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Like. Good evening, everybody.

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Michael Scott, welcome and thank you for coming to the third lecture,

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important to say before I go on to the lots and lots of musical choreography, lots of news, which I hope you'll be patient with.

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And there's some good stories at the end of the lecture, and I also want to dedicate this lecture to Nigel Palmer,

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who many of you would have known and who died on Sunday. He was a really well known and very, very sociable and good colleague, and I think in Oxford,

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very much at the centre of the mediaeval scholars, and we will miss him very soon.

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A st stands at the door of his church looking towards a king who presents a book.

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The image identifies the book in which it sits as a royal gift.

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As Austin, King of the English from 1927 until his death in 1939, gave his book to the community of St Cuthbert at Chester Le Street.

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The date of the book's manufacturer must have been between 1934 and 1939,

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and the work of the main scribe has been recognised in books and charges associated with us, LETZTEN and his royal court.

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The content of the book is unusual in its combination of texts of very different kinds besides feeds, prose and verse lives of Cuthbert.

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It includes a list of difficult words in the verse life, a collection of lists of popes,

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bishops and kings, and of odd kinds of numbers and then liturgical material for him.

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Like this melaye's chance readings and prayers for a mass in Cuthbert's honour and chance for the Divine Office.

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After the establishment of the Kingdom of the English in 1927,

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al-Sistani made many gifts of treasure books and relics wishing to impress those who exercised power and exerted influence in the land.

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But the book, now held in the parking library, reflects more than a simple gift from a rich patron.

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Besides demonstrating the honour in which Cuthbert was held in the south, as well as the North,

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it also brought a collection of Episcopal and royal records that may have been intended

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to remind the Northumbrian community of the essential unity of the Anglo-Saxon church.

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In the glossary of arcane words, the book provided elucidation to support reading beats, often challenging hex amateurs.

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And in the cycle of chance for the divine office, it's offered to St Cuthbert's monks, an entirely novel way of celebrating his feast.

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These chants had new original texts drawing on Pete's writings,

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and they were formulated and sung in ways which would have been quite unfamiliar to English singers in the 1930s.

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For the UN, to phones throughout this office are composed in rhythmical verse.

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Novelty also reaches into the musical delivery, these chants being sung so as to follow the order of the ecclesiastical notes,

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the onto fans and responses of the night office, I sang to melodies in modes one two three four five six seven eight and then one again.

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Of course, you may be wondering why how I can possibly know anything about the ways in which these chants were sung,

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since there's no hint here of musical notation. The answer is very simple.

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First, the transmission history of melodies for this office is extremely uniform.

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That transmission includes melodies recorded in two books made at Canterbury Chica, one thousand and one made at Durham in the 12th century.

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The implication of the high concordance level is that the melodic tradition is not separate from that of the texts.

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The musical delivery was formulated together with the texts.

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That hypothesis is further supported by the fact of modal ordering, which is characteristic of rhymed offices.

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Since the first examples had appeared nine hundred.

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There is little doubt that these melodies travelled alongside the stones gift, even if they were not actually written into the book.

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At this time, and indeed, until much later, musical transmission always implied bodies, the physical act of singing.

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And we have many accounts of the movement of singers around the country from Bishop Wilfred,

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who in the 60s brought the singers Edda and Iona from Kent to Ripon,

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and from Bede, who reports multiple instances, including Bishop Accor's invitation to the distinguished singer.

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Marvin, who had been instructed in methods of singing by the successes of the disciples of Saint Gregory,

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and then someone able to sing the Cuthbert office had to accompany the book.

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Finally, the inclusion of liturgy in this book provides evidence of Edelstein's intentions,

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not only to invite a northern religious community to read beads lives of comfort in the context of a national history,

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but also to provide a foundation for more refined liturgical celebration.

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Last week,

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I talked about the torture cookbooks and used the presence of musical notations in those books to consider the ways in which they had been used.

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This week, I shall work in reverse using liturgical books as a basis for tracing the characteristics of musical notations.

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Much of today's lecture will be focussed on establishing a broad outline of the ways in which

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musical scripts were being written at the two Canterbury houses in the 10th and 11th centuries.

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This will uncover a narrative of close affinity, which changes after the conquest.

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And in Thursday's lecture, I should explore the meaning of those musical notations.

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Corpus 183 is such an important and deliberately designed book that what it

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communicates about the history of music writing in England should not be ignored.

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By the time it was made, the written record of New Saints offices accompanied by musical notations was not unusual on the continent.

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So you can see here two weeks two examples both written in the early 10th century and this one in.

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Harvard, which is actually from material which was stolen and leaked because it was

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photographed by the monks of Salem at the beginning of the 20th century in Italy.

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But it's nice split up and owned by lots of different people. Anyway, that is an office for religious, and it's a very, very tiny book.

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I mean it, but I would say not more than half the size of this one on the right and the one on the right is the

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Office of Benedict in a rebellious book from the law and written in the very characteristic notation.

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If in the 1930s, a book made in England by a royal scribe for presentation by the King did not have musical notation for its chance,

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then it's clear that the writing of music in the English Channel books had not yet become normalised.

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Yet, as I showed in the first lecture, it's beyond question that the possibility of writing music was known in England by the end of the 9th century.

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Besides the notations for chance in the margins of the Leaf, which missal.

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There are other examples which might have been written in England, including this notation for Jesus Christ Haiti, Haiti in a Breton gospel book.

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The correcting scribe, who certainly also added the names may well have been English.

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Now I'm looking at here is. These words, this is the correct thing, scribe.

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And there's a few bits he rewrote this word here. It's kind of difficult to tell.

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I don't think I'm quite as sure of it as jihadist list.

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And this is a Northumbrian gospel book brought to Ely in the 10th century, it hasn't been out of the country.

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The chant entry by a text handed that I'm advised was probably not English has

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a baritone notation in trying to reconstruct what English musicians could see.

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It doesn't really matter whether the music scribe was English or continental.

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Since the occasions when someone wrote musical notation into a book which was in use in England at the time, or many and various.

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The idea that music could be recorded in writing had become familiar to many in England from the early 10th century on.

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While the value of such records would have become plain through exchange with continental centres.

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Against that historical backdrop, I want now to explore records of English music, writing,

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dating from the middle of the 10th century through to the next point of

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significant change the introduction of stage notation in the early 12th century.

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In order to draw a more, more nuanced historical narrative out of this material than has so far been available,

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I want to concentrate on many secret sources made in just one locality that is Canterbury.

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The study of music writing at the two Canterbury houses is especially interesting

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because of the number and variety of musical notations in their books.

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And then also because of the demonstrable exposure of these institutions after the conquest of 66 to Norman practise.

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Although the number of external sources is low,

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the broad outline of music writing in the country between the middle of the 10th century and the year 1000 is nevertheless unambiguous.

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The same kind of script as is found in the first layer of the leaf rich missal nine,

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known as Breton, even if it isn't written, can be seen in books and fragments made at Canterbury.

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This music script was written widely across northern France in the ninth and early 10th centuries,

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and it's use in books made in England should not solely be attributed to links with Brittany.

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Now, this next slide, I wanted to show you, not because it's got a connexion with country,

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nobody has a clue where it comes from and it's very first damage to secrecy.

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It's possibly datable to the second quarter of the 10th century, notated in Britain news before they were raised and replaced by English notations.

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And I wanted to show it because it's the earliest English example of what was perhaps a notated, gradual a chant for the mass.

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So this this is the first example of a music, but one step beyond the leaf rich missile, which I talked about a week ago.

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The next extant example of a notated mass book can be more definitely placed its tech scribe writing at Christ Church at the end of the 10th century.

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It's a scribe who's identified one of Bishop's Christchurch scribes,

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another late 10th century example is the common preface notated in Britain news in the near Mr.

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This has the same text as the preface written out just one full year later in the original part of the book,

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making it evident that the main purpose of this entry was the provision of musical notation.

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These are firm indications of the adoption of music writing as a standard element

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in liturgical books made at Christ Church by the millennium at the very latest.

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The most substantial example.

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Of music rising at Christ Church in the later 10th century sustains this hypothesis, while also revealing difficulties encountered by music scribes.

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This is a pontifical made for Archbishop Dunstan, but it was not prepared for notation.

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I'm just showing you here the first page because it's cheap.

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This is the original first page of the manuscript and it is the pallium privilege for Dunstan.

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And I don't believe you could think it wasn't made for Dunstan, given that this is at the front of the book,

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but I don't see how it gets us in the room, so I don't think we're going to have an argument.

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Let's try to find my place in the laser, no taser could usually accommodate news within the available space,

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but sometimes the tech syllables were written too close. And he wrote he had to write many dividing lines between new groups.

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So if you look here, you see what a hard time you had even up there.

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And that's the kind of situation that you would find only rarely in a book made for musical notation.

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Evidence that the initiative to aid musical notation post dates,

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the main preparation of the book is everywhere yet on grounds, which are too extensive for me to set out today.

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It can be demonstrated that the main layer of musical notations in 943 were written

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at Great was written at Christ Church before the Pontifical was taken to share,

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but by the end of the century.

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This pontificate belongs to a period of change made before the needs of musical notation had been fully integrated into the process of bookmaking.

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Yet at some point before the year,

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one thousand someone at Christ Church considered it appropriate to include musical notations in unimportant liturgical book.

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A final note about this pontifical.

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These notations are consistent with continental examples of brittle musical script in the signs used in the configuration of those signs.

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And in the way those signs are positioned above the text.

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In its graphic aspect, however, the Christchurch script is more elegant than continental examples.

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In this, the music writing shares when established calligraphic qualities of contemporary Canterbury bookends,

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including that of the pontificate itself, described by Tim Bishop as having excellent forms and proportions.

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Around the year 1000. This little music script was being written at St Augustine's, as well as at Christ Church,

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contemporary records at the Cuthbert office from the two houses are so close that

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the possibility of both books having been rotated by the same music scribe arises.

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And I've looked long enough to convince myself that these notations were not written by the same scribe, but by two different music scribes.

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Nevertheless, their affinity is pronounced. So up to the millennium, at least ways of writing music at the two country houses were closely linked.

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I have so far avoided reference to the Benedictine reform associated with Bishops Dunston Hospital and Absolute.

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Well, I had previously seen that reform as a crucial spur to the introduction and use of music,

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writing I now understand that view to be wrong or more than can be definitively argued on the basis of available evidence.

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As historians have often remarked, it's hardly necessary to wait for the exchanges between England and the continent

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engendered by the dynamism of reform to discover evidence of cultural exchange.

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In the first half of the century, this is extensive, including books moving across the channel in both directions,

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music notations written in England can be dated well before that reform got underway.

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A critical argument here, and you saw this picture last week,

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and this is the appearance of a distinctly English music script in an entry to

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the live rich missal made in the second quarter or middle of the 10th century,

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the musical notation is contemporary with the text, and they may indeed be by the same hand.

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So if you just watch and if you look at the word Redgate e.g. ligature.

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And then again, it's the same ligature.

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Not only is this the earliest extant source of this info, some, so they same runs taking its text from Sir Julius,

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but it's also the only source I've identified which continues to Julius text for the enjoyed verse,

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rather than replacing it with a some verse which was much more normal for an instrument.

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And you can see here I've written it out. That's the verse the Sir Julius.

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Whereas in this sauce, which is made initially a century later, you've got the standard.

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Some votes for a Virgin.

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So I think that the the using the to Julius as the verse is an indication of the relative antiquity of this entry in the the average missile.

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With this evidence of the use of an English music script at Christ Church alongside the Britain, other examples fall easily into place for Canterbury.

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These include the names written into rule in 1789 for a byfuglien from a book of office chants made at the end of the 10th century.

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And this is in one of the exhibition cases outside the room and you see how tiny it is a smaller music book could be now.

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Hartzell thought the text was working at Christ Church,

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but Jesse Billet has argued that the film was written at St Augustine's, and I'm not taking a place in this argument.

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But I can note that the notation matches that in the earlier India, for example, very well and is likely to have followed soon after the text.

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Music scripts were generally written one way at one institution.

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It's not to say that a trained cantor could not read notation written in music scripts with which he or she was unfamiliar.

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Indeed, since reading a musical notation depended on recall and recognition of the melody

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would have allowed a reader to understand individual signs and their placement.

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The whole process of reading the circular process of reading and thinking would

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have made any other rare or unusual script perfectly legible to a good musician.

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Nevertheless, the overall pattern both on the continent and in England is that individual senators wrote one music script.

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In contrast, there is clear evidence of the use of two entirely different music scripts

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in Canterbury at various times in the 10th century and early 11th centuries.

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An interesting example comes from St Augustine's. This entry that you can see here for three years was added in a copy of Beach Lights A Cuthbert,

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probably already at St Augustine's at the time the entries were made, but this text hand is English and dates from between 1000 and 10:30.

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The first notating scribe wrote an English music script but didn't get beyond the first syllable of the sixth word.

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Mean he didn't get very far to there. His task was taken over by a scribe writing in Britain music script.

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And what happened next is a little difficult to reconstruct. It looks as if passagers know tainted by the second music scribe was subsequently erased.

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But there's a whole lot of erasure there. And erased and reinstated by yet another scribe, again writing the brilliant script.

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It's a little bit complicated. And then on the next Recto, there's another musical entry again for all of us now.

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In this case, the text and looks more continental than English was a harmony of text,

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and music encourages the hypothesis that both were written by one hand at first sight.

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The script might be classified as the English version of the Frankish script, but a closer look reveals that the notation,

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although it's clearly the Frankish English script, is full of brittle behaviours.

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Above all, the way of writing successions of falling notes with a little vertical line pulled down from the lowest,

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as well as the use of Q, meaning a quality rather than e for another note at the same pitch.

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And this cue for equality is absolutely breath behaviour.

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Such a mixed notation does not represent an older type of script from which more distinct behaviours would develop, but quite the opposite.

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This is a mixture of ways of writing adopted from two distinct scripts.

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The musical additions in this manuscript cannot be definitively linked to Canterbury,

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but that possibility renders it at least possible to understand how a scribe might have ended up writing in such a mixed way.

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And anyone who knows it, but the historiography of news will know the description contact Norman used by Solomon Cooper.

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And these are contact Norman. With this curious example, we're almost at the end of country examples of Britain script.

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There's just one more in the Anderson Pontifical,

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which is a book made in the first quarter of the century at Christ first quarter of the 11th century at Christchurch.

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This pontifical has many passages of musical notation.

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Indeed, it has so many layers of marginal annotations, many with musical notation that it needs a study all of its own to sort them out.

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In the main text notation in English script was added for in true at Al Thani.

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That's done here. So this is not original to the making of the book, but it's probably written in shortly after, not very long after.

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And then you can see a marginal note again with English news,

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but very these are very silent and say, I mean, it's a very distinct hand because of the slant.

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And then words immediately above. Here.

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I can't find the words I was looking for, but anyway, you can see all of this.

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All of those notations in that it's just higher up the page are all mutated in Britain names.

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So by the time this book was made, the higher status of the Breton music script,

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as evidenced by its use in the Dunstan Pontifical and the collection of Saints services in holy one one one seven had surely been lost,

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giving way no to the English script as the main way of writing at Canterbury.

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So the Breton names are unlikely to have been written by an older scribe trained long before those who carried out the main work of notation.

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So that gives a very clear period of the changeover.

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As at many European centres, music writing was well established in Canterbury by the early decades of the 11th century.

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The making of books could involve some of the best Christ scribes,

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as revealed in fragments of an on Tiffany no know here in Oxford and in the British Library.

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These pages were written by a tech scribe who's been identified by Michael Skolnik as Bishop's Christchurch scribe,

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18, and I won't go into reciting which other books he made.

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But I mean, there's lots of these kinds of examples, and that identification links the making of the interview with the Christchurch survivors,

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including a charter dated one 2003 and the first life of St Cuthbert in hardly one one one seven.

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It's difficult to tell whether this tech scribe knew anything about the separation of syllables to allow for melodramatic elaboration in the melodies,

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but the sheer size of his text hand and the generous space left between words seems

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to have allowed the music scribe to fix the nuance in the long bellissima written up.

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The left hand margin here represents an alternative elaborated way of singing one simple conservatory.

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And whereas conservatory can see it, lost it completely. Is it there?

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The next two months. Thank you. There it is. Sorry.

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OK. It's for this syllable here, and it's just a very,

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very melodramatic way of singing it that probably the tax code would have never had any clue about that kind of musical practise.

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So it's just very clearly a musician who knows about it.

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He comes along and writes that in. See,

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Tiffany shows the work of only one of many music scribes discoverable in books made at Christ Church during the early decades of the 11th century.

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As I've said in the Anderson Pontifical, there are extensive notations made by different annotators.

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Although the Anderson Tech scribe did not make a great deal of Alone's musical elaboration,

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he was certainly conscious that he should occasionally leave space within a word.

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And I've just found some examples you can see there's a little that's very clearly a space in the middle of this whole son and here.

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So sometimes it worked five or 10 20s, Christchurch Tech scribes knew how to layout text well,

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the different music fans writing in the handful of manuscript sources which

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survive indicates that there was a high level of competence in music writing.

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Those same qualities can be traced through books located in the middle years of the century up to the third quarter,

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including fragments of an antigeno written by a text hand which resembles that of 80 percent with contemporary fine notation.

233
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And then it's a hymn or redemptive sing a common added to the Christmas in a benediction on Made at Christ Church.

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And I asked Jesse to record this Jesse Bennett, who sang last week and I asked him to record this, and if I can make it work, you can hear it.

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And what you're going to hear is this is a refrain you may come in the first

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verse Audi UDC's and then the refrain attempt to see if I can make it work.

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One. And to one at all named comes in and you.

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He joined us from our. What is this four oh, oh, oh, oh, oh oh, and and on on, uh, on the.

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Oh. And then it comes in and you.

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And of course, there's lots and lots more. It's a processional and hymn.

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At St Augustine's in the second and third quarters of the 11th century, music was also being written in this English music script.

242
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The Breton music script no longer abandoned the number of music notations,

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which can be independently attributed to St Augustine's for this period are not many,

244
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but there are enough to produce a clear picture of music writing at the Abbey.

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In this period, in a copy of Louis Theistic Consulates,

246
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Uni made it St Augustine's in the late 10th century and no inside the room in the

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exhibition cases of very fine manuscripts and many of the features were later annotated.

248
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Those notations probably date from the second quarter and century before the book,

249
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when the book was still at St Augustine's before it was transferred to Exeter.

250
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So in these three examples, do you actually see the work of three different scribes underlining the capacity of many to write musical notations,

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all three hands write clearly and cleanly. If you know some barracks work on both, yes, you know that he's recorded quite a lot of these melodies.

252
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More notations for previous verses appear in a collection of songs copied Miss 11th century at Canterbury.

253
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Here again, at least two and probably three scribes are at work.

254
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Even taking care to add a second notice, a second, quite different way of singing newbie, at least these two.

255
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And in fact, the recording I had to listen to Sam's recording with Ben Bagby singing in it, this is the one that they say, not this one.

256
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And. And another St. Augustine's example is the sequence fierceness marches was added to a book which had at some point

257
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in the second half of the century reached St. Augustine's new cards at the entry as late 11:30 12th century.

258
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Thin,

259
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so this evidence is it allows us to follow a well-established practise continuing through the second quarter towards the end of the 11th century.

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But there's much more of interest since I've deliberately kept aside a significant body of evidence

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associated with just one takes crime in passages copied in the last two decades of the century.

262
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We begin to encounter a series of musical notations some short entries.

263
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Others more substantial, all linked with one text hand describes.

264
00:32:19,660 --> 00:32:32,200
Writing is already familiar to many since he copied a Supplementary Note Corpus 270 edited and published with pictures in 1896.

265
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This book can be dated after 10 '91.

266
00:32:37,210 --> 00:32:49,670
And here is the same tech scribe again copying a charter of 11 10 on a page no binder at the back office into custody gospels to the caucus sacrament,

267
00:32:49,670 --> 00:32:55,330
she Tim Bishop added seven further instances of this scribes work.

268
00:32:55,330 --> 00:33:05,260
Richard Jamison has added more, and Michael Gulick has assembled a list of over 20 manuscripts copied all or in part by the scribe.

269
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He was certainly prolific and can be seen working from the 10 eighties through to the early decades of the 12th century.

270
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Night, a musical notations. This scribe wrote the first two lines on this page.

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That then follows a series of chants copied by other hands progressively of lower quality as you go down the page.

272
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It was probably a pedagogical exercise. The first scribe setting a model for text size and spacing in the copying of a chant.

273
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The writing of his first student on lines three to six, so these lines.

274
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It's extremely close to the model.

275
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I haven't no doubt the musical notation separately, I didn't give a separate number to describe because it's so like it,

276
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but it is probable that Scribe B did no Typekit his own work. There is then, so that's one example where he's clearly in charge.

277
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Then there's another example where it looks like his musical notation, but not his text.

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So then one sees the possibility that this scribe notated the work of other tech scribes.

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But there's one really extensive bit of writing, both text and music by describe,

280
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and it's in this office for Mellitus, the third Archbishop of Canterbury.

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This office is copied is found at the front of a book containing the history of fragrance of leisure, which this scribe also copied.

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Now I could waxed lyrical about the qualities of this tech scribe as a scribe for liturgical texts.

283
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The use of capital to divide parts of the texts which I've never seen in any

284
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other scribes work the very well judge spacing for my listeners and so on.

285
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He was expert and careful. But actually, what I'm going to talk about is chronology.

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There are several direct links between the leader's office and the veto committee to

287
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spy on copied in a collection of Godzilla's work by this same St. Augustine scribe.

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Bosnia has settled at St Augustine's in or very soon after, 10 eighty nine.

289
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His life of mellitus consists largely of extracts from beads, ecclesiastical history with some extensions.

290
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Part of Beats narrative tells how the archbishop prevented the fury of a conflagration which had spread over Canterbury,

291
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but he prevented it from destroying those places which were in its path and merely by his presence caused the flames to cease.

292
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Before Gosnells chapter based on beat ends, a new passage not indeed present six senators.

293
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These begin flying man who runs all them, Melita Credit Warren.

294
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A fire devouring the city gives honour to mellitus.

295
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The first three of these Leontyne cemeteries were fashioned into a response tree for the night office.

296
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The third beginning Flamin from composite used for the verse, with a rep tandem indication to go back to the second beginning at centavo to.

297
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The next three summit is beginning Ardern's agony were used as a response to at second vespers.

298
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And yet another three weeks in which a passage again found as an expansion of beads text in gospel

299
00:36:59,830 --> 00:37:08,220
vitae became the basis for another response three this time of idolatrous treatment of the Eucharist.

300
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The sharing of these passages between the data and the office does not in itself demonstrate that gooseneck composed the office.

301
00:37:16,950 --> 00:37:20,940
Far from it. Indeed, without the help of a philologist,

302
00:37:20,940 --> 00:37:28,530
I cannot guess whether the composition of the office might or might not predate his work on the Midnighters veto.

303
00:37:28,530 --> 00:37:35,760
But the sharing between the office and the media is at least suggestive.

304
00:37:35,760 --> 00:37:45,390
In terms of dating the military's office, a more decisive argument is provided by a passage in prose sung as the 11th

305
00:37:45,390 --> 00:37:52,050
response of the night office military Tongans from some of it watching them.

306
00:37:52,050 --> 00:38:01,260
One touching mellitus reliquary cured his eye, Olivia, applying his touch as an unknown to the sickness.

307
00:38:01,260 --> 00:38:06,330
He cured his eye. With this miracle story,

308
00:38:06,330 --> 00:38:13,950
the office draws on an entirely different historical layer of information about the Saint for this challenge is

309
00:38:13,950 --> 00:38:24,030
about an event which took place in September 10 91 during the translation of the first six Archbishop of Canterbury.

310
00:38:24,030 --> 00:38:27,900
They're relics were moved from the old portico of St. Gregory,

311
00:38:27,900 --> 00:38:37,470
where they had lived since the 7th century into new tombs in the east end of the new Abbey of St. Augustine's to use Richard Sharp's words.

312
00:38:37,470 --> 00:38:49,200
These translations were accomplished during one dynamic so dramatic and exhilarating week in September 10 91.

313
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On one day, as governor relates at some length, an important miracle involving mellitus took place a soldier who's right,

314
00:38:58,920 --> 00:39:08,370
I had been possessed by a carbuncle, tried to reach Augustine's tomb, but was held back by the crowd.

315
00:39:08,370 --> 00:39:18,480
Desperate for physical contact with the. He pressed forward, panting so that he might reach out to touch his only remedy, Augustine.

316
00:39:18,480 --> 00:39:27,330
But the crowd held him back and reaching his arm over the crowd he only managed to touch by the tip of his fingers.

317
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The very end of a pool on which a beer for mellitus relics was carried immediately as he cried, O Holy Agustin, help me.

318
00:39:37,680 --> 00:39:48,390
The carbuncle fell from the disease died as if it had been scraped away by the very best ointment.

319
00:39:48,390 --> 00:39:58,860
It's a good story as a good biographer, Ferguson, it had to reflect on whether the miracle should be attributed to a and or two litres.

320
00:39:58,860 --> 00:40:03,930
And he explains that both should receive the honour because the sick man had been seeking a

321
00:40:03,930 --> 00:40:11,260
gustin as he found an elitist and have been touching mellitus in the place of Augustine.

322
00:40:11,260 --> 00:40:16,390
Here in Ten Ninety One was a new miracle story for us.

323
00:40:16,390 --> 00:40:22,470
And this was used to create the ultimate response in the night of this.

324
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Even if we do not know by whom the leader's office was composed or when the incorporation of this miracle

325
00:40:29,850 --> 00:40:40,140
shows beyond doubt that the entry at the front of Caucus 267 must have been made after September 10 91.

326
00:40:40,140 --> 00:40:49,860
This provides an unexpectedly and I have to say extraordinarily surprisingly late date for this traditional English music script.

327
00:40:49,860 --> 00:40:56,170
I just didn't believe it. I used to think this was third quarter of the 11th century.

328
00:40:56,170 --> 00:41:03,490
I've set it here beside an antique, and I meet in Canterbury in the middle of this century, to all intents and purposes,

329
00:41:03,490 --> 00:41:09,550
these music scripts look very similar, and there's really only one significant aspect in which they differ,

330
00:41:09,550 --> 00:41:13,150
which I'm going to come back to in a few minutes.

331
00:41:13,150 --> 00:41:25,060
In contrast, by the last decade of the century, music writing at Christchurch had changed radically, demonstrably as a result of Norman influence.

332
00:41:25,060 --> 00:41:30,490
And that is the main focus of the next lecture for Day for Today is enough that I just

333
00:41:30,490 --> 00:41:39,790
signalled that music writing at the two Canterbury houses had now taken quite different paths.

334
00:41:39,790 --> 00:41:43,780
Well, this divergence in approaches to music writing at the two Canterbury crisis,

335
00:41:43,780 --> 00:41:49,540
after a long period of consistency and sometimes close identity can be observed.

336
00:41:49,540 --> 00:42:00,490
I have no idea how to explain it. There's no question about the exposure of the monks of St Augustine's to normal music writing long before 10 '91.

337
00:42:00,490 --> 00:42:05,320
The noises you see here in a book which was at St Augustine's at the time,

338
00:42:05,320 --> 00:42:16,450
the entries were made by scribes writing distinctive text and music, hence identifiable both text and music hands as formal submission.

339
00:42:16,450 --> 00:42:26,050
Such scribes probably came to St Augustine's in the retinue of Scotland, who had left Mozambique to become a bit of St Augustine's in turn 72.

340
00:42:26,050 --> 00:42:36,180
He died in ten eighty seven. And then the last of these entries include one written in letter notation,

341
00:42:36,180 --> 00:42:43,740
which is a way of writing music much cultivated in Norman centres at this time, but not in England.

342
00:42:43,740 --> 00:42:48,180
In the face of new possibilities and the power that lay behind them,

343
00:42:48,180 --> 00:42:55,080
the monks of Saint Augustine seem not to have replaced their own music scripts with new normal practises.

344
00:42:55,080 --> 00:43:04,520
But to have been tenacious long after the conquest of 10 66 in their retention of a purely English music script.

345
00:43:04,520 --> 00:43:10,340
There's just one sense in which this way of writing an old script has been altered from earlier practise.

346
00:43:10,340 --> 00:43:18,860
And that change merits attention because it will significantly enhance our understanding of late 11th century music writing

347
00:43:18,860 --> 00:43:28,040
practise at St Augustine's and I'm sorry this disc that you have to concentrate on in the old Frankish English script.

348
00:43:28,040 --> 00:43:33,110
The first news for every syllable were written at the same level above the text

349
00:43:33,110 --> 00:43:38,600
without relation to how high or low the notes they represented were to be sung.

350
00:43:38,600 --> 00:43:47,950
It's got nothing to do with pitch. You just always come down to the same level to begin a new syllable and then you'll see.

351
00:43:47,950 --> 00:43:52,970
It comes down and then as you have more names to write on the syllable, it just goes up.

352
00:43:52,970 --> 00:43:55,770
So that's the next slide you can see.

353
00:43:55,770 --> 00:44:04,940
So I can just tell you, but you're going to hear it in the minute that this behaviour going up the page, it's got nothing to do with pitch.

354
00:44:04,940 --> 00:44:11,820
It's just the way it's written. Right.

355
00:44:11,820 --> 00:44:23,520
What I have got is Jesse recorded this for me, and we just just try and follow up what I think you should hear is that.

356
00:44:23,520 --> 00:44:27,420
The pictures on the red level are all different.

357
00:44:27,420 --> 00:44:31,650
High and low and middle, it comes back to a kind of tonic all the time,

358
00:44:31,650 --> 00:44:41,850
but I'm you will particularly hear these these kind of notes going down within this here for Mayo,

359
00:44:41,850 --> 00:44:52,740
which I'm sorry, that's a gene which the printer print. But anyway, the point is that that that passage goes way down, whereas look, the names go up.

360
00:44:52,740 --> 00:45:12,020
So see what you can follow. All may or may not.

361
00:45:12,020 --> 00:45:20,610
And today it's.

362
00:45:20,610 --> 00:45:31,360
And. Mark?

363
00:45:31,360 --> 00:45:42,490
And it's all. 70 or.

364
00:45:42,490 --> 00:45:53,610
And, you know, Anthony. Oh.

365
00:45:53,610 --> 00:46:08,930
Oh, oh, oh.

366
00:46:08,930 --> 00:46:11,000
So thank you, Jesse,

367
00:46:11,000 --> 00:46:24,200
and the notations for the leader's office show much greater concern with the provision of information about pitch than that mid 11th century example.

368
00:46:24,200 --> 00:46:32,750
Individual rooms are relative ized rather than begun at the same horizontal level and where the scribe wanted to write higher on the page,

369
00:46:32,750 --> 00:46:39,400
but could not. He simply advised the reader, as you can see here with a.

370
00:46:39,400 --> 00:46:45,780
Queue for equality. It's he's just queue like a cliff.

371
00:46:45,780 --> 00:46:52,770
And that advises that the new begins at the same pitch as the previous one, this treatment of news was not new in the 90s.

372
00:46:52,770 --> 00:47:01,170
English clubs had been doing this since the middle of the century. But the extent to which this scribe has used this possibility of movement is far

373
00:47:01,170 --> 00:47:09,180
greater than in any other example I have seen in this English music script.

374
00:47:09,180 --> 00:47:16,320
In juxtaposed examples of more or less contemporary Christchurch and St Augustine's music writing,

375
00:47:16,320 --> 00:47:23,670
you can see this movement of names within the space over the text exploited also in the Christchurch regime.

376
00:47:23,670 --> 00:47:33,720
The point is that this very good St. Augustine scribe was entirely up to date in terms of his understanding of what musical notation could do,

377
00:47:33,720 --> 00:47:40,770
and he was deliberately extending its support of recall with more visual information.

378
00:47:40,770 --> 00:47:48,360
Besides being able to write both text and music with considerable style, he was also well qualified musically,

379
00:47:48,360 --> 00:47:56,040
and he had certainly seen recent examples of music written by incoming Normans and probably also from Christchurch.

380
00:47:56,040 --> 00:48:02,700
But he went on intermittently, writing a traditional English script, conserving voodoo practise.

381
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And that's the end of today's story, and we pick it up again on Thursday.