Like. Ladies and gentlemen, if I could have your attention, please thank you very much indeed.
Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Richard Ovenden,
and I'm fortunate to be both bodies librarian and the chair of the electors to the large readership in bibliography.
And it's under these two auspices that I welcome you warmly to the Bodleian in libraries and to the Western Library
here this evening for the first of the twenty to the twenty twenty two lectures to be given by Professor Susan Rankin.
This first lecture is also being livestreamed, so I have great pleasure in working and welcoming you,
welcoming those of you who are watching either from Switzerland or Swaziland,
wherever it may be, who are going to join us here,
join those of us who are here in the Civic Sparring Lecture Theatre in the Western Library this evening.
And before I forget, please, for those of you here, you are warmly invited to join us for a springtime libation.
Ladies and gentlemen in Brightwell Hall straight after these evenings this evening's lecture.
But sadly, for those of you in Swansea land, you'll have to make your own arrangements.
Please also those of you are here,
make sure you enjoy the wonderful small display of manuscripts that are in the transit just outside of this lecture theatre.
If you didn't manage to see them on your way in, there are some amazing things to quote Howard Carter.
Wonderful things, groups. Oh dear, have I? Yes. Try not to sabotage the lectures before they even begin.
So before we move on to the specifics of this evening's lecture, allow me to explain a little of the background and history to the.
James Pleyel was a lawyer and book collector who lived in Oxford and on his retirement in Abington.
He not only collected books in a serious way, but also studied them very closely,
publishing his research on early booking illustration in Spain, for example, in 1925.
Over 100 of his best mediaeval manuscripts were bequeathed to the body and on his death in 1948,
and the library subsequently purchased another 60 manuscripts and many early printed books from his executors, Tillie Delamere.
Then on the staff of the Bodley and published a scholarly catalogue of the mediaeval manuscripts, then in Bodley in 1971 and published by Ownership.
In addition to this great generosity to the Boppin Library, JP Online also left a bequest to establish a series of lectures in bibliography
to be delivered by invitation by leading scholars working in the field.
To this end,
the university established a board of electors to review the state of scholarship and to invite the leading proponents to hold the readership.
It is this body one that I have changed since 2013 that has invited the current reader to deliver this year's lectures.
The long lectures have more than fulfilled the expectations of their benefactor.
The lectures have made a substantial contribution to the field of bibliography in its broadest interpretation.
A high proportion of the lectures have been published.
How many of these have become heavily cited works of scholarship and not a few are known internationally as groundbreaking works in their field.
The lectures were first delivered in 1952 three by Neil Care.
Read it In bibliography in the University of Oxford and published by UP in 1960.
As English manuscripts in the century after the Norman Conquest Alter Graig in 1954 five
published his as some aspects and problems of London publishing between 50 50 and 60 50.
Fritz and Bowers soon after gave his in 58 nine published his bibliography and textual criticism.
Jonathan Alexander published Mediaeval Humanities and their methods of Work in 1993,
from his 1982 to three Liles Don Mackenzie gave them in 1970 1987 eight as bibliography in history, 17th century England.
They sadly, they've never been published the following year or Elizabeth Eisenstein delivers his his grub street abroad,
aspects of the French Cosmos told Polishing Press From the age of Louis,
the 14th to the French Revolution in 1994 to five original Materne gave them,
as do many screen leave and from a mise en partie a mise en text a text lit references.
Dave McKittrick of 1999 to 2000 were given the set in print the fortunes of an idea circa 450 to eighteen hundred,
published by Cambridge University Press in 2003.
In 2015 16, Tessa Weber gave her Lyle's as public reading and its books, monastic ideals and practise in England, circa 1000 to 3500.
The most recent reader, Paul Needham, delivered his on the printing of the Gutenberg Bible in hybrid form last year.
Already this year, more than lives up to the standards of eminent set by the best of her predecessors,
she's a mediaeval scholar who brings work that has shaped more than one field and is what brings music to the fore in the long
lectures for the first time since Alan Tyson gave them in 1973 to fourth on Beethoven studies in the genesis of his music.
Eight, three to nine the lectures are Please, ladies and gentlemen, we are doubling the number of lectures with a focus on music.
I read it for this year's series of lectures is Professor Susan Rankin,
Professor of mediaeval music at the University of Cambridge and fellow of Emmanuel College.
Her research interests lie in two directions. On the one hand, the manuscript transmission and forms of writing of music in the early Middle
Ages and on the other ritual expressed in music throughout the Middle Ages.
She's author of a large number of learnt publications in the fields that she specialises in.
Carolyn's music, polyphony chant and surgical drama. Early English music more generally and of great interest to our audience.
Today, she's developed enormous given expertise in the study of music manuscripts,
having examined very sources, very closely from St. Garland to, appropriately enough, the Bombay Library.
Her major work, the music of mediaeval liturgical drama in France and England, was published in two volumes in 1989 and in 1993,
she edited with David Haley Music in the mediaeval English Liturgy, Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society Centennial Essays.
Two highly important facsimiles were published with learnt introductions brim full of Professor Rankin Scholarship.
Those of Bibliotheque son Galland codices four, eight,
four and three eight one published in 1986 and of the Winchester Trooper for the early English Church music series in 2007.
The most recent publication is a monograph on the music,
scripts and notations invented by the Carolinians published his writings sending Carolinian Europe, which Cup brought out into 2018,
and she's recently finished a second Carolyn Gin book,
Sending the Word of God Carolyn Gin Books for Singers based on the Conway lectures delivered at the University of Notre Dame, Indiana in 2017.
A former chair of the Henry Bradshaw society, Professor Rankin, was also a fellow of the Ratcliff Institute at Harvard,
working with Margo Fessler towards a book in which dramatic modes of action in and alongside the mediaeval liturgy will be examined.
Professor Rincon Scholarship has rightly earned her numerous academic accolades.
She was awarded the medal by the World Musical Association in 1995 and was elected a fellow
of the Society of Antiquities in 2006 into a fellowship of the British Academy in 2009.
Other elections include to the Academia Europea as a corresponding follow the Mediaeval
Academy of America and there's a corresponding member of American Musicological Society.
Ladies and gentlemen, I have enormous pleasure in inviting Professor Susan Rankin to deliver the 2021 22
lectures from memory to written record English liturgical books and musical notations.
Nine hundred twelve point fifty. Well, I can say thank you for coming, that's the starting.
Bless O Lord, this bell with a heavenly benediction.
And may the power of the Holy Spirit be present upon it so that when this bell will have been prepared and blessed to invite the sons of the church,
wherever it's ringing will find the strength of the enemies goes far back.
The shadow of phantoms, the attack of a whirlwind, the strike of a thunderbolt, the hurling of thunder, the calamity of tempests.
All breath of storms. And when the Christian sons shall hear it's ringing.
There will spring up in them, an increase of devotion so that hastening to the bosom of Holy Mother Church, they may sing to you in the church,
a new song with the chorus of Saints bringing a commendation of melody in the sound
of the trumpet through the sultry of exaltation through the organ to of sweetness,
through the timpani of joyfulness, through the symbol of delight.
The sons invoked in this ceremony for blessing a bow on many and various those of the natural world which warn of approaching
danger through whirlwind Thunderbolt or tempest are balanced against the sons of music made by humans on the trumpet,
sultry organ, drum and cymbals.
The contrast between these categories immediately recalls the grammarian do not as categories of articulate and inarticulate or confused sense,
especially in the extended form set out by position where rattling and rumbling are the examples given for non-profitable confused signed.
In the prayer, one sound is set apart from these enumerations of what we might simply understand to
be damaging and beneficial signs between the crushing confused suns and the melodic,
articulate suns, the ringing of a bell chases away enemies.
And summons the Christian people to come together to sing the new song of Christian faith.
The bell or signal marks out Christian territory.
On the other hand, Clapper, that strikes the bell, so it may be heard signifies the mouths of the preachers of the New Testament,
which outlast the trumpets of the Old Testament and resigned more deeply.
And of course, this passages from a sleeper of the U.S.A., but you can see it here translated what?
He can't see it, but you can almost see it translated into English in the manuscript copies at Canterbury in the second quarter of the 11th century.
The resonant peel of the bell is called on to put enemies to flight, as it is expressed in the second prayer in the blessing ceremony,
so that hearing this bell, they may tremble and flee before the standard of the Holy Cross.
The power of sound has had been well-documented in the Bible.
The fall of the walls of Jericho won seven trumpets have been blowing around the city for six days.
The long reach of two silver trumpets, which God commanded Moses to make their son, bringing together the princes of Israel.
Other transformative events include the breaking of The Cedars of Lebanon and the Division
of the Flames of Fire by the Voice of the Lord in some 28 references to all of this.
We're woven into the bell blessing ceremony. The second prayer description, Roisin asks that this bill prepared for the High Holy Church,
may be sanctified by the Holy Spirit so that through its touch or sound, the faithful may be invited to their reward.
And that all snares of the enemy, the crush of hailstones and hurricanes,
the violence of tempest speed driven far away the deadly thunder be weakened.
The blasts and winds be kept in check beneficially and moderately.
All of this by the peel of the bow. This prayer is immediately succeeded by the anti-fan Vox Domini, drawn from some 28.
This invocation of the voice of the Lord thundering upon the waters and all that follows as the Sam is sung.
To its end offers a response to the petitions of Despair Moisten,
confirming that the ritual of sanctifying the bells is taking effect and that the sound of this bell will have Christian power.
I have already alluded to two aspects of the power of the son of a bell.
The chasing away of enemies and keeping natural disasters at bay are prominent in all of the full press,
which provide the main structure of this ceremony. Another repeated theme is the warming of hearts and encouragement of piety.
As it is expressed in the second prayer and when it's melody,
shall Sunde in the ears of the people's may, the devotion of their faith increase in them?
Yet another theme will take us a step closer to the musical material around which these lectures will turn for
it speaks of the ability of sound made on Earth to reach up into heaven and to provoke a heavenly response.
So in like manner, when the sound of this vessel passes through the clouds,
may the angelic throng preserve the assembly of the church, may everlasting protection save the bodies and souls of believers.
In this fourth and last prayer in the Bell Blessing ceremony,
the aspiration that the son made by the Bell should be able to pass through the clouds to heaven is
immediately followed by the most poetic wish of all and delighted in this way with David's heart.
May the Holy Spirit come down from on high.
Articulated sons made on Earth, of which the primary category was music, signed in music sung in church had the power to reach into heaven.
The more well-made and beautiful those sons, the more likely it became that they would reach God's ears and bring forth his aid.
The ceremony for Bell Blessing recorded in English books is distinctly sui generis.
Although closely modelled on a garlic ceremony, which you can see here preserved in the late 18th century, your children.
The English version includes a number of changes and extensions to the four prayers from which it is structured.
So the alteration of the opening prayer from Benedict Domini Hank at Kwame Benediction,
I'm asking for the water that will wash the belly to be blessed to Benedict Domini Hank Hook
signal asking immediately for the bell itself to be blessed is just one of several such changes.
But it's in the treatment of some passages that the Anglo-Saxon version of the ceremony is most distinctive.
And it's clear that someone in late 10th century Anglo-Saxon England was extremely concerned about this, as set out in Julian the Sun.
Passages consisted of the singing of Psalms 145 to 150 after the first prayer during the washing of the bill.
Then after the second prayer and before the bell was touched with the Christmas wail, some 28 were sung beginning from the verse box Domini.
After the third prayer, while the bell was being sensed with time and mirth, some 76 beginning from the verse Davis and sang to the tune of was sung.
An unidentified English cantor modified and extended all of this.
Surviving continental books of the early mediaeval period do not preserve chant melodies for the two some passages Vox,
Domini and Days in St Tuvia 2a in later books when I've been able to trace melodic settings.
These may simply write out a standard recitation or some tone, which explains why there isn't any music in earlier books.
In contrast, the pre and post conquest English books preserve individual amenities for both some texts,
treating them as antigens and as frames for the some verses that follow and which are then sung to a recitation team.
So here in a book notated at Worcester,
you can see the contrast between the more elaborate and often melodies and the very simple recitation tones for songs.
So that's the kind of. Interesting, Melody, for us, that's just a recitation thing and the same gun here, that's a simple recitation, too.
And that's an interesting melody. In the book.
In a book probably notated 100 years before that rooster pontifical,
the process of alteration from what was available in an exemplar is abundantly clear.
The tech scribe copied the rubric at the cut versus then the first half of the verse.
Davison sank to the site. Tuvia up today as nostre.
So there is no stir and then use incidents on me.
So that was the text growth. When a musical scribe came to add notation, he first added a in the margin.
So I guess my hand will shake much too much for that. And that's I'm Tiffany.
It's four days since thanks to Villa and then the rest of the Sun verse is in the margin here,
allowing him to notate the whole of the summer, the anti-porn melody as now sung in Anglo-Saxon England.
And we are not going to have one good to hear this so that my friend and colleague Jesse Billet,
who came over to give a lecture for a venerable society, has come to sing.
So first of all, we just hear the simple vox domini as sung on the continent.
So this is a simple, sung recitation. Boxed in is so bad, I was there was my.
Do you see any time? Tony, you know, so that was more walks done in interview two them.
Looks daunting in Amman, if it's A.
Oh, good. No, we'll get the Anglo-Saxon way of doing it.
I mean, it's all dark.
There was some I. Mr Jones, you're not on.
Domino's, So.
Quite some time.
All of the energy. Looks stunning in a million years, it turns he walks Dominique on offerings and gives charm them all.
It's called a fringe at the dawning of the North and the bomb.
What I mean is it should seem to the end, but I just thank you, Jesse.
We'll hear more of Jesse. Whether this musical contrast is a simple accident,
the result of the Bell blessing ceremony having been received in England as text
only or a deliberate enhancement of the musical content of a received version,
I do not know. One argument for deliberately enhancement is the presence in English books of another new and often in chief taught Domini.
This was sung to frame the songs between the first and second prayers.
Here you can see where the musical notation of the Dunstan Pontifical agent in chief started in the margin.
Once again, the melodic rendering of this text has been remade.
For the English musician responsible for the modification of the blessing ceremony,
he took an ant often usually sung on the Feast of All Saints as a starting point for a more elaborate melody for the same text.
This more intense musical delivery of a text, which describes the singing of angels and archangels in heaven,
is just one of many witnesses to engagement with musical expression.
In late 10th century Anglo-Saxon England,
and it underlines the extent to which music was considered a critical element in Christian worship deserving of art and skill.
And they we're going to hear an should be titled nominee. He and see.
And I mean, can.
Hello, and to your G8. Or very I know some.
You've seen. It's about this.
What? I saw this symbol.
Curry editor in.
You, me and am at.
You know that I can't.
And on head made. Uh, oh.
Only the slightest clue to change liturgical revision aimed at making ritual more
effective is especially evident in English books of the 10th and 11th centuries,
containing occasional rituals for the dedication of a church, for the ordination of a bishop, for remembering the dead, for blessing a bell.
After the reworking of a continental model of this Bell ceremony in the late 10th century,
another set of modifications appears in books made in the second half of the 11th century,
now resulting from the impact of another wave of continental influence encompassed in the so called Romano German Pontifical.
Music, a musical expression was often a central aspect of such revisions from a musical point of view.
However, revision of an altogether more foundational level is writ large in music books of the later 11th and early 12th centuries.
Older ways of seeing much cultivated in Anglo-Saxon England were set aside,
while others more favoured by incoming continental churchmen were extensively promoted.
All of that sits alongside the continuing composition of new liturgical matter above all offices for Saints feasts.
These are themes which would reappear many times in these lectures.
But it's to another kind of musical evidence provided by the Bell blessing ceremonies that I want to direct our attention before leaving them behind.
Manuscript records of the ceremony that have musical notations stretched right across the period between the late 10th and the 12th centuries.
These are two of the earliest records, both dating from the late 10th or 11th century.
The notation added to the Dunstan Pontifical is in a music script, which is quite different from that in the London That Pontifical below.
This kind of script at the top is known to musicologists as Britain,
but I ask you not to imagine that this means it was created in or came from Britain.
This script must have been written right across northern France during the 9th century and perhaps well into the 10th.
The notation in the luncheonette book is written in the English rendering of another continental script, the Frankish.
Its introduction into England is likely to predate the late 10th century,
but one very secure anchor for tracing its cultivation in England is to follow the assembled itinerary of Corby, Upington and Winchester.
The Anderson Pontifical was made in the first quarter of the 11th century, and the musical notation may not post date the text by many years.
Like the London IT book, this notation is written in the English music script with long up and down strokes perpendicular
to the horizontal writing line and rounded rather than hooked tones over the top.
The notation written in late 11th century Worcester again uses the English script.
Well, notation in the Caussin gradually made at Canterbury in the late 80s or early 90s looks rather different.
What had previously been written as a long vertical stroke has here ahead.
Well, the simple point is written in a more substantial way. This.
And there's another new feature, the musical notes are moved up and done within the vertical space between text lines.
That is to a much greater extent than in the earlier notations.
A pontifical of unknown origin made in the second quarter of the 12th century and now in modern college, also has names with pronounced heads.
Much use of the reticle space and in some cases, letters which enable the individual pictures.
And finally, in another pontifical made in the second quarter of the 12th century, we see a new kind of support structure for musical notation.
Lines drawn across the page and cliffs labelling them.
The signs written onto those lines are still recognisably news.
It would be another 100 years before such signs settled into the square forms so familiar from late mediaeval books.
So this is the range of musical notations that will occupy my explorations of English musical manuscripts,
musical scripts and notations in these lectures from Newton's written without much movement up and down
the page and without precise interval signification tunes written on lines indicating precise intervals.
My model when beginning to prepare these lectures was unquestionably New Care's magnificent English manuscripts in
the century after the Norman Conquest published in 1960 following his delivery of the first line lectures in 1952.
The objective this set me to be able to characterise the impact of the Norman Conquest
on musical practise in England was an attractive challenge for a Palio graphical study.
As it currently stands, knowledge of musical manuscripts made in England after the conquest allows is little more than
broad characterisation without insights into the musical practise of different institutions,
let alone changes made to those practises. At this early point before the pandemic.
Tessa Webber suggested. That I tried to organise the all that I tried to organise the musical evidence building on
the work of True Hartzell in his catalogue of manuscripts written or owned in England,
up to 12 hundred containing music.
From the invaluable starting point of hot sauce entries for 364 manuscript sources, I needed to accumulate evidence for a variety of topics.
The localisation of different ways of writing music in England in the early mediaeval period.
Understanding why and how music writing was fundamentally altered at different points and
differences between the histories of tech scripts and music scripts written in England.
Inevitably, even though I had begun with that specific interest in Norman's in many circuits made after the Norman Conquest,
I was forced backwards in order to persist status or change.
It was necessary to know what had gone before and thus the impact of the Normans became the end of a story with an rather earlier starting point.
The end of the 9th century itself imposed by a manuscript now held in this library and book, which I'll talk more today,
and that manuscript and its not to pass is outside the room tonight, and I hope you have a good look at it.
In these lectures, I hope to bring at least the shapes of answers to some of these questions into more distinct focus.
While much remains obscure, it has been possible to trace particular ways of writing in the books of some
individual institutions to isolate the work of a certain number of specific scribes.
That's often the most interesting thing that happens to watch and analyse those ways in
which musical notations written in England were altered in earlier and later periods.
And to discover where and when exchange with continental practises provided a stimulus for crucial innovations.
In other words. So it's taking forever to change.
In other words, a good deal of the organisational map requested by Tesla, Weber can be presented.
Even if I will never be able to explain exactly where and when entries like these were made
in the oldest extant copy of the Benedictine rule copied in England in the early 8th century,
and this is also outside this room tonight.
It's very exciting because it's such a special manuscript in my lectures, rather than simply documenting an institutional night of musical scripts.
I shall move around the musical questions and evidence in a variety of ways.
So the aspects of liturgy and institutional history well beyond the musical are also illuminated, but not before moving back to manuscripts.
I want to thank a number of people.
I'm grateful to the librarian of the and library, Richard Holden, who issued what was both an exciting visit and at the same time,
terrifying in fiction, without which I would probably not have been tempted down this road.
Also, my very warm thanks to the many helpful people working in the Western Library who supported my frequent visits and requests,
particularly Martin Kaufmann and also Andrew Dunning, Oliver House, Nicola O'Toole and Sun sales.
Many other librarians in England and France have also provided crucial help during the period when it was largely impossible to visit libraries.
I especially thank Clare Bray at the British Library and Charlotte de Noel at the Bibliotheque Nacional de France.
And then there are the individuals whose patients I have often tried.
Nicholas Bell at Trinity's friend library. My husband, David guns.
Helen Gittoes. Well, baby, a college. David Highly, Michael LePage, Andy Orchard, Joe Story and Tesla Weber.
The most profound expression of thanks goes to one person.
Unfortunately, not here today, without whom my studies would simply not have advanced very far.
Michael got its knowledge of English, English scripts and manuscripts,
as well as enthusiasm for talking about them, has constantly and profoundly informed this work.
Well, I must take responsibility for errors of interpretation and reading as my own.
Many new insights depend as much on his expertise as online, and he has promised to be at the last election and he's in Sweden at the moment.
It's just very slow. The core of this small but stout codecs, widely known as the leader for each missile,
is a book made for a bishop or archbishop at the end of the ninth century.
Through the work of Nicholas Orchard, that core is now firmly associated with Canterbury.
The book probably made for Segment Archbishop between eight and nine 23.
The original book has substantial supplements made at Canterbury between Plaquemine's Death and the end of the 10th
century and then at Exeter under the supervision of Bishop leverage in the third quarter of the 11th century.
As you can see in the exhibition cases, the book has now been burned into two separate parts.
And this actually makes it much easier to consult the main tech scribe of the early core wrote Continental minuscule script.
However, following a study published by Christopher Höller in 1975,
the direction of all recent scholarship on the book has been to argue that it was actually made in England on the Bodleian website.
The book is judiciously described as probably made in England by continentally trained scribes for use at Canterbury.
The chant content of the original book is substantial. With the injured, it's a proper chance provided for every set of mass prayers.
Both Alain Drage and Nicholas Orchard have asserted that the main tech scribe was also responsible for writing over jump lists,
and we can therefore consider these marginal supplements as contemporary.
This way of combining prayers and chants is one way in which Carolyn Gin bookmakers had begun to redesign books made for priests.
Here you see a sacrament she made at Santa Monica in the 1870s. As in both 579, the chant cues are original.
Here they are, written on specially ruled grids. You can yes, you can see the lines.
Yeah. And with the same colours for capitals as in the main text.
Change and these are matching sets of chance in the two books,
that juxtaposition underlines one crucial difference between the Continental Book and the Canterbury book,
for this latter has extensive musical notations for the Championship.
It's. These notations also belong to the first campaign of making a mass book for Canterbury.
In other words, we have in this book extensive examples of musical notations written in England, possibly before nine hundred.
Certainly by the 1920s at the latest. Since the Lia Fritch missile provides the earliest examples of musical notation written in England,
the ways in which notation is used warrant careful consideration.
Many of the Championship hits do not have musical notation.
Yet it's sometimes omnipresent as here for all of the proper chance, and it must on the first Sunday in Lent.
Or notation may be added for just one individual chant in a list, as here for the gradual sell from Fact Sung on the following Friday.
That variability is one reason for my not having taken this notation seriously when I first worked with the book in the 1980s.
Sue Hartzell was also puzzled and described these notations as having been added on impulse.
Yet what might at first seem impulsive and inconsistent can be demonstrated to be quite the opposite.
Ordered, well-thought-through and systematic,
the implications of this assertion are so significant that they justify my taking a little time to explain.
Confronted by interprets.
Rather than full context, I used to read, the book might have experienced confusion between texts which began in similar ways and had similar content.
Commonly, the notating scribe used notation to clarify which specific chant was intended.
Here you see three in choice, which begins Sakar duties, one continued deep and a digital dominant one continued to use in the salutary.
And the third continued to dominate in demand. You see, on all three entrants were commonly used for feasts of martyrs or confessors.
There was a high possibility of confusion.
These three chants appear in six places in Bodley, five, seven, nine, and on every occasion they have notation.
As you can see the text Grobe has always supplied more than one word more than the first word,
but the value of the musical notation in these cases was to enhance recall.
By reminding the reader of amenity, a path to the right front are stored in the memory could be more readily fund.
There are many examples of this kind. Here on one page of the injured bits for Ego Family, I'm exhausted me and further down the page.
Eagleton, Indominus Burada. A more substantial example of possible confusion between channels was posed by two comedians,
which both Begin and DeKoe Vorbis and A to the same opening melody.
On the first occasion, the notating scribe thought it's sufficient to notate only the opening phrase,
but on the second occasion, he took her to continue well beyond the point at which the two melodies diverge.
That way of directing the process of recall, using musical notation as a tool also proved effective when two charts with close but
not identical texts were sung to different melodies on different feasts in later books,
these two offer trees which begin offering to.
We're commonly labelled minor and Mayo,
but here the music grades simply used notation to differentiate between the two versions, always notating them.
There's no unmotivated offer enter in the book. So Mario turns up four times and Mino twice.
All of this establishes a firm foundation for my claim that these notations have been made in a thoroughly systematic fashion.
I could go on for another 15 minutes and you get very bored, but it can be proven over and over.
And I think we can go further than that. Some might explain these notations as a necessary support for elementary knowledge of Gregorian chant.
But I want to argue quite the opposite that they represent a skilled and extensive understanding of the chant repertory.
Even if an eventual user of the book might not be so skilled. In support of this hypothesis, I offer one last example.
This slide shows a series of three rules, which in their opening phrases, have closely similar melodies.
They all belong to a particular family of melodies classified in mood three and share a series of phrases.
Excel table May and Bernard, each the dominant or melodically identical at their beginnings.
Whereas after the first two syllables, a rip may follows a different pattern on Folio 98 versus the notato,
wrote out the error pay melody to the end of this first word.
When he came across exalt Tabu three pages later, he was careful to write out the melody beyond the point of divergence between this and erythema.
It's very clear that this new teacher had an extensive knowledge of the chant repertory
and was conscious of pretentious potential pitfalls and moments of confusion,
as well as of different melodic traditions. And he had well understood the potential of music writing as an extensive resource for stimulating recall.
I know of only one other contemporary example of notation added to a list of championship hits in order to clarify the identity of individual chance.
This is in another sentiment Sacramento made in the 1870s and here the total number of such notation insertions is just three.
For a trained musician, this was an obvious way in which to use musical notation.
Yet if that musician had access to a fully notated cent book, very likely of sentiment, a gradual for the mass or an on tiffin or for the office.
Such clarifications would not have been necessary. And that allows me to hypothesise that when both three, five, seven nine was made at Canterbury,
it is possible that there was no other notated must book of the kind that had
begun to appear on the continent in the last quarter of the ninth century.
That is in late 19th century. Early 10th century Canterbury Bodley five seven nine may have been intended to stand in place of a notated, gradual.
There are no other examples of Anglo-Saxon musical notation of a comparable date.
It's therefore difficult to test my proposition that at the time it was made,
the missile was intended as the main written record of musical practise for the mass Christchurch.
Yes, it is that very isolation that lends considerable significance to another musical aspect of bodily five, seven nine.
This is the variety of notations written into it in different periods.
And it's with these that I shall conclude today's lecture.
Others scattered evidence of notations written in England can be dated to the last two years of the 10th and early years of the 11th century.
But for the beginning and middle of the 10th century, there's no other extant or at least roughly datable extant record.
With this image of news written into a book copied in the 88 century, again, you can see it outside the room.
This is the fourth one is filled with this image. This is a book which later belonged to St Augustine's, but we have no idea who it is written.
I underline again the difficulty of dating musical notations when there's no associated text script.
This and the notations in the hat and Benedictine rule, as well as another bodily an example in a coffee.
Made it two of beads commentary, and look, these may well date from the 10th century or even earlier, but it's difficult to say more.
In contrast, both three five, seven nine offers abundant evidence of ongoing musical work,
including after the first layer of notations made Chicco 900,
a series of passages written, annotated or simply annotated in the mid and late 10th century.
The notations in the first layer are written in the so-called brittle script, which you can see here,
and compared with the same passage in the gradual made somewhere in western France in the early 10th century.
This is a simple and unremarkable script written entirely without nuance in reference to delivery.
But nevertheless, well, able to achieve the differentiation of specific maladies from each other through the writing age of science,
which designate pitch patterns. Amongst the entries dated by Nicholas Orchard to the second quarter and mid-20th century,
there is one which consists of proper chance for a mass for the blessed Virgin Mary.
And here again, I think the musical notation is contemporary with the text hand.
This musical script is of a different kind one, which in the 11th century became the main music script in England,
and it represents a distinctive adaptation of the very widespread Frankish script.
Here it's being written competently, even if with little elegance.
They enjoy it, so they sank to pardons based on a text from Sir Julius Koman Pascale, he has previously been considered an 11th century composition.
But here it is the first extant appearance well before the year one thousand.
And then opposite the beginning of the canon of the mass in the book very much the beginning of the original book,
someone wrote out the preface very dignified with full notation.
Orchard includes this amongst entries made in the late 10th century, and that proposal is well supported by the music notation.
The script written here is, again, Breton,
but it's much more regulated and artificial than what had been written up to a century previously in the same book.
I'll come back to this plus-sized a bit on script, as written at Canterbury in the third lecture.
In summary, in the musical entries made in this book up to Chicco 1000, we see a variety of musical scripts,
a simple Breton script and more deliberately fashioned Breton script, and chronologically between these are Frankish English script.
I think we have to read that variety as the outcome of numerous exchanges with continental Europe,
perhaps spurred initially by King Alfred's direction to search for wisdom by getting wise men from abroad, if we shall have them.
And later, by the more concentrated focus on ecclesiastical ritual engendered by interest in monastic reform.
That broadening of horizons provides a context into which diversity of notational practise fits well.
That said. We should beware of tying musical practise, too directly to broader cultural change.
John Blair writes of the intellectual and religious stimuli provided to English churchmen,
either by travel and living abroad or by contact with foreigners at the English court, placing particular emphasis on the reign of King Arthur St.
Yes, and a book made in the late 1930s as a gift from King Arthur Stone to the monks of Durham.
There's no hint of the possibility of notating the change.
Not only is there no notation here. But the words are not spaced for notation where accommodation of elaborate passages would have been needed.
The obvious implication of the juxtaposition of bodily five, seven nine with Corpus one eight three is that the notating hand,
like the first text hand in both the five seven nine is also that of a continental scribe.
Thus, probably five, seven nine would mark a moment when English musicians came into contact with musical notation and began to learn
how it could be used in view of the paucity of musical writing still extant from this early mediaeval period.
The evidence of this rather extraordinarily little book, which is now Bodley 579,
is remarkably valuable and that we're going to end by listening to some of this music.
So they thank the parents, and I have to say here that the beginning of the verse where I've got Pagadian Odium,
this is what Michael LePage insisted it had to be. He said it must be a mistake that the scribe wrote, Pray and my singer thinks it should be pray.
So he's going to sing that it's you versus Michael love.
It should be quick. Thank you.
Just. So.
Uh, so, uh, and so, uh, uh.
Cory Turner, you know, and we're there.
Minister said.
Oh. Greg Hardy, I'm in my in on it, originate more norm.
Never seen in this last negative cycle where and.
So. And ever so I've.
And sign up for our.
Can we say, Oh, I'm glad you're.
He said one.
Oh no.