Like. Good evening, everyone, and thank you so much for coming to this last night.
I hope you get some pleasure out of this.
This, for me, was the one that was the most fun to write and for a start to thank again, my senior Benedict Turner,
who's come to Cambridge today on all sorts of trains that got stopped in all sorts of places to thank you for coming.
And you might have noticed we've got some Typekit for the manuscripts.
This is the main one I'm going to talk about today and and we're being alive to send a bit of time with this nice, good stuff to the lecture.
So no questions. Today I got two questions and we'll have a bit of time soon after,
after we finished whatever it happens and then you can come round the most often talk about.
Good, why not just change the site?
Oh, I'm sorry to hear that one has one of gosh and I what had worn, no, I saw this money, you know, she just put her off hand and you know.
Thank you. And they sing to the Queen of Heaven with one voice mind and both offer praise is to St. Mary on high.
Say you.
This little song celebrating Mary's assumption into heaven belongs to a type of composition in which a new text was created for a pre-existing melody.
These progeny could be added to all manner of elaborate chants, including office responses, mass and you guess.
And as here, must offer trees, crucially,
are one of the many categories of composition which allowed individual contours
to extend the old inherited Gregorian chant for the production of eternity.
Chile Originally, there is only one source in a manuscript which belonged to St Augustine's Canterbury,
but the scribe who wrote the pressure to hear came from one submission.
The appointment of Scott Landis from one submission as abbot of St Augustine's in or 1970 provides a clear background to this addition.
This scribes first entry before the offertory practitioner was a new allegory for the feast of Mary Magdalene of a Paradise Vernons,
for this, there are other concordance is including the Canterbury term gradual coasting five five six.
The pattern of transmission of the other years of this alleluia suggests that it was a norman composition,
one of many contributions to liturgy for the maintenance feast, which can be traced to Normandy in the second half of the 11th century.
The presence in England after the conquest of 10 Sixty-Six of many incoming musicians is underlined by the high number of entries
of this kind written in a non-English music script and or bringing new liturgical chant or other kinds of songs across the channel.
In a collection of late, antique and mediaeval poetry made at Canterbury in the middle 11th century and probably belonging to St Augustine's,
a late 11th century handwriting, Norman News has added a melody for a Texan, which is.
Yet as the notation for the Easter exalted in a manuscript from Sherburne and later Salisbury indicates the
incoming musicians were not all Normans hear a distinctly German hand has written the musical notation.
Nevertheless, the vast majority of the newly arriving musicians were Normans, as, for example, the note to those who wrote notations in a hymnal,
which I think was by monks coming with and frank from the abbey of Back to Christchurch, Canterbury.
One of the most interesting examples of musical notation, obviously written by an incumbent,
is in a manuscript made it Durham in the late 11th century,
and I'm just going to walk over and say this is one of the main contents of the five nine six beats prose and verse slice of Cuthbert written out,
lubricated and decorated by Simeon, a monk of Jarrow and Durham known for his historical writing.
He later became cantor at Durham Cathedral.
Immediately following simians work and on leaves which are integral with the beat material and never had an independent existence.
A contemporary continental text hand added a life and office of Julian of the.
At first sight, the notation of the office is confusing. It has three separate notations, two of whom wrote a normal pneumatic notation.
And a third the main notation. He writes an odd kind of Breton notation.
This odd Breton notation was identified by Michele Iglu as written in several manuscripts from the Diocese of Limon, home of the Cult of St. Julien.
Since William of St. Kelley came directly from the Monastery of St. Vincent in the month to Durham intensity,
the presence of a music scribe writing a little more notation at Durham is not to be wondered at.
It's obvious from the passages and amount written by each of the three scribes that
this liminal scribe was the most competent and probably in charge of the work.
Thus, he allied and a scribe, writing no menus to notate the relatively simple melodies for the opening and taverns.
But as soon as it got to the more elaborate responses he took over.
There's evidence of another Norman Notato working at Durm describe brutality of a parody for Mary Magdalene the
same year which was added to St Augustine's manuscript by escape from on submission the text hand of this term,
Alleluia. And she was identified by sharply in a series of different books, including Obits in the Durham Cantors,
book a list of names in the LIBOR Viti and several charges following Michael Garlic's work.
This scribe is likely to have been William, who wrote this call often,
and he worked for William of St Culley during his exile in ten eighty eight to 10 ninety one.
And this William, the scribe, probably accompanied Sinclair on his return to Durham in ten ninety three.
Confronted with extensive evidence for the arrival in Post Conquest England of musicians trained in various parts of Europe,
we're bound to consider in what ways their musical practise had an impact.
It's not that influence from the continent was in any way a new feature of English cultural life after the conquest throughout these lectures.
There have been multiple references to the adoption from abroad long before the conquest of
ceremonies or elements within ceremonies not to speak of the frequent exchange of individual chats.
However, a notable characteristic of those examples was the absorption into an essentially English liturgy of foreign material,
presumably intended to improve the articulation and success of ritual.
It was never the wholesale setting aside and replacement of English practise.
After the conquest, William the Conqueror took an active interest in the affairs of the Angel Norman Church and
acted quickly to control its hierarchy in the form of appointments to Bishopbriggs and abysses.
Those new leaders brought from Normandy and beyond were often recruited from Duke William's immediate circle.
10 of the bishops he appointed had been royal clerks, and nearly all were of high birth.
Some may have been knowledgeable about liturgical practise and interested in its detail.
Frank of Beck is the obvious example. While others simply brought with them the customs and observances of the house from which they came.
At least that was how David knows viewed this layer of cultural transfer news.
Few was well-supported by the colourful and well-known story of it.
Thurston, who in turn 81 or 83,
provoked the killing of two monks and wounding of 14 others when attempting to impose the chant practises of at Glastonbury.
Yet even that Canterbury, we do not find evidence for the abandonment of old liturgical books and their wholesale replacement.
The idea that new customs were imposed from one day to the next would be simplistic.
It's also likely that in such a technically specialised component of the liturgy as singing, not many of the incoming leaders would be qualified.
And with us dependent on others to ensure good practise leaving space for negotiation.
So the important question for me today is whether beyond the fact of the arrival of foreign musicians,
evidenced by individual entries in English books, whether we can learn more about the impact of the conquest on musical practise.
In the last lecture, I demonstrated a process of change in music.
Writing at Canterbury, new forms of script emerged as the result of new attitudes to what should be recorded in writing,
but was wholesale change in ways of writing music more widely experienced and where foreign ways of singing the liturgy
assimilated into essentially local English liturgies or where there was literature is altered in more drastic fashion.
Today, we're going to explore that second question.
Through the work of just one scribe, having just accused Don David Knowles of inappropriate generalisation,
I have to try not to make the same mistake.
Yet the scribe I'm going to talk about today was so evidently dominant in the situation in which he found himself that we can
win from one case study an entirely new idea of how the conquest could bring change to musical practise in one institution.
I'd really like to open the book, surely that's not going to happen, we'll see him at the end.
Let me first just show pictures of this one. Scribes work in the Winchester Trooper Bodley seven, seven five.
So on this page, she's notating courier troops.
This is another example where he added text and music for an alleluia for the feast of the purification.
This is the right in the middle of the page here. I mean, that's the oath layer of the manuscript written 10 14 years, probably.
In a third entry, he sent a text and music for an unused truth.
It's immediately apparent that this scribe was a good musical scribe, able to manipulate names in ways which clarify the content of his writing.
So you can see here. I mean, this is an extraordinarily careful feat of nuance that he wrote,
and one form of the new four just a normal step down of a tone and a longer tune for my method.
That's really that's really careful. Then we've got the meaning that we talked about on Thursday.
You can see it there, and he does tend to use the medium a lot. Um, indicating the note above is a semitone away.
And later, you can see this careful reconfiguration.
So da da da dum. So he shows that that note at the top.
And that note at the bottom of this note in between. It's really, really carefully done.
We saw that kind of distortion in Canterbury.
Notations onThursday know a little bit of Palio graphic because I think you have to believe me that this is a scribe.
That one can recognise typical characteristics of the scribes.
Way of writing news include here you can see the single note with a head and a slightly slanted tail.
Then there's the sign for two rising notes with a long first stroke along the bottom
angled away from the horizontal and the rest made up as if it were a single note.
And then the two ways we've just seen writing and the sine sign for two descending notes.
So we have this squared form, which I've put in in green circles.
And the second version, which is in red circles where it's either rounded at the top or just a little bit of a hook at the top.
And that always indicates a larger interval.
Now, amongst the most notable of his habits, one of the things that when you open a book and you just see a page, you think, well, that's him.
Is this sign the risk? A sign because he writes it gigantic.
There's very few scribes and well, you'll see a few later who do it this way.
But this is an unusual size for that sign. That's a sign that means repeat the note.
So any one of those signs that goes through them?
And then he writes the this, because with an extra descending tick, making it requests,
and that's because it's in science where you've got this any vocalist who Eight-Hour night,
you've got to get from the ah to the end, and that's the liquid inside that you write into onto a human sign.
And again, it wasn't a risk. I've never seen it before.
I saw this. So he's insistent about putting the me sign in any in any situation.
And here are I mean, here's the simple me sign the bottom of three notes.
There's the me sign in two rising notes here, and I don't know any other scratching that's done this.
This is a sign which is colloquialism let's not worry what it means, but he's actually integrated the ME sign into the charisma.
And finally, he often uses the letter E! To mean equality.
That's just a simple means of resetting the pitch level to give himself more space as later scopes would change cliffs.
This this is quite easily understood. He wants to say here this letter.
This note is the same pictures that note. Why did you have to move it up?
It's because he wanted to have three notes descending here. He knew he was getting to lower notes, so he needed that name to go up the page.
In order to give you an idea of how distinctive this hand is, let me set it aside.
Two other Norman Hans in the same book I'm going to call this scribe, which will become clear eventually why I'm calling him.
So, no, this is the First Folio of the of the book as it is now.
So writing on what is now the First Folio of the book and thus physically very close to the work of art.
This other hand, wrote the same kind of music script and was as interested in the vertical placement of his signs,
including many times using the letter E. But he had only one way of writing this fine for two descending notes, which is rendered or hooked,
whatever you want to call it, but not that drawn across squared sign. And here's the question to risk.
This is actually rather different from ours, and his work is just much less tidy.
I mean, it's just clear when you look at the page, it's not the same scribe.
And then this is another Norman hand writing in the sequence collection towards the end of the book.
This notation is even more like that written by R. It really takes a little bit of work to work out that it's not the same,
but it is given away by small details, such as the risk a not.
If you look over there, you'll see it's really quite different to I mean, this is smaller as this,
but you do get the sense of that bigger risk that writes the NE sign is different and you just eventually get there that it's different,
a different hand. No, there's one more juxtaposition that matters to my identification of this scribe.
This is a missile. No in Le Havre made in the third quarter of the 11th century at the new minster in Winchester.
It is an English book and I don't think it was ever in use in Normandy, but somehow rather it got back there.
The notating hand is unquestionably related to our hand, even if it seems less controlled.
This scribe shares many of the new shapes written by R, but there's no squared to descending note sight,
only to try the triangular or rounded form and no way of differentiating a normal old idea from a normal from a large interval.
And this is, I think, going to be the clearest difference like, ah, he also incorporates the design into other news,
but the angle of the me part of the new is much more slanted than in his writing.
Now here's a risk is again large in its proportions.
I mean, it's gigantic, but I haven't found the question to risk.
It's in his work, a tool.
It's difficult to say much about vertical placement in relation to pitch, given the extent to which there was little space for this scribe to work in.
It's a book not really prepared for musical notation, so it's really, really kind of scorched in his possibilities.
But there are occasions as here at the end of a chain saw in where I doubt that scribe would have written the end of those new Sohi.
I mean, it's the kind of old system going up. And I doubt very much that I would have gone up when the music goes down.
So that and the fact that the process of squaring of all signs is less had funds in describes work than an hour's work.
That suggests to me that this is an older scribe. I think we see here a scribe trained in the same Norman script tourism as, Oh,
I haven't told you yet why I know it's a Norman script touring, but we'll get there.
I think this is a script change in the Norman Skittering Azhar, and he probably came from that institution to Winchester at the same time as our.
Now I'm going to take you along the road,
I travelled in some amazement finding this music scribe working in other manuscripts in this sequence of images.
It's just the music, no teaching hand with which I'm concerned, not the text ones, because that's another complicated story.
OK. On the end of manuscript associated with Winchester Oceans State, Bodley one to six.
Sitting here? There are groups of office tenants, including an office for St. Catherine.
Here you see both the same uniforms as in ours, work in the Winchester trooper and the same ways of writing.
There are two ways of writing a sign for two to sending notes both square and right, and the very distinctive click question to discuss.
And the sign for two is sending notes beginning with a minion. And in addition, this scribes way of writing,
of moving the news in the space between lines closely mirrors the work of scribe in the
trooper taking care to indicate pitch directions more closely than in more old fashioned work.
So, yeah, this is a nice example here.
You see, he doesn't. He doesn't go up as previous scribes did.
He comes really unrelentingly done. And here you can see.
Oh, done. And so this is certainly the same scribe as the trooper.
No, the entire pits of the responses for this Katherine office appear in the margins of pages
in a holy manuscript set beside passages of the Katherine visitor to which they relate.
And you can see the menu. Yes, there's the meaning there.
And you can see the two forms of risk is plain in the crescent and the minimum shapes.
I mean, again, he's had to write in a very scorched way.
So the fact that it's a little bit less fine than the other manuscripts, I don't think is a problem.
Next, in a manuscript now in New York, there's an office for St. Farinas.
This sits in a book which has long been associated with St. Albans. But these are new forms and the same ways of writing them.
And in fact, it's not complicated to explain this.
The Bahrani's office is bound in an independently values at the back of the and Albans manuscript,
and there's no relation at all between the notation written for the St. Aldon office,
which is of the old English kind, as you see on the left and that of the Bahrani's Office on the Right, but just completely different.
The remix of Berenice where in Winchester Cathedral?
And it's not difficult to imagine that the libellous had been made at Winchester and sent to some.
That adds up to material now bound into three separate manuscripts in addition to the trophy.
A further example consists as in bodily 775 of additions to an existing chant Book The Little Winchester Trooper Now in Cambridge.
The size of this book was would have forced any scribe to write in a smaller module than usual, deforming his usual duties.
But I'm fairly sure that this is Scribe R. And there are other places in the book where the notation is also probably his.
The two Tropas Bodley, seven, seven five and Cambridge four seven three were iBooks made at Winchester,
the little one, probably in the ten toes the large body book, probably in the ten forties.
Both were used well into the second half of the century and both have extensive editions.
The main part of the one to six, which contains Paul Marius DeVita contemplative air,
was I was copied by a scribe identified by Michael Golic as working in four other manuscripts, all probably from Winchester.
Finally, the gathering in this and all these manuscripts, which contains a Bahrani's office,
could have been copied at Winchester and sent to St. Albans.
There's really no serious challenge to the hypothesis that this scribe was working at Winchester.
Yet he was not writing the old English music script here at the top of the page.
You see the work of one of the original TROPAS scribes and then in the middle of the page,
an additions made at some point in the third quarter of the 11th century.
And both of these scribes wrote the old English script.
What appears below is annotated in a music script associated with Norman's, whether written by Norman's alternate filing describes from Norman's.
So it comes as no surprise to discover a manuscript made in Normandy and unlikely ever to have been out of France.
Notated in precisely the same kind of music script.
I should say this manuscript is absolutely tiny, but this size with forgotten how many lines on the page 20 lines, but it's just these.
This is really tiny writing, which is why it's it doesn't come up very well in the production.
So this bravery now in the Bibliotheque Nacional de France includes literature for Saints, extrovert Fonthill and beyond.
And there's an obvious connexion to rhythm, but no one has managed to pin down the origin of the book.
Beyond that, it's only notated in parts. But those passages that are notated reveal the work of a trained musician since he took care to chance.
No chance that were rare or where someone might easily make a mistake.
It's just like the leaf richness that I talked about in the first lecture in the whole book.
That's just one office for which food notation is provided, and that is for Saint Catherine.
The justification for this is simply that the Katherine office was a recent composition.
This kind of written record would have supported its fixing in the memory of singers for whom it was new.
At this point, the most important conclusion to be drawn is that scrollbar undescribed of the new minister missle, Le Havre 330,
were trained in the same script to him as the scribe who wrote Notation in the prudery and that takes us directly to war room.
And the year turns 70. The date of the appointment of Wakelin accountant of the Cathedral of Room as Bishop of Winchester in
the Line-Up of Winchester manuscripts annotated by scribe and the new Minster Missal Music scribe.
We are apparently looking at the work of known musicians who came with Wakelin from that part of Normandy.
The hypothesis that we can see the work of Norman Music scribes in these Winchester manuscripts is strongly supported
by the identification by Michael McCulloch of one of the RE1 preachers tech scribes in a series of English books.
In the bravery, this scribe copied folios one to three each.
But he also copied the Katherine Vitae in Hartley 12 and the contents page in a Trinity College manuscript and others to which I shall return.
The room briefly represents describes early work and can be placed before 10 17.
Now you can imagine that Michael and I have spent a fair amount of time working out the relationship between the music
scribe that I have named our for rhythm and the text scribe he has traced in the Norman bravery under the English books,
even though the music scribe often rotates passages written by other tech scribes.
There are enough places where the same text hunt and the same music can't appear together
for it to become clear to us that this is one and the same person in a publication,
I would dedicate space to demonstrating that. But I think for today, you've already had to sift through enough Palio, Griffey,
and I want to go on and explore the musical practise that this scribe brought to Winchester.
The first gathering in Fort Lee 775 was added long after the main manuscript had been completed.
The old opening page on the right hand side about as grand as it ever gets in a chant
book was hidden behind at least seven new folios on these new in this new gathering,
a new repertory of ordinary tropes with 17 for the curious and three for the Gloria was copied.
The new beginning of the book was on the new folio to Richter with the trope Take restÉ Suplexes,
which was a traditional Norman beginning to a curious collection.
And on the left, you simply see, I mean, it's a really bad picture of a fragment of a Norman troop,
of which is in the British Library now and the individual melodic elements of this tropes set.
We're already known at Winchester. But in a different text version which began three-State freedom to what I've tried to do here is using
colour to show you how the how the old and the new versions relate because that melody gets texted.
That's the tax inversion, so if you just follow through the colour, you'll see which which passages on the left relate to which passages on the right.
Perhaps the most notable difference between the newer and the older versions is the absence of the melodramatic kiri and crusty invocations.
The Norman version is texted throughout, with the base text represented simply by nine phrases,
each ending Ellie's on the implication of this way of writing I.
The truth is that the untested theory and christie invocations between text and elements had been eliminated from performance,
and I think that's the view of David Heidi, who knows more about this repertoire than anybody else.
I mean, it's quite clear that you could at the end of a texted version, stop and sing that melody.
But I think David has arguments for the just being left out in the late, 11th and 12th centuries.
Take Christie's was known all over Europe. The next career theory come practicum was also quite widely known, but like Christie,
had not been part of the pre conquest repertory preserved in the winter.
So trophies. This pattern of lack of presence in the pre conquest repertory but wide distribution in Post Conquest England,
as well as in books, is common to much of what follows.
Most telling, however, are the key areas which are not found in many other books at all.
As the dissemination narrows, it becomes restricted to post Conquest England, Normandy and Normans Sicily,
as is the case for AKPATA ex-Chelsea or as for Kiri Kiri Guinea to Rex restricted to just one other source.
In this case, a fragment of a Norman trooper or the texture may simply be an unequal.
A new text composed for a melody already known. So this is the old part of the trope, and this is a new text for that melody.
Even though the Gloria repertory is smaller, consisting of only three tropes says these follow the same pattern.
All are disseminated in Post Conquest, England and or Normandy, but not before the conquest.
No, let's just have a quick look at hands involved in copying this new repertory of ordinary tropes.
Leaving aside the additions on the First Folio and the Alleluia at the end,
all of which post-state the rest of the gathering, there were seven different text scribes.
The First D had the largest task, while the other tech scribes copied only one or two troupes each.
Then there were four music scribes of whom are was the first copying from folio to rector through folios
three five six and ending on the current for their MSbAnd at the point where are stopped on for rector.
So there's a clear hiatus, probably the next music scribe who was certainly an Englishman because he wrote English notation.
There. He didn't understand how to write a melody, which he already knew in relation to an entirely new text, and he just stopped.
Then the last four troops on this first suit.
These are all written out by these are notated by two scribes in a notation which would be properly described as Anglo Continental,
suggesting that these were younger scribes than the preceding one.
They're basically writing an English notation,
but they have absorbed some behaviours at the Norman notation and then on the next trip to the colonial troops are started work again.
So here you see not only his inimitable notating hand, but also that he corrected the work of tech scribes.
As he entered the notation, so in this gathering, a total of the total 12 pages used when first prepared scribe are notated 10.
Now, let me summarise these observations on the preparation of this opening gathering.
There's a large number of tech scribes are himself correct.
Their work are undertakes extensive musical work and other music scribes undertake very little assembling this evidence.
It's difficult to envisage the position of scribes or as anything other than being in charge.
And what he set out to achieve in the first gathering is a complete refashioning of the repertory of career troops to be sung at Winchester.
Many chose not previously knowing that the cathedral were introduced,
and there was also a new composition mainly of neutral text to previously unknown melodies in the
concentration on text rather than on textured musical expression and the habitual removal of messages,
muttered Kiri and Christie invocations. He was also imposing a new way of performing ordinary tropes.
There's one other champ repertory in the body trooper with which the incoming Normans were much engaged.
This was the sequences which take up 60 out of 190 folios in the Big Trooper.
I don't mean the Norman sequence roughly the whole sequence.
Jeopardy shepherding the old bit, something you've got to take up a third of the manuscript.
This repertory was subjected to two separate campaigns of alteration, so first through the addition of new pieces.
And I've shown you here on the left, a new piece which was notated by, well,
the text and the music were added by this scribe in honour of Saint Benedict.
And then the other campaign of alteration I was on the right was a process of notation on
lines where the old English notation has been erased and replaced by names and lines.
The first campaign of extension probably dates from the 70s to 80s,
and the re notation of older pieces must belong in the years after eleven hundred
before talking about our work with sequences with which I shall and the lecture.
Let me briefly go back to the Saints offices of the Barinas office.
We know little and there's no other source. It's completely on transcribe it all.
But it's worth noting that this office includes the response suite based on a miracle,
which is not part of Beats Count in the third book of the ecclesiastical history,
narrating the restoration of the site and voice of a woman previously blind and dumb.
That miracle appears for the first time in extant texts in a veto which has been dated by Michael Roughage and Rosalind Love in the late 11th century.
For the Katherine office, copied body one, two six,
there's more to say since there's evidence of a great deal of activity around this Saints coat, both at Winchester and on the European continent.
Study of the various offices composed for Katherine is being undertaken by James Plesner.
Today, I offer plenty of graphical observations without comment on content is a complicated story.
Lucina has argued that the office written out and bodily 5:59 was composed in England.
Holography can neither support nor dispute this,
but it's certain that the texts in the Bodley office are entirely different from that of two other families of Katherine offices.
These are his three families for one of those families,
which is only known and for many manuscripts, the earliest extant source is a Norman Sicilian book.
It's the second family. And then we have another family, which is the which one of my going to talk about first.
And yeah, the one. The bottom, the third family, Norman German.
That is an office which is in the and bravery that we've looked at and is thought to have been composed by a German born monk called Inad,
who was at one time a member of the community of St Catherine Dumont, which is a Benedictine monastery close to Rome.
And then there's the version that said one two six, which is actually the most widely transmitted.
At this point, it's worth remembering that my scribe ah was trained in music, writing in the same place as the new teacher of the Roman bravery.
Let me go back aside. So from these one and three, you've got the two manuscripts where two scribes from the same place.
That suggests that we might consider the Katherine office copied in bodily one six
as having been composed by someone who knew the office copied in the pre theory.
But for whatever reasons, wanted to make a new one. That act of composition could have been undertaken in Normandy or in England.
And of course, it would be going much too far to link this composition directly with Scribble.
Nevertheless, there is suggestive evidence in other Winchester manuscripts which contained current office material.
We've already seen the response we enjoy fits in the margins of the Catherine Vitae in Hardy 12.
It was scribes who copied the vitae itself and the series of 11 response oriented bits in the margins.
Each of those interprets was set beside the relevant part of the life.
Indeed, you can easily see the organisation of the text into numbered passages for readings each passage followed by a response three.
This was all intended for a monastic night office in which there were 12 readings and 12 responses.
The number of responses available in the office copied in Bodley, one two six was only nine in Harlee 12.
It was evidently intended to make this up to 12 to make it monastic, although the 12th inch of it was never ordered.
The expansion was achieved using two pieces from the common of virgins.
That's Food, Sakura and Regular Mondays, so you can see them just in your one to three.
You need an extra one five six seven. This is a new this is a newly come.
Nobody knows what it is, and this is also from the common.
So it looks as if Scribe are set out to design a new monastic form of the Katherine office he had already notated in Bodley one two six.
Now I should say here that the fact that the office copied in bodley one is secular rather than monastic is not at all problematic.
That very quality might even help to date the copy for we know that Wakelin arriving in Winchester in 70 as the newly appointed Bishop,
attempted to supplant the monastic rule with a secular one and was only prevented
by Len Frank from achieving this on these Winchester Catherine offices,
the remains much more work to be done.
For now, I just hope to demonstrate its scribe US involvement in designing liturgy in this case for the celebration of a Saints feast.
And here, as in the office for Nicholas in the Worcester Passion, will we catch a glimpse of the process of redesigning liturgy?
It's with a new composition for a Winchester Saint that I'm going to finish the Norman scribe to whom this lecture has
been dedicated notated sequences in honour of Saints sweeping and awful world at the end of least seven seven five,
and he may well have composed them.
His task on these pages was not that of a simple new teacher working from an exemplar and completing the work of a tech scribe instead.
As for the ordinary tropes he had notated at the beginning of the Codex.
His task was to fit an already existing melody used as the basis of other sequences to a newly composed text.
That explains why such a competent tech scribe often did not write up the text, but noted the work of other tech scribes.
Neither did the scribes he copied the text for this, with an arsenal of sequences, appears anywhere else in the Codex,
and it's likely that they were young scribes being instructed by R rather than the other way around.
So not Ecclesia Martyr Dakota in honour of Saint Sweden,
takes its opening words from the sequence con. Ecclesia martyr Elzbieta composed by not Kabbalah,
but is a single both sequences set the singing the praises by the Mother Church as their central theme and
gradually place the sound of that phrase into the specific locality in which the sequence is being sung.
Both also invoked the sound of angels singing, although not because sequence was in circulation in Normandy.
There's no extant English source, and I imagine that the Norman author of the text knew it from his earlier Norman education.
It's it's it was it's a very clever imitation, not GO had sell at Ecclesia to celebrate the day of dedication of a church.
The relevance of that link to dedication and that's what lies behind the choice of intricate for the sweeping sequence is easily understood.
Since the time of discovery of Sweden's relics in 1968 and also whose translation of those relics in 1971,
Sweden had been the most celebrated saint of Winchester,
King Edgar had commissioned a splendid and lavish reliquary said to have housed his bones until it was destroyed in the late 15th century.
In the late 10th century, a massive double up. Best work and was built to hold his shrine.
A century later, the new Norman Bishop Wakeman elected to build a new cathedral begun in 10, 79 to 80 and consecrated into 193.
This new building forced the destruction of the Old Shrine of Sweden.
At this time, this with an reliquary was moved into the new building. Such destruction would have had to be justified.
Hy Bishop Wakelin himself handled. This re translation of the sweeping relics remains unrecorded.
At least I'm not aware of anything about it. Any record of it saw that ecclesia martyred Dakota may go some way to filling that gap,
since it speaks directly of the burial place of Sweden's bones.
It might be imagined that this sequence was first sung on the occasion of that translation into the new Norman Cathedral.
Michael Savage noted the clear and limpid expression of this text.
Quite unlike earlier Anglo-Saxon sequences, the new text was made to be sung to the melody Cunningham de Minaur,
which was already present in the Old Winchester Repertory, sung with the text Magnus Days on the Feast of St. Stephen.
And I thought since we had talked several times in previous lectures about how do you transcribe these names?
In fact, in this case, it was relatively easy because we have notation online, so that's the basis of the transcription.
And Benedict is going to sing it now, and I think it's the first time since the 11th century that this sequence has been sung in front of that book.
So. Oh, all.
He must have gone wrong. No, I was hired to console and I didn't want her to on a loaded gun.
Oh no. Carlos, I want you on personal call.
This was she had you calling slightly worse last night.
Here you go. You swear to God to lose this child, you know, and you are always going to see,
I would love you don't know what to use to have sex with guys and all these boys are gone.
So, you know, you sometimes cause more harm and a whole lot more on her or some.
So I don't see any coverage of either ads or harms was even reported that I learnt
what was the man who many horse men who saw the AC Milan hall in her room,
not on one garage wall. I mean, no one, as you could see it was all part her past was last year old Lawrence Cruz was had with a lot of her.
You know, I see, um, he was in the audience, um, natural world and was kind of like, Ha, who this man was not was not just yours, one person.
Oh, I see. Oh, well, he usually is.
Not he is. There was a time, not to mention the two.
You'd see these signs on to the lawn of hers on the last call, and you can't watch law.
Wonderful. Thank you, Benedict. But it seems to me now that the Bodley seven seven five trooper long thought of as
a treasurer of Anglo-Saxon chant practise and rather mutilated by laser scribes,
might be reconsidered as a significant witness to the arrival of Norman musicians on this side of the channel.
One. Norman probably from room.
And I think we have to call him a cantor was certainly the agent of significant change in musical practise at the Cathedral of Winchester,
bringing new repertory as well as new ways of singing old repertory.
Sometimes he approached his task as not simply imposing normal practise, but rather making things such as a Catherine office and you.
And he certainly used his creative skills to promote the cults of English saints, including underworld, Uranus and Sweden.
This all demonstrates has many historians of Post Conquest.
England have argued before that the binary proposition assimilation or change is hopelessly simplistic.
This one Norman musician was interested in ordinary tropes.
Well, it looks very much as if he was entirely uninterested in the old Winchester proper troops where he made no amendments.
That's the most obvious case of a change of direction. Yet amplification of the sequence repertory seems to have been already underway
at Winchester before he arrived and before he got his hands on the book.
Many of the pieces added to the old repertory, inwardly seven seven five in the second half of the 11th century, were written out by English fans.
Finally, Saints offices were hardly missing from pre conquest English liturgies in late 11th century Winchester.
We just find more newly composed offices.
Thus, much of this Norman musician's work is better described as development of previous practise than change,
even if it bewildered some of the English tech scribes with whom he worked.
Equally, if I shift from repertory to ways of writing, significant change was led by Norman's arriving in England post conquest,
as demonstrated in the fourth lecture,
but it was well understood and easily adopted by English scribes intended to privilege total grammar over detail of delivery.
These new ways of writing music were absorbed into the practise of different institutions at different times.
Working out the further details of the chronology of change at those institutions is an obvious
next step for anyone who pursues study in the field of early mediaeval English music manuscripts.
But that's probably for someone else to achieve because my lectures are almost over.
There's an important postscript to this long study of the work of Scribe.
Ah, before I say more of that, I want again to thank Richard OFMDFM and the loyal trustees for their invitation to give
these lectures and Martin Kaufmann for his unceasing support and those many other librarians,
colleagues and friends here and in distant lands who've been patient and listening and helpful in responding to my questions and requests.
And you will all have seen from one lecture to the next just how much Michael Glick's extensive knowledge
of English text hands in the period I've discussed has provided a foundation for my musical analysis.
That's an non-repayable debt, which allows me to end finally with an identification which has emerged from my
collaboration with Michael and for which the credit certainly belongs to Michael.
For my musical scribe, ah, a Norman cantor,
probably from a room is none other than the main scribe of the Great Doomsday Book, and that really is the end.