bible printed with a late version of Gutenberg's DOCTYPE has been a more prominent and cleanable than the mental and Bible.
As for a long time, it was seen as a candidate for being the first printed Bible,
as described from from the recollections of Oelrich to sell the first printing of Cologne,
who had learnt the craft of printing and Mintz's early years of typography.
By Charles account, in the Cologne Chronicle of 14, 1990,
the first Latin Bibo had been printed by Gutenberg using a large type, he said, of the sort found in printed missiles.
This points to a texture, a quadrotor font,
and the only two in Conable Bibles to meet the specification are indeed the Gutenberg or 42 line Bible and the decay type 36 line Bible.
The fact that a copy the 42 line Bible was lubricated in 456,
whereas the only lubrication date known for the 36 line Bible was for 1861, created a presumption in favour of the 42 line Bible.
Next slide 24, please.
But it was not until Carl Jasco, in a seminar of his students, made a close side by side comparison of the two editions in 1890.
That real proof could be given that the 42 line Bible was earlier, the specific proof being that the 36 line Bible was such from it and.
If you look here,
you see what the Beast 36 compositor below did that line of the Gutenberg Bible with the initial H that begins high ticket Dominus Aigo.
Then there's that little bracket book contest is the end of the line above Kwiat Angelus domain, I forgot to suggest.
But the capacity of the 36 line Bible didn't have a lubricated copy in front of him, and so he just sent word by word what was in front of him, Heidi.
Dominus aigo for Cartus EST, which has no meaning, whatever a Doxey popular Mr etc.
So the only way you get that accident is if you have the Gutenberg Bible in front of you as you're setting your type.
The fact is that the 36 line Bible was printed with a deck type automatically creates a connexion.
However, it is to be interpreted with Gutenberg's minds workshop and easily a half dozen different scenarios have been written
by scholars and playwrights since Yatsko first established the fundamental relationship that b 36 as a child of B 42.
The tantalising Krakouer fragmentary proof of a falling Bible set with a DKA type has opened the door to still more scenarios at this moment.
The Gazump catalogue began to occur in its online version has swallowed up the Krakouer Bible proof into its entry for the 36 line Bible,
treating it as a prober, talk or trial printing for the 36 line Bible.
This cannot be right. The partial typesetting of a fallen Bible is intended as an imperial folio printed in mind circa
14 57 cannot be considered a trial for a 36 line Bible in Royal Folio printed in Bamburgh.
Not after 14 61. The type apart nothing matches.
The fundamental problem is that the dictatorship itself was indeed used in two printing shops,
in two different cities, first in minds as early as the early 40s and 50s and is late at a minimum is 14,
56 and second in Bamburgh, where a chancellory folio edition of the German fable book Edelstein uniquely preserved of Orphan Beetle.
As a call often stating that it was printed in Bamburgh on Valentine's Day for 1861 and another German edition known as The Fear Historian,
the Four Histories has a colourful and dated 14 62 not long after St. Valborg feast the 1st of May and naming that printer as Albrecht Fister.
Thus, the 36 line Bible has been in a kind of Solomonic tug of war between two cities, some 120 miles apart west and east on the river mein.
Two great English authorities, Robert Proctor and BMC one,
came down without qualification for the Western city meit's placing the 36 line Bibo in the
shop of a blandly titled printer or printers of the 31 line indulgence and 36 line Bible.
We can say today with confidence that this was the wrong answer and that the 36 line Bible was printed in Bamburgh.
Such is the slow rate of progress. And in cleanable studies with Bloomberg,
we are now back to the localisation made by Georg Wolfgang Pouncer in 1796 in Volume four of
his annuls Typographically retracting his earlier assignment of the 36 line Bible to MIT's.
Slide 25, please.
The most accurate census of copies has been made by Eric White, who has corrected many earlier errors and obscurities and provenance.
By his count, 14 integral copies survive on paper and seven vellum copies, plus at least one paper copy or documented by binding waste.
It is almost a paradox. The paper copies were more successful at surviving than their vellum siblings.
The indications that the 36 line people whispering in Bloomberg are various and convincing two of the integral copies are in
bindings localiser able to bamburgh the copy at the Bibliotheque Nacional de France contains the painted arms of a doctor of laws,
an imperial diplomat, painter Kannur. Amongst the many church leaving's he held, bringing him a large income was a canon of Bamburgh Cathedral.
We note parenthetically that this copy was earlier in the Harlene collection and so was amongst the printed books purchased
from the second Earl of Oxford's widow by Thomas Osborne in Oxford in 1743 Latin catalogue of the Harly in library.
It is number 59 in Osborne's catalogue, and the entry was very likely composed by the impecunious Samuel Johnson.
He tells us only that it is an old edition, a disco antique printed with square letters, painted initials in three volumes of Russia leather.
The memorial book or totin book of the Franciscans of Koeberg recordset in 14 63,
the prince bishop of Bamburgh Georg von Schaumberg presented to them a printed Bible.
This is certainly the copy of the 36 line Bible,
of which three vellum leaves are in the state's archive of used as wrappers on
account books of the hospital of St. George there for the years 1078 1079 in 1909.
And recently Eric White discovered that the paper copy of the 36 line Bible,
now divided between the Rylance Library in Manchester and the Chardy Library in Princeton,
had originally been given by the same Bishop Gheorghe in 14 68 to the Benedictines of our in Lower Franconia,
the gift inscription being preserved on a vellum flyleaf of the first volume.
This copy belonged to The Shot and Closter in Pittsburgh and was sold to Lord Spencer by the Scottish Benedictine of that Abbey Alexander Horne,
who was very active in supplying early printed rarities to both Spencer and to George the third.
In January 1881, Horne wrote to the Earl. Your Lordship must not forget to keep the first leaf as it preserves the date.
But when the volumes will rebound in England,
the documentary Flyleaf was thrown away warns autograph letter in the British Library preserves the evidence.
So our simplest picture of the 36 line Bible must be that it was printed in Bamburgh under the patronage of Prince Bishop Georg,
that the printing shop was under the direction of Olbrich Fister,
who was recorded in a number of Bamburgh documents as, amongst other things, secretary to the bishop,
and that the types required from were acquired from Gutenberg Shop in might this roughly at the time and the later
14 50s when Gutenberg Zohn energies were focussed on production of the already mentioned massive Latin dictionary,
the Catholic one of Yohannes Balbus completed in 1914 60, the Bumbry project would have required a considerable outlay of money for type making for.
Whereas the mine's Dekay shop must have been small,
the Bloomberg Bible Shop required sufficient type for concurrent setting of large pages in for composition units,
although a direct connexion cannot be drawn. It has been noted that in December 14 15 for 1859,
the large sum of 523 pounds was removed on loan from the dome shots by the canons of the cathedral and that by May 14 61,
the loan had not been repaid. You see slide 26, please, in the earliest settings of the 36 line Bible, this type looks, in fact, remarkably fresh,
sharper than we find it in most of the DKA type printing and minus the fragmentary Krakouer proof impression's apart.
Of the early editions of the Vulgate Bible, the 36 line barber was by far the most extensive in terms of royal score sheets.
It's 884 leaves come to 442 sheets and each copy almost 90 percent of arem of paper.
This is well over twice the length and paper of the contemporary mental and Bible, which was set with 49 as against 36 lines to the column.
And in a much narrower font.
The Bamburgh Edition was planned to be bound in two volumes, the first ending in Psalms, the second beginning in Proverbs.
But because of the excessive thickness of volumes this entailed, six of the surviving copies were bound in three volumes Volume two,
ending with Lamentations and Volume three, beginning with Baruch.
This was not a natural firebreak or textual break and was also awkward in separating the prophets into two different volumes.
The 36 line Bible was sold with a printed table of rubrics of which binding waste fragments survive.
It copies the Gutenberg Bible stable of rubrics, but the spaces left in text for supply,
the rubrics was not closely calculated as it was in the Gutenberg Bible.
The 36 Bibo has a curious duo aspect, that is, it has two peculiarities, the one contingent upon the other.
In the first days that it was being printed, the Bible was set from a manuscript, not from the Gutenberg Bible.
That manuscript was used for setting the first nine pages of the first composition unit, beginning with Jerrems Prologues.
That's pages one Rechter to five Recto over the first Choire and also for the first three pages of the second composition unit,
beginning with Jerome's prologue to First Chronicles and continuing on to the beginning of Chapter two.
That's one recto to two recto of the 28 Squire when the compositor the first unit began setting five verse.
So the page on which Jerome's general prologue ends in his prologue to the Pentateuch begins,
that compositor now had a copy of the Gutenberg Bible available and used it as a setting copy.
And similarly, the compositor setting First Chronicles got leaves of the Gutenberg Bible in front of him as a replacement
for the manuscript he had been using just when he began to compose the fourth page of his stint.
That is, to Versova the choir he was working on. Then, just as with the Gutenberg Bible, a decision was made to increase the additional size.
We have no idea of the addition, one of the 36 line Bible,
but the survival record strongly implies it was considerably less than that if the Gutenberg Bible.
So the figures given here are purely arbitrary, given only to suggest a relative scale.
Let us say that originally the print run was a 50 copies after only five or so of the first quarter had been set in, printed this at just the time.
It will be recalled that a Gutenberg Bible entered the printing shop.
It was decided to increase the additions to, let's say, 80 copies, therefore from six recto to ten verse.
So of that first quarter, that's the second half of the five sheets.
Fifty impressions of those pages were printed on the sheets that already had their first halves printed pages one Rechter to five or so.
Then 30 more copies were printed on sheets whose first five leaves were blank and those blank leaves would have to be printed later,
filling them with the missing text. See, slide 27, please.
The two settings of the first gathering of the 36 line Bible are easy to distinguish for the
manuscript originally used has a large number of textual variants from the Gutenberg Bible,
starting with Jerome's first sentence beginning Fruita Ambrosio's.
And so you see setting A setting B even lay out the initial space for Froster and Brosius in different ways.
It has not, however, been previously noticed that there are two settings, not just of pages, one Rechter to five Recto,
but also a five Verso, despite the fact that it was set from the Gutenberg Bible and not from a manuscript.
The reason is that the addition was not increased, was not increased until six Recto began to be printed,
meaning that, say, 30 more copies of five verse also had to be printed.
The first setting, let's see, slide 28, please, the first setting, a five versus starts off at a different place from the second setting.
As I think you can see. The Setting B starts with ensuring the continuation of Christian or Sehar base,
which is the fourth line down in the first setting, so they start in very different places textually.
The second composer had to take this into account and adjust to setting to make sure to end his page with the same
words as the first composer had done so that the text would read smoothly onto the following page six Rechter.
Could we see slide 29, please? The words on that page are upward a Barajas.
And when we put the two settings, A and B on the left, be on the right side by side, we see how the second compositor achieved this.
After it first varying, he copied the line endings of the first setting exactly for the last 10 lines, making sure he ended up in the right place.
Just as with a mix setting states of the different copies of the Gutenberg Bible,
they're mixed setting states of the surviving copies of the 36 line Bible.
And so, as with the Gutenberg Bible,
there is that same fundamental distinction to be drawn between any particular copy of the edition that is a given sample sheets.
And the addition is an entity that is all the sheets that were printed and all the combinations of ways in which those sheets
were gathered into saleable copies of four possible variants of the 36 line Bible are represented by at least one copy.
That is, you could have quires one and 28, both in the first setting setting a that's true of the shyte copy.
You could have them both in the second setting or setting B as in the British Library or King George.
The third copy you could have the first Choire setting a the 28 square setting B as in the Leipzig University Library copy.
And to round it out you could have Choire one in setting Bikfaya 28 in setting a as Indiana University library copy.
Agustin Slatin Bibles we postpone to our last lecture, the next printed Bible in chronological sequence, first insurors 14 62.
Edition four is already noted. This is the edition whose path led forward to a long line of text.
Your successors and the relations and differences between it and its immediate descendants need to be looked at in some detail.
The second printing of Strausberg,
Heinrich Augustine dominated the market for Latin Bibles in the second half of the 14 60s, publishing three editions,
the only three appearing between 14, 66 and 14, 69 or possibly very early, 14, 70, always text derived from the Gutenberg Bible.
Of the three editions combined, about 160 copies survive each copy, having apparently a very limited vellum issue of one or two each.
Their strongest selling area was east of Strausberg across Swabia, Bavaria and Austria.
Heinrich Agustín M.A of some university, was a citizen of Strausberg in the early 14th 40s and he must have been acquainted with
Gutenberg there as they were both members of a civic association called the councillor,
who each paid a tax efficient for the half maintenance of a horse towards the defence of the city.
Again, a variety of scenarios can be written by which Augustine would have come to be involved in typography,
particularly as he apparently surrendered his citizenship in Strasbourg between the years for 1857 and for 1859.
So there we do have a hint of travels,
but we will remain simply with this three Latin Bible additions or unsigned and undated slide 30, please, of his first edition.
Four copies have lubrication dates of 14 66 one the 24th of May 14, 66, and the same year Agustín was granted a letter of protection.
Naming him specifically as a book talker and affording him trading privileges by the elector Palatine Friederich,
the first Egleston Second Bibo edition, hardly distinguishable in overall appearance from his first of that edition.
Four copies bearing lubrication or purchased dates of 14 68.
Then for his third edition, a used his examplar a different copy of the Gutenberg Bible from the one he had in 14 66,
and this copy is very fortunately preserved in Cambridge University library slide 31, please.
As the keystone of a choice and spectacular group of early printed books and manuscripts
concentrated on Bibles that were quietly given in 1933 by a London barrister,
author William Young, graduate of Trinity College, Cambridge, in the 1970s.
This copy had apparently been acquired in Strausberg, around 7500 by Charles Hope,
first Earl of Hopetoun, possibly sold to him or his agent by the Collegiate Church of St. Pierre Luján.
The details cannot be prenda pin down precisely, but at least five other incurables with this provenance entered the hoped house library.
And one other expert in Cambridge has a also a close connexion with Strausberg.
It is a copy of mental illness edition of Aristotle's Nikke MacKean Ethics with an inscription
by one in four Rasiah saying he had acquired it personally from one on the 10th of April 14 69.
And we know a bit about Fresia. Second other surviving cannibals in his recorded as a SEAL bearer of the Bishop of Strausberg.
As you see, the Cambridge Gutenberg Bible is a very handsome copy with extensive illumination
of quality that can be localised to Strausberg and also with handsome,
sometimes rather lively, alternating red and blue chapter initials.
But it's historically significant features an element that you might say makes the copy less clean.
That is the extensive marginal markings on almost every page beginning to end of small hash or hatch marks.
It is these marks aligned with unobtrusive vertical strokes within the lines of type,
which proves that the Gutenberg Cambridge Gutenberg Bible Slide 32,
please was the exemplar inexistent shop for setting his third edition of the Latin Bible.
With exceptions, only where there are identifiable and indicative accidents in the setting of Agustin's third edition,
these marks or rather the strokes within the lines to which they attach Mark exactly the last word of a
particular page of Agustin's setting and show the compositor at what were to begin setting the following page.
And you see that here you see Gutenberg Bible at the top.
The last word, Tazi second line up.
That's the stroke marking the division between Fluminense and Tazi.
Negotiations, Bible Fluminense ends one page, Tazi begins another.
Existence seems to have had some axis of ambition with this third printing of the Bible,
by contrast with this first two, it marks the first use of a second font of the same Gothic Rotunda style as his first,
clearly influenced by the font of first and shivers 14th 62 Bible,
but enlarged in size to essentially the body height of the Gutenberg Bible equestrians.
First two editions were set in columns of 45 lines and copies contained 496 leaves.
This third edition was made much larger, set to columns of 41 lines and a full copy contained.
632 leaves just 11, leaves less than the Gutenberg Bible itself.
It was issued with a table of rubrics who's actually changed the wordings in many places from the table of the Gutenberg Bible.
There also survives. Slide three, please.
A broadside printed advertisement for the addition by existing with great claims of its careful colation by men
deeply immersed in the humane arts and by then rather old fashioned boast that it was produced not by pen or read,
but by the ingenious art of stamping letters.
Presumably, a sign of the role of these learnt men was an extensive, though sporadic campaign of intimidation,
where alternative readings from some manuscript of the Bible that they had on hand were added to the text.
Such emendations were written in the margin in some places, it being understood that the compositor would incorporate them in its type typesetting,
but in many other places findable only through side by side colation.
The Gutenberg Bible itself is not marked, and presumably the emendations and the existing additions were made at an invisible proofing
stage in order some 180 written marginal emendations and the Cambridge Gutenberg Bible,
but clustered in relatively few places across the four major composition units.
And there is more than double that number of hidden or silent emendations.
They are so scattershot in their balance of positive and negative readings that it cannot be said
that this is a texturally improved presentation of the Vulgate Bible in each composition unit.
It appears that the secondary correcting manuscript was not brought into play until a number of choirs had already been set.
For instance, in the first composition unit, starting with the Pentateuch, there is no marginal imitation made until Chapter seven of Deuteronomy.
Parenthetically. After I first wrote about the Cambridge copy, another scholar suggested that the emendations might reflect a Bible of InDesign use,
but gave no evidence, for instance, of some indicative into some reading.
It can be stated positively that there is no evidence in favour of the suggestion and a flood of evidence against it,
for example, one of the books that was amended was apocryphal for Ezra, a book that was not included in the Vinda same Bible.
This in itself is curious and revealing.
As for Ezra, was absent from the strong majority of Algate Bibles of the 13th century and after and was even rarer before the 13th century.
In my sample group of 85 15th century Bible manuscripts, only 13 include for Ezra.
This gives us, however, slide 34, a particularly interesting emendations that the existing compositor did bring correctly into the text.
And depending on your eyesight here in the first.
This is for Ezra, the beginning of for Ezra, Chapter three.
And here in the first verse of chapter three of four, Ezra, we find written in the margin of the Cambridge Gutenberg Bible,
that very phrase Aigo Celotto Kwiat Ezra Isolation, also known as Hazra.
It was intentionally removed from force or by an editor in the Gutenberg Bible Shop.
And of course, it was there because all manuscripts for Ezra had it.
Because the Gutenberg Bible is version of as was sifted down into the Clementine Vulgate,
these authentic words of Chapter three disappeared from view until the later 19th century,
when forestry began to be edited by scholars for manuscripts.
But all the time the words were lurking within this existing printing of the Latin Bible, unnoticed and copied by later printers.
We see slide 35, there is one other well,
even smaller place where we see a reflection of the layout of the unknown manuscript used to Naga Stein's shop for various emendations,
the book of Three, Yusra and the Gutenberg Bible was divided into nine chapters, as it still is today, though,
with some change of placement of a couple of chapter numbers and as it was in a
large number of Paris Bibles and other Bibles influenced by Paris choppering.
In Pakistan's third edition, editorially,
the number of chapters was increased from nine to 12 by marking off three more places where two line initials were to be set.
We can see one such mark in the Cambridge Gutenberg Bible. It's.
The. Little bow in front of the word, I know the second line down, and that means make a chapter here, that's the instruction.
And if you look over in the margin, very small, you see 19 exi x,
this indicates that the manuscript used for amending had its three Asira Chaptered according to an older system,
a system which divided the book into 27 chapters,
rather like the old Capitola divisions of other books of the Bible Bibles writing three Azu with 27 sometimes variants of 25 or 26 chapters
are not rare and continued into the 15th century as a parallel system to the more standard nine chapters and these many Chapter three,
as was almost always marked through Chapter 19 at exactly this place, the modern equivalent of Chapter eight, verse six,
not fair not far from US Beeliar manuscript to a Bible written in Italy in the later 13th century contains both three and four Ozora and it's three.
Ezra has 27 chapters with Chapter 19 being eight six exactly like what is on the screen.
One last page of the Cambridge Gutenberg Bible should be looked at for it contains a marginal hand correction, slide 36,
please, that was not made an existential preparatory to setting, but many years earlier in mights in the Gutenberg Bible Shop.
This page is a good candidate for being a marked proof page of the Gutenberg Bible.
In any case, it contains the earliest known textual state of this page.
The text is First Chronicles Chapter three, verse 22 in the margin notes two words.
Theoretically, a name to be inserted at Sisa Sulphate at SISA six in number six Numero.
In all weather copies, can we see slide 37? ATSDR is set in type.
So that's an instruction for a correction to be made and.
Go back briefly to 36 and it's 37 again, to make those put those two little words into the second line.
In fact, they had to reset eight lines of that column to come out even again.
As noted earlier,
the Cambridge copy of the Gutenberg Bible was handled carefully and Eggleton shop for it was and was to be maintained as a saleable copy,
even some 14 years after it sheets were printed.
The placement of the compositor, your marks on certain pages show us that at the time it was used for copy setting.
It already contained its illuminated major initials, but it had not yet been lubricated at several places.
The restrictions lie on top of the compositors marks,
which thus occupy the middle stratum as the sheets moved from the artist's workshop to the printing shop and then on third to the Lubricator shop.
Thereafter, the copy was bound and sold, but apparently never left Strausberg until it made its way to England more than two centuries later.
In the final lecture, we will examine first insurors 14 62 Bibo and its fruitful line of descendants.
Thank you.