Like. Good evening, everybody.
Michael Scott, welcome and thank you for coming to the third lecture,
important to say before I go on to the lots and lots of musical choreography, lots of news, which I hope you'll be patient with.
And there's some good stories at the end of the lecture, and I also want to dedicate this lecture to Nigel Palmer,
who many of you would have known and who died on Sunday. He was a really well known and very, very sociable and good colleague, and I think in Oxford,
very much at the centre of the mediaeval scholars, and we will miss him very soon.
A st stands at the door of his church looking towards a king who presents a book.
The image identifies the book in which it sits as a royal gift.
As Austin, King of the English from 1927 until his death in 1939, gave his book to the community of St Cuthbert at Chester Le Street.
The date of the book's manufacturer must have been between 1934 and 1939,
and the work of the main scribe has been recognised in books and charges associated with us, LETZTEN and his royal court.
The content of the book is unusual in its combination of texts of very different kinds besides feeds, prose and verse lives of Cuthbert.
It includes a list of difficult words in the verse life, a collection of lists of popes,
bishops and kings, and of odd kinds of numbers and then liturgical material for him.
Like this melaye's chance readings and prayers for a mass in Cuthbert's honour and chance for the Divine Office.
After the establishment of the Kingdom of the English in 1927,
al-Sistani made many gifts of treasure books and relics wishing to impress those who exercised power and exerted influence in the land.
But the book, now held in the parking library, reflects more than a simple gift from a rich patron.
Besides demonstrating the honour in which Cuthbert was held in the south, as well as the North,
it also brought a collection of Episcopal and royal records that may have been intended
to remind the Northumbrian community of the essential unity of the Anglo-Saxon church.
In the glossary of arcane words, the book provided elucidation to support reading beats, often challenging hex amateurs.
And in the cycle of chance for the divine office, it's offered to St Cuthbert's monks, an entirely novel way of celebrating his feast.
These chants had new original texts drawing on Pete's writings,
and they were formulated and sung in ways which would have been quite unfamiliar to English singers in the 1930s.
For the UN, to phones throughout this office are composed in rhythmical verse.
Novelty also reaches into the musical delivery, these chants being sung so as to follow the order of the ecclesiastical notes,
the onto fans and responses of the night office, I sang to melodies in modes one two three four five six seven eight and then one again.
Of course, you may be wondering why how I can possibly know anything about the ways in which these chants were sung,
since there's no hint here of musical notation. The answer is very simple.
First, the transmission history of melodies for this office is extremely uniform.
That transmission includes melodies recorded in two books made at Canterbury Chica, one thousand and one made at Durham in the 12th century.
The implication of the high concordance level is that the melodic tradition is not separate from that of the texts.
The musical delivery was formulated together with the texts.
That hypothesis is further supported by the fact of modal ordering, which is characteristic of rhymed offices.
Since the first examples had appeared nine hundred.
There is little doubt that these melodies travelled alongside the stones gift, even if they were not actually written into the book.
At this time, and indeed, until much later, musical transmission always implied bodies, the physical act of singing.
And we have many accounts of the movement of singers around the country from Bishop Wilfred,
who in the 60s brought the singers Edda and Iona from Kent to Ripon,
and from Bede, who reports multiple instances, including Bishop Accor's invitation to the distinguished singer.
Marvin, who had been instructed in methods of singing by the successes of the disciples of Saint Gregory,
and then someone able to sing the Cuthbert office had to accompany the book.
Finally, the inclusion of liturgy in this book provides evidence of Edelstein's intentions,
not only to invite a northern religious community to read beads lives of comfort in the context of a national history,
but also to provide a foundation for more refined liturgical celebration.
Last week,
I talked about the torture cookbooks and used the presence of musical notations in those books to consider the ways in which they had been used.
This week, I shall work in reverse using liturgical books as a basis for tracing the characteristics of musical notations.
Much of today's lecture will be focussed on establishing a broad outline of the ways in which
musical scripts were being written at the two Canterbury houses in the 10th and 11th centuries.
This will uncover a narrative of close affinity, which changes after the conquest.
And in Thursday's lecture, I should explore the meaning of those musical notations.
Corpus 183 is such an important and deliberately designed book that what it
communicates about the history of music writing in England should not be ignored.
By the time it was made, the written record of New Saints offices accompanied by musical notations was not unusual on the continent.
So you can see here two weeks two examples both written in the early 10th century and this one in.
Harvard, which is actually from material which was stolen and leaked because it was
photographed by the monks of Salem at the beginning of the 20th century in Italy.
But it's nice split up and owned by lots of different people. Anyway, that is an office for religious, and it's a very, very tiny book.
I mean it, but I would say not more than half the size of this one on the right and the one on the right is the
Office of Benedict in a rebellious book from the law and written in the very characteristic notation.
If in the 1930s, a book made in England by a royal scribe for presentation by the King did not have musical notation for its chance,
then it's clear that the writing of music in the English Channel books had not yet become normalised.
Yet, as I showed in the first lecture, it's beyond question that the possibility of writing music was known in England by the end of the 9th century.
Besides the notations for chance in the margins of the Leaf, which missal.
There are other examples which might have been written in England, including this notation for Jesus Christ Haiti, Haiti in a Breton gospel book.
The correcting scribe, who certainly also added the names may well have been English.
Now I'm looking at here is. These words, this is the correct thing, scribe.
And there's a few bits he rewrote this word here. It's kind of difficult to tell.
I don't think I'm quite as sure of it as jihadist list.
And this is a Northumbrian gospel book brought to Ely in the 10th century, it hasn't been out of the country.
The chant entry by a text handed that I'm advised was probably not English has
a baritone notation in trying to reconstruct what English musicians could see.
It doesn't really matter whether the music scribe was English or continental.
Since the occasions when someone wrote musical notation into a book which was in use in England at the time, or many and various.
The idea that music could be recorded in writing had become familiar to many in England from the early 10th century on.
While the value of such records would have become plain through exchange with continental centres.
Against that historical backdrop, I want now to explore records of English music, writing,
dating from the middle of the 10th century through to the next point of
significant change the introduction of stage notation in the early 12th century.
In order to draw a more, more nuanced historical narrative out of this material than has so far been available,
I want to concentrate on many secret sources made in just one locality that is Canterbury.
The study of music writing at the two Canterbury houses is especially interesting
because of the number and variety of musical notations in their books.
And then also because of the demonstrable exposure of these institutions after the conquest of 66 to Norman practise.
Although the number of external sources is low,
the broad outline of music writing in the country between the middle of the 10th century and the year 1000 is nevertheless unambiguous.
The same kind of script as is found in the first layer of the leaf rich missal nine,
known as Breton, even if it isn't written, can be seen in books and fragments made at Canterbury.
This music script was written widely across northern France in the ninth and early 10th centuries,
and it's use in books made in England should not solely be attributed to links with Brittany.
Now, this next slide, I wanted to show you, not because it's got a connexion with country,
nobody has a clue where it comes from and it's very first damage to secrecy.
It's possibly datable to the second quarter of the 10th century, notated in Britain news before they were raised and replaced by English notations.
And I wanted to show it because it's the earliest English example of what was perhaps a notated, gradual a chant for the mass.
So this this is the first example of a music, but one step beyond the leaf rich missile, which I talked about a week ago.
The next extant example of a notated mass book can be more definitely placed its tech scribe writing at Christ Church at the end of the 10th century.
It's a scribe who's identified one of Bishop's Christchurch scribes,
another late 10th century example is the common preface notated in Britain news in the near Mr.
This has the same text as the preface written out just one full year later in the original part of the book,
making it evident that the main purpose of this entry was the provision of musical notation.
These are firm indications of the adoption of music writing as a standard element
in liturgical books made at Christ Church by the millennium at the very latest.
The most substantial example.
Of music rising at Christ Church in the later 10th century sustains this hypothesis, while also revealing difficulties encountered by music scribes.
This is a pontifical made for Archbishop Dunstan, but it was not prepared for notation.
I'm just showing you here the first page because it's cheap.
This is the original first page of the manuscript and it is the pallium privilege for Dunstan.
And I don't believe you could think it wasn't made for Dunstan, given that this is at the front of the book,
but I don't see how it gets us in the room, so I don't think we're going to have an argument.
Let's try to find my place in the laser, no taser could usually accommodate news within the available space,
but sometimes the tech syllables were written too close. And he wrote he had to write many dividing lines between new groups.
So if you look here, you see what a hard time you had even up there.
And that's the kind of situation that you would find only rarely in a book made for musical notation.
Evidence that the initiative to aid musical notation post dates,
the main preparation of the book is everywhere yet on grounds, which are too extensive for me to set out today.
It can be demonstrated that the main layer of musical notations in 943 were written
at Great was written at Christ Church before the Pontifical was taken to share,
but by the end of the century.
This pontificate belongs to a period of change made before the needs of musical notation had been fully integrated into the process of bookmaking.
Yet at some point before the year,
one thousand someone at Christ Church considered it appropriate to include musical notations in unimportant liturgical book.
A final note about this pontifical.
These notations are consistent with continental examples of brittle musical script in the signs used in the configuration of those signs.
And in the way those signs are positioned above the text.
In its graphic aspect, however, the Christchurch script is more elegant than continental examples.
In this, the music writing shares when established calligraphic qualities of contemporary Canterbury bookends,
including that of the pontificate itself, described by Tim Bishop as having excellent forms and proportions.
Around the year 1000. This little music script was being written at St Augustine's, as well as at Christ Church,
contemporary records at the Cuthbert office from the two houses are so close that
the possibility of both books having been rotated by the same music scribe arises.
And I've looked long enough to convince myself that these notations were not written by the same scribe, but by two different music scribes.
Nevertheless, their affinity is pronounced. So up to the millennium, at least ways of writing music at the two country houses were closely linked.
I have so far avoided reference to the Benedictine reform associated with Bishops Dunston Hospital and Absolute.
Well, I had previously seen that reform as a crucial spur to the introduction and use of music,
writing I now understand that view to be wrong or more than can be definitively argued on the basis of available evidence.
As historians have often remarked, it's hardly necessary to wait for the exchanges between England and the continent
engendered by the dynamism of reform to discover evidence of cultural exchange.
In the first half of the century, this is extensive, including books moving across the channel in both directions,
music notations written in England can be dated well before that reform got underway.
A critical argument here, and you saw this picture last week,
and this is the appearance of a distinctly English music script in an entry to
the live rich missal made in the second quarter or middle of the 10th century,
the musical notation is contemporary with the text, and they may indeed be by the same hand.
So if you just watch and if you look at the word Redgate e.g. ligature.
And then again, it's the same ligature.
Not only is this the earliest extant source of this info, some, so they same runs taking its text from Sir Julius,
but it's also the only source I've identified which continues to Julius text for the enjoyed verse,
rather than replacing it with a some verse which was much more normal for an instrument.
And you can see here I've written it out. That's the verse the Sir Julius.
Whereas in this sauce, which is made initially a century later, you've got the standard.
Some votes for a Virgin.
So I think that the the using the to Julius as the verse is an indication of the relative antiquity of this entry in the the average missile.
With this evidence of the use of an English music script at Christ Church alongside the Britain, other examples fall easily into place for Canterbury.
These include the names written into rule in 1789 for a byfuglien from a book of office chants made at the end of the 10th century.
And this is in one of the exhibition cases outside the room and you see how tiny it is a smaller music book could be now.
Hartzell thought the text was working at Christ Church,
but Jesse Billet has argued that the film was written at St Augustine's, and I'm not taking a place in this argument.
But I can note that the notation matches that in the earlier India, for example, very well and is likely to have followed soon after the text.
Music scripts were generally written one way at one institution.
It's not to say that a trained cantor could not read notation written in music scripts with which he or she was unfamiliar.
Indeed, since reading a musical notation depended on recall and recognition of the melody
would have allowed a reader to understand individual signs and their placement.
The whole process of reading the circular process of reading and thinking would
have made any other rare or unusual script perfectly legible to a good musician.
Nevertheless, the overall pattern both on the continent and in England is that individual senators wrote one music script.
In contrast, there is clear evidence of the use of two entirely different music scripts
in Canterbury at various times in the 10th century and early 11th centuries.
An interesting example comes from St Augustine's. This entry that you can see here for three years was added in a copy of Beach Lights A Cuthbert,
probably already at St Augustine's at the time the entries were made, but this text hand is English and dates from between 1000 and 10:30.
The first notating scribe wrote an English music script but didn't get beyond the first syllable of the sixth word.
Mean he didn't get very far to there. His task was taken over by a scribe writing in Britain music script.
And what happened next is a little difficult to reconstruct. It looks as if passagers know tainted by the second music scribe was subsequently erased.
But there's a whole lot of erasure there. And erased and reinstated by yet another scribe, again writing the brilliant script.
It's a little bit complicated. And then on the next Recto, there's another musical entry again for all of us now.
In this case, the text and looks more continental than English was a harmony of text,
and music encourages the hypothesis that both were written by one hand at first sight.
The script might be classified as the English version of the Frankish script, but a closer look reveals that the notation,
although it's clearly the Frankish English script, is full of brittle behaviours.
Above all, the way of writing successions of falling notes with a little vertical line pulled down from the lowest,
as well as the use of Q, meaning a quality rather than e for another note at the same pitch.
And this cue for equality is absolutely breath behaviour.
Such a mixed notation does not represent an older type of script from which more distinct behaviours would develop, but quite the opposite.
This is a mixture of ways of writing adopted from two distinct scripts.
The musical additions in this manuscript cannot be definitively linked to Canterbury,
but that possibility renders it at least possible to understand how a scribe might have ended up writing in such a mixed way.
And anyone who knows it, but the historiography of news will know the description contact Norman used by Solomon Cooper.
And these are contact Norman. With this curious example, we're almost at the end of country examples of Britain script.
There's just one more in the Anderson Pontifical,
which is a book made in the first quarter of the century at Christ first quarter of the 11th century at Christchurch.
This pontifical has many passages of musical notation.
Indeed, it has so many layers of marginal annotations, many with musical notation that it needs a study all of its own to sort them out.
In the main text notation in English script was added for in true at Al Thani.
That's done here. So this is not original to the making of the book, but it's probably written in shortly after, not very long after.
And then you can see a marginal note again with English news,
but very these are very silent and say, I mean, it's a very distinct hand because of the slant.
And then words immediately above. Here.
I can't find the words I was looking for, but anyway, you can see all of this.
All of those notations in that it's just higher up the page are all mutated in Britain names.
So by the time this book was made, the higher status of the Breton music script,
as evidenced by its use in the Dunstan Pontifical and the collection of Saints services in holy one one one seven had surely been lost,
giving way no to the English script as the main way of writing at Canterbury.
So the Breton names are unlikely to have been written by an older scribe trained long before those who carried out the main work of notation.
So that gives a very clear period of the changeover.
As at many European centres, music writing was well established in Canterbury by the early decades of the 11th century.
The making of books could involve some of the best Christ scribes,
as revealed in fragments of an on Tiffany no know here in Oxford and in the British Library.
These pages were written by a tech scribe who's been identified by Michael Skolnik as Bishop's Christchurch scribe,
18, and I won't go into reciting which other books he made.
But I mean, there's lots of these kinds of examples, and that identification links the making of the interview with the Christchurch survivors,
including a charter dated one 2003 and the first life of St Cuthbert in hardly one one one seven.
It's difficult to tell whether this tech scribe knew anything about the separation of syllables to allow for melodramatic elaboration in the melodies,
but the sheer size of his text hand and the generous space left between words seems
to have allowed the music scribe to fix the nuance in the long bellissima written up.
The left hand margin here represents an alternative elaborated way of singing one simple conservatory.
And whereas conservatory can see it, lost it completely. Is it there?
The next two months. Thank you. There it is. Sorry.
OK. It's for this syllable here, and it's just a very,
very melodramatic way of singing it that probably the tax code would have never had any clue about that kind of musical practise.
So it's just very clearly a musician who knows about it.
He comes along and writes that in. See,
Tiffany shows the work of only one of many music scribes discoverable in books made at Christ Church during the early decades of the 11th century.
As I've said in the Anderson Pontifical, there are extensive notations made by different annotators.
Although the Anderson Tech scribe did not make a great deal of Alone's musical elaboration,
he was certainly conscious that he should occasionally leave space within a word.
And I've just found some examples you can see there's a little that's very clearly a space in the middle of this whole son and here.
So sometimes it worked five or 10 20s, Christchurch Tech scribes knew how to layout text well,
the different music fans writing in the handful of manuscript sources which
survive indicates that there was a high level of competence in music writing.
Those same qualities can be traced through books located in the middle years of the century up to the third quarter,
including fragments of an antigeno written by a text hand which resembles that of 80 percent with contemporary fine notation.
And then it's a hymn or redemptive sing a common added to the Christmas in a benediction on Made at Christ Church.
And I asked Jesse to record this Jesse Bennett, who sang last week and I asked him to record this, and if I can make it work, you can hear it.
And what you're going to hear is this is a refrain you may come in the first
verse Audi UDC's and then the refrain attempt to see if I can make it work.
One. And to one at all named comes in and you.
He joined us from our. What is this four oh, oh, oh, oh, oh oh, and and on on, uh, on the.
Oh. And then it comes in and you.
And of course, there's lots and lots more. It's a processional and hymn.
At St Augustine's in the second and third quarters of the 11th century, music was also being written in this English music script.
The Breton music script no longer abandoned the number of music notations,
which can be independently attributed to St Augustine's for this period are not many,
but there are enough to produce a clear picture of music writing at the Abbey.
In this period, in a copy of Louis Theistic Consulates,
Uni made it St Augustine's in the late 10th century and no inside the room in the
exhibition cases of very fine manuscripts and many of the features were later annotated.
Those notations probably date from the second quarter and century before the book,
when the book was still at St Augustine's before it was transferred to Exeter.
So in these three examples, do you actually see the work of three different scribes underlining the capacity of many to write musical notations,
all three hands write clearly and cleanly. If you know some barracks work on both, yes, you know that he's recorded quite a lot of these melodies.
More notations for previous verses appear in a collection of songs copied Miss 11th century at Canterbury.
Here again, at least two and probably three scribes are at work.
Even taking care to add a second notice, a second, quite different way of singing newbie, at least these two.
And in fact, the recording I had to listen to Sam's recording with Ben Bagby singing in it, this is the one that they say, not this one.
And. And another St. Augustine's example is the sequence fierceness marches was added to a book which had at some point
in the second half of the century reached St. Augustine's new cards at the entry as late 11:30 12th century.
Thin,
so this evidence is it allows us to follow a well-established practise continuing through the second quarter towards the end of the 11th century.
But there's much more of interest since I've deliberately kept aside a significant body of evidence
associated with just one takes crime in passages copied in the last two decades of the century.
We begin to encounter a series of musical notations some short entries.
Others more substantial, all linked with one text hand describes.
Writing is already familiar to many since he copied a Supplementary Note Corpus 270 edited and published with pictures in 1896.
This book can be dated after 10 '91.
And here is the same tech scribe again copying a charter of 11 10 on a page no binder at the back office into custody gospels to the caucus sacrament,
she Tim Bishop added seven further instances of this scribes work.
Richard Jamison has added more, and Michael Gulick has assembled a list of over 20 manuscripts copied all or in part by the scribe.
He was certainly prolific and can be seen working from the 10 eighties through to the early decades of the 12th century.
Night, a musical notations. This scribe wrote the first two lines on this page.
That then follows a series of chants copied by other hands progressively of lower quality as you go down the page.
It was probably a pedagogical exercise. The first scribe setting a model for text size and spacing in the copying of a chant.
The writing of his first student on lines three to six, so these lines.
It's extremely close to the model.
I haven't no doubt the musical notation separately, I didn't give a separate number to describe because it's so like it,
but it is probable that Scribe B did no Typekit his own work. There is then, so that's one example where he's clearly in charge.
Then there's another example where it looks like his musical notation, but not his text.
So then one sees the possibility that this scribe notated the work of other tech scribes.
But there's one really extensive bit of writing, both text and music by describe,
and it's in this office for Mellitus, the third Archbishop of Canterbury.
This office is copied is found at the front of a book containing the history of fragrance of leisure, which this scribe also copied.
Now I could waxed lyrical about the qualities of this tech scribe as a scribe for liturgical texts.
The use of capital to divide parts of the texts which I've never seen in any
other scribes work the very well judge spacing for my listeners and so on.
He was expert and careful. But actually, what I'm going to talk about is chronology.
There are several direct links between the leader's office and the veto committee to
spy on copied in a collection of Godzilla's work by this same St. Augustine scribe.
Bosnia has settled at St Augustine's in or very soon after, 10 eighty nine.
His life of mellitus consists largely of extracts from beads, ecclesiastical history with some extensions.
Part of Beats narrative tells how the archbishop prevented the fury of a conflagration which had spread over Canterbury,
but he prevented it from destroying those places which were in its path and merely by his presence caused the flames to cease.
Before Gosnells chapter based on beat ends, a new passage not indeed present six senators.
These begin flying man who runs all them, Melita Credit Warren.
A fire devouring the city gives honour to mellitus.
The first three of these Leontyne cemeteries were fashioned into a response tree for the night office.
The third beginning Flamin from composite used for the verse, with a rep tandem indication to go back to the second beginning at centavo to.
The next three summit is beginning Ardern's agony were used as a response to at second vespers.
And yet another three weeks in which a passage again found as an expansion of beads text in gospel
vitae became the basis for another response three this time of idolatrous treatment of the Eucharist.
The sharing of these passages between the data and the office does not in itself demonstrate that gooseneck composed the office.
Far from it. Indeed, without the help of a philologist,
I cannot guess whether the composition of the office might or might not predate his work on the Midnighters veto.
But the sharing between the office and the media is at least suggestive.
In terms of dating the military's office, a more decisive argument is provided by a passage in prose sung as the 11th
response of the night office military Tongans from some of it watching them.
One touching mellitus reliquary cured his eye, Olivia, applying his touch as an unknown to the sickness.
He cured his eye. With this miracle story,
the office draws on an entirely different historical layer of information about the Saint for this challenge is
about an event which took place in September 10 91 during the translation of the first six Archbishop of Canterbury.
They're relics were moved from the old portico of St. Gregory,
where they had lived since the 7th century into new tombs in the east end of the new Abbey of St. Augustine's to use Richard Sharp's words.
These translations were accomplished during one dynamic so dramatic and exhilarating week in September 10 91.
On one day, as governor relates at some length, an important miracle involving mellitus took place a soldier who's right,
I had been possessed by a carbuncle, tried to reach Augustine's tomb, but was held back by the crowd.
Desperate for physical contact with the. He pressed forward, panting so that he might reach out to touch his only remedy, Augustine.
But the crowd held him back and reaching his arm over the crowd he only managed to touch by the tip of his fingers.
The very end of a pool on which a beer for mellitus relics was carried immediately as he cried, O Holy Agustin, help me.
The carbuncle fell from the disease died as if it had been scraped away by the very best ointment.
It's a good story as a good biographer, Ferguson, it had to reflect on whether the miracle should be attributed to a and or two litres.
And he explains that both should receive the honour because the sick man had been seeking a
gustin as he found an elitist and have been touching mellitus in the place of Augustine.
Here in Ten Ninety One was a new miracle story for us.
And this was used to create the ultimate response in the night of this.
Even if we do not know by whom the leader's office was composed or when the incorporation of this miracle
shows beyond doubt that the entry at the front of Caucus 267 must have been made after September 10 91.
This provides an unexpectedly and I have to say extraordinarily surprisingly late date for this traditional English music script.
I just didn't believe it. I used to think this was third quarter of the 11th century.
I've set it here beside an antique, and I meet in Canterbury in the middle of this century, to all intents and purposes,
these music scripts look very similar, and there's really only one significant aspect in which they differ,
which I'm going to come back to in a few minutes.
In contrast, by the last decade of the century, music writing at Christchurch had changed radically, demonstrably as a result of Norman influence.
And that is the main focus of the next lecture for Day for Today is enough that I just
signalled that music writing at the two Canterbury houses had now taken quite different paths.
Well, this divergence in approaches to music writing at the two Canterbury crisis,
after a long period of consistency and sometimes close identity can be observed.
I have no idea how to explain it. There's no question about the exposure of the monks of St Augustine's to normal music writing long before 10 '91.
The noises you see here in a book which was at St Augustine's at the time,
the entries were made by scribes writing distinctive text and music, hence identifiable both text and music hands as formal submission.
Such scribes probably came to St Augustine's in the retinue of Scotland, who had left Mozambique to become a bit of St Augustine's in turn 72.
He died in ten eighty seven. And then the last of these entries include one written in letter notation,
which is a way of writing music much cultivated in Norman centres at this time, but not in England.
In the face of new possibilities and the power that lay behind them,
the monks of Saint Augustine seem not to have replaced their own music scripts with new normal practises.
But to have been tenacious long after the conquest of 10 66 in their retention of a purely English music script.
There's just one sense in which this way of writing an old script has been altered from earlier practise.
And that change merits attention because it will significantly enhance our understanding of late 11th century music writing
practise at St Augustine's and I'm sorry this disc that you have to concentrate on in the old Frankish English script.
The first news for every syllable were written at the same level above the text
without relation to how high or low the notes they represented were to be sung.
It's got nothing to do with pitch. You just always come down to the same level to begin a new syllable and then you'll see.
It comes down and then as you have more names to write on the syllable, it just goes up.
So that's the next slide you can see.
So I can just tell you, but you're going to hear it in the minute that this behaviour going up the page, it's got nothing to do with pitch.
It's just the way it's written. Right.
What I have got is Jesse recorded this for me, and we just just try and follow up what I think you should hear is that.
The pictures on the red level are all different.
High and low and middle, it comes back to a kind of tonic all the time,
but I'm you will particularly hear these these kind of notes going down within this here for Mayo,
which I'm sorry, that's a gene which the printer print. But anyway, the point is that that that passage goes way down, whereas look, the names go up.
So see what you can follow. All may or may not.
And today it's.
And. Mark?
And it's all. 70 or.
And, you know, Anthony. Oh.
Oh, oh, oh.
So thank you, Jesse,
and the notations for the leader's office show much greater concern with the provision of information about pitch than that mid 11th century example.
Individual rooms are relative ized rather than begun at the same horizontal level and where the scribe wanted to write higher on the page,
but could not. He simply advised the reader, as you can see here with a.
Queue for equality. It's he's just queue like a cliff.
And that advises that the new begins at the same pitch as the previous one, this treatment of news was not new in the 90s.
English clubs had been doing this since the middle of the century. But the extent to which this scribe has used this possibility of movement is far
greater than in any other example I have seen in this English music script.
In juxtaposed examples of more or less contemporary Christchurch and St Augustine's music writing,
you can see this movement of names within the space over the text exploited also in the Christchurch regime.
The point is that this very good St. Augustine scribe was entirely up to date in terms of his understanding of what musical notation could do,
and he was deliberately extending its support of recall with more visual information.
Besides being able to write both text and music with considerable style, he was also well qualified musically,
and he had certainly seen recent examples of music written by incoming Normans and probably also from Christchurch.
But he went on intermittently, writing a traditional English script, conserving voodoo practise.
And that's the end of today's story, and we pick it up again on Thursday.