I. Ladies and gentlemen, my name is Richard Ovenden, and I, um.
Uh, have the pleasure of being both portage librarian and head of gardens, libraries and museums in the University of Oxford.
And it's my great pleasure to welcome you wearing and another hat altogether, which is,
as the chair of the electors to the library readership in bibliography for the 2024 lectures.
And it's a great pleasure to see you all here in the Civic Lecture Theatre in the Western Library.
And I'd like to, before we go any further, I'd like to just extend my thanks to my fellow electors, um,
most of whom are here in the audience this evening for their great diligence to the, uh, difficult but highly enjoyable task of choosing the readers.
These lectures are being recorded for release on the library's podcast channel.
And the first lecture, um.
Uh, will appear, um, I think hopefully, uh, not too long after, um, the live version that you're all about to enjoy, um, is, is completed.
And so, uh, to those of you who may be watching from sirens, sister or Cincinnati asynchronously, um, I also extend welcome to you all.
And, uh, it's also my solemn duty to remind you all that a traditional biblio libation will be poured in Blackwell Hall after this evening's lecture,
to which you are all warmly invited.
But sadly, again, to those of you watching in Manchester or Cincinnati, I'm afraid you must take care of that element yourself.
Um, and I should also remind you that there is wonderful display of manuscripts, um, which, uh, Professor Oakley has, uh, selected, uh,
together with colleagues in the Bodleian, which is available for you to, uh, uh, enjoy in the transept outside this lecture theatre.
So please make sure you look at the books. Before we move on to the specifics of this year's lectures and the lecturer,
I'd like to, um, just draw your attention to the background to these series of lectures.
Uh, particularly as we're being looked over by James Lyle himself here this evening.
James Lyle was a lawyer and book collector who lived in Oxford, and on his retirement in Abingdon,
who not only collected books in a very serious way, but also studied them closely.
Publishing, for example, his research on early book illumination, a book illustration in Spain in 1925.
Over a hundred of his best medieval manuscripts were bequeathed to the Bodleian in 1948,
and the library subsequently purchased another 60 manuscripts and many early printed books from his executors.
Tillie Delmar, then on the staff of the Bodleian, published a scholarly catalogue of the medieval manuscripts, then in Bodley in 1971.
In addition to the great.
To this great generosity to the Bodleian, uh, James Lyle also left a bequest to establish a series of lectures in bibliography,
to be delivered by invitation by leading scholars working in the field.
To this end,
the University established a board of electors to review the state of scholarship and to invite the leading proponents to hold the readership.
It is this body, one that I've chaired since 2013, that has invited the current reader to deliver this year's lectures.
A lot of lectures have more than fulfilled the expectations of their benefactors.
They've made a substantial contribution to the field of biography in its broadest interpretation.
High proportion of the lectures have been published, and many of them have become heavily cited works of scholarship.
A lot of lectures were first delivered in 1952 to 3 by Neil Can then read it and bibliography here at Oxford,
and published up in 1960 as English Manuscripts in the Century after the Norman Conquest.
Walter Gregg published his um. Leland Lectures of 1954 five as Some Aspects and Problems of London Publishing between 1515 and 1650.
Fred Bowers, The Great American Bibliographies soon after gave his, which were then published as Bibliography and Textual Criticism.
Jonathan Alexander, uh, former member of the curatorial staff of The Bodley and published Medieval Illuminators
and Their Methods of Work in 1993 from his live lectures a decade earlier.
And, uh, David McKittrick, um, gave his lectures um and set in print The Fortunes of an idea,
which were then published um in 2003 as Print Manuscripts and the search for order, 1452 1830.
In more recent times, uh, Tessa Weber gave the lines as public reading in its books Monastic Ideals and Practice in England circa 1000 to 1300.
And our most recent reader, Professor and Blair came to us last year from Harvard to give a wonderful series
of lectures entitled In the Scholar's Workshop Amanuensis in Early Modern Europe.
It is my great pleasure to introduce this year's lecture.
Stephen Oakley was born in Poole in Dorset and educated at Bradfield College and at The Queen's College, Cambridge,
where he studied both for his undergraduate degree in classics between 1977 and 1980 and his doctorate between 1980 and 84.
His first academic posts were Immanuel College, Cambridge,
where he was First Research Fellow and then Official Fellow and Director of Studies in Classics between 1986 and 1998.
That year he moved to the University of Reading, where he was Reader in Classics and then Professor of Latin um,
before he returned to Cambridge as Kennedy Professor of Latin and Professorial Fellow.
Back in Emmanuel from 2007, um, and in the Kennedy chair, he succeeded Michael Reeve,
who we know well here in Bodley, as a former curator of the body in libraries.
And Stephen is the ninth person to hold this very distinguished chair.
Cambridge. He was duly elected fellow of the British Academy in 2008.
His publications have been very. Serious contributions to his own field of scholarship,
beginning with the hill forts of the San Knights in 1995, published by the British School at Rome,
and a commentary on Livy books 6 to 10, which are published in four volumes between 1997 and 2005, and studies in the Transmission of Latin Texts.
Um also up volume 1 in 2020, in volume two and uh last year.
A professor o please. An editor of Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics and Cambridge Classical Texts and commentaries.
I think you'll agree, ladies and gentlemen, that the, um.
Professor. Oh, please. Finally, um, qualified to deliver the 2024 line lectures.
Um, which is it is now my great pleasure to invite him to come and give the first of
copying the classics and fathers exploration in the transmission of Latin text.
Please join me in welcoming. Thank you for your kind introduction, Richard.
It's always a pleasure to be in Oxford, where so many scholars who might not have worked and still do work.
I can see some in the room, I'm sure, all of you in the room,
and it is a very great and extremely daunting all that have been asked to be the loyal reader for 2024,
and to follow in the footsteps of some of the giants in bibliographical and manuscript studies whom you've mentioned.
When Richard's invitation came in 2020,
it made clear that a loyal reader was expected to have a project and that ideally the results of
that project should be published with Oxford University Press within five years of the lectures.
For more than a decade. The primary focus of my research has been the investigation of various Latin manuscript traditions.
I had never looked seriously at a Latin manuscript until my mid 30s,
and I thought that I should learn more than something about the transmission of Levis first decade.
I think I caught some rudimentary skill in the field and finding sorting primary evidence,
a congenial change from the endless ploughing through secondary literature on Livy and Roman history.
I decided to look at the manuscripts of other authors first, some speeches of Cicero and the history of Curtius Rufus,
and then other authors, when problems in that transmission interested me.
As for publication, Oxford University Press have graciously published my books, as you've heard over the years.
And when Richard's letter arrived,
I already had a contract of three volumes with the that rather boring title studies and the transmission of Latin texts,
two of which have since been published. And, um, what you will hear in these lectures will go into future publications in that series.
Parameters and general outline of the field of the transmission of classical text.
Latin texts have long been known. Nothing that you will hear from me or read, and what I subsequently publish will change those parameters.
But there is an enormous amount of detailed and pleasurable work to be done, and these lectures have been entitled explorations.
I shall talk today about the manuscripts of Julius Caesar on Thursday, about manuscripts that contained the corpus of some Cyprian,
and particularly about the life of Cyprian, ascribed to his deacon Pontius.
A third lecture will be on the manuscripts of Tallis.
The fourth and fifth lectures will be an attempt to try out some of the generalisations that I promised in my book.
Proposal to open up for my final volume.
In the fourth, I shall look at the interaction of manuscripts and in Kuna bowls.
And in the fifth AD, aspects of the geographical spread of manuscript traditions.
Authors that will feature in those lectures will be those I've just mentioned.
Others on whom I have already published and also Pope Leo the Great and, uh, Ambrose.
I am a classicist, but working on manuscripts moved me into terrain and cultures that are entirely new to me,
and I've had to borrow a great deal of learning from specialists like the geological investigation of manuscript traditions,
which I regard as a worthwhile field of research, even if one is not planning to edit a text.
Does seem to be a subject for which the philological skills of classicists are useful.
Challenge for me is to make the results of my investigation seem exciting in print.
When one is trying to look scholarly and has to organise a huge amount of detail, it is hard to convey any excitement.
And certainly my own books are in places almost unreadable.
But it is exciting to see a manuscript restored to me, to see a manuscript partition unfolds before one,
and I should try to convey something of that from time to time in these lectures.
Even in Oxford, there may be some people who do not actually pass the time of day reading Latin.
If you fall into that category, I hope that my handouts will provide sufficient by way of translation to enable you to follow me.
Um, you may also, from time to time during this lecture, want to look at the family tree of manuscripts that I put on the final page of the handout?
When I first started looking at Latin manuscripts in the 1990s, a medievalist in my Cambridge college, uh, not Professor Rankin,
who is here today, said that the so-called systematic method was now used only by a few benighted bodies in Oxford.
Uh, I do not wish to talk at length about method, although I shall make passing remarks on it throughout the lectures.
So now I'm just going to say two things.
First, that the basic tenet, systematic methods, namely that if a manuscript shares all the significant errors of another manuscript,
it will derive from that other manuscript and add more of its own to that.
That is entirely valid, in my view. Second that manuscripts often get corrected from elsewhere and pose interesting challenges.
Forced to demotic investigation. That's all I'm going to say by way of preliminaries.
But Julius Caesar was assassinated by Brutus and Cassius on the Ides of March, 44 BC.
He left two books unfinished. It was in seven books of his Garlic War, but he had not described his final years and Gaul,
and he had started writing his account of the civil war, but had come nowhere near to completing it.
His friend and adjutant all assert. Yes, and I put down some information.
Number one on your handout tells us in the preface to what we call books of the Garlic War.
But he had provided a supplement to the Garlic war that linked it to the opening of the Civil War.
But Caesar's account of the civil war ended with his arrival in Alexandria after his victory over Pompey at False Hills in 48 B.C.,
and that he heard, yes, I provided the supplement also to this latter work that took the story down to the end of Caesar's life.
None of this is easily confirmed. Almost everyone agrees that eight is the supplement to the Garlic War,
and book three of the Civil War duly ends with Caesar's arrival in Alexandria and transmitted to
us in the Manuscripts of Caesar a three works which describe these campaigns the Alexandrian War,
the African War, and the Spanish War. Other parts of this statement are more problematic.
Archers himself had not long to live, and he was killed on the 21st of April 43, fighting against Mark Antony at the Battle of Mutola.
Now in Montana, a city these days famous for balsamic vinegar and Luciano Pavarotti,
but which is going to feature later in this lecture for more arcane reasons.
Given the purchase of the duties of a consul, and that the political situation was frenetic in the months after Caesar's death.
It seems unlikely that he would have had time himself to write up all these campaigns.
Highlights. The style of the three supplementary works is different.
No one imagines that the same author wrote all of them, although some no one today imagines that same author wrote all of them.
Although some people think that's heartless himself, they have written the Alexandrian law.
A reasonable view is that Hart has commissioned others to do the writing, and then issued what he had assembled.
The problem of authorship was already apparent in antiquity, Suetonius wrote.
He also left memoirs of his own exploits in the Gallic War and the Civil War.
This is sort of telling us his life of Caesar and the civil war against Pompey.
Yet who was the author of the Alexandrian War, the African War and the Spanish War?
Is unclear, something copious others hurt.
He has also provided a supplement to the Lost and Unfinished Book of the Garlic War.
These remarks of heartless, uncertain years contributed to confusion about the authorship of these works in the Middle Ages and Renaissance,
about which more or later. I now leap forward a thousand years to our medieval manuscripts.
They fall into two classes the note shared by scholars by the unimaginative Greek letters alpha and beta.
The alpha class contains just the garlic for the beta class, both the Gallic War and the Civil War and its continuations.
The oldest and many subsequent manuscripts of the Alpha class are among those that help to give
us an insight into the circulation of classical and patristic Latin texts in late antiquity,
or the end of each book of the Catholic War.
They bear a subscription saying that Julius Kelso's Konstantinos had read the book, countless meetings that he had corrected,
some slips of the turn up the scribe, and at the end of the book, at the end of book two.
There is a more elaborate subscription. I.
Julius Kelso's Constantinos, a man of the highest rank, have read this.
I fly against the carriers. The meanest Lupa cleaners have read this book to finish his.
Yeah. On the next slide, it is, you know, our earliest, perhaps our earliest manuscripts of the garlic war.
Paris. Sign us Latin. US five seven, six, three, 90 scraps of the early ninth century.
And subscriptions of this kind of work copied out by Carolingian scribes.
They give us valuable information about the older manuscripts from which they are copying.
The case of Caesar. Information is particularly valuable.
Well, obviously carriers US feminists. Lupe Aquino's is identifiable as a nephew of Angelus, the Bishop of Pavia, who died in 521.
What is more, a poet who art or tells us number four on your handout that she read Caesar with Paul Phoenix, the brother of Lupe.
Her kindness. As this the first.
I read The Histories of Caesar, which he wrote as age memoirs for himself.
I there are are torment rather not, as is made clear earlier in the poem in verse 35.
Significant here is the Latin word for merit to us, because it is used in a subscription to book out of the Garlic War.
There we read number five on your handout.
I Julius tells us, Constantinos, a man of the highest rank of military, and read successively all that I left successfully out.
Contact book eight of the memoirs, and the subscription seems a little ungrammatical.
Here. I've got a Caesar, chief priest finishes. All this makes it attractive to play such an ancestor.
At least the pre-alpha manuscripts was available in Ravenna in the sixth century.
It on the transmission of blacks and texts about which we are most ignorant.
And what used to be called the Dark Ages. We simply do not know enough about how and from where.
In the old Roman Empire books arrived in France and Germany to be copies by Carolingian scribes.
Caesar. It seems reasonable to hold that an old manuscript started its journey at Ravenna.
It has been debated whether that copy was the ancestor of just the Alpha manuscripts,
which have only the Garlic War, or both the Alpha and Beta manuscripts.
The word tantalum, which I have translated with milk, is often thought to imply only so far,
and to suggest that Julius Konstantinos could have gone on to read other texts in the manuscript, presumably the Civil War and its continuations.
Had he chosen to do so?
I have thought it hard to disagree with the late Alan Cameron, who observed that who, quote, square is the normal adverb, or only so far in Latin.
On the other hand, it's not clear what else tanto implies,
and the failure of the beta manuscripts to contain the subscriptions could be explained by decision on the part of the scribe
of beta itself to ignore ascribe beta itself to ignore power textual remarks that were obviously not part of Caesar's text.
To me at least, certainty on this matter seems impossible.
So far I have said nothing that has not been known for at least a century, but it needed to be repeated to set the scene.
There are about 170 manuscripts of the Civil War and its continuations, most of which also contain the Garlic War.
And in humble liquor, off the textual transmission of Caesar's Civil War, the late Virginia Brown.
Like others before and after her. That's all from the perspective of an editor.
All but five are illimitable. That is, except for any conjectures and healing mistakes made by the scribes.
They have no value for editors because they derive from earlier manuscripts that are still extant since 1972.
There has been minimal interest in them.
Challenge for me today is to convince you that in carrying out a genealogical investigation of manuscripts that are of no use to editors,
I have not been wasting my time.
But don't worry, although the published discussion of these manuscripts may I fear not a doctoral thesis in length and we shall be here all night.
If I discuss them all, I shall content myself with a brief introduction to them,
and then a few remarks on some of the manuscripts in the family that interests me most.
In what follows, I shall often refer to manuscripts by their signature,
by which I mean the letter capital, usually a capital letter by which they're known.
Um, but you can see on number six on my handout that full shelf marks, if you're interested.
All the manuscripts that matter are Northern European, mostly French, and.
But the total number of Northern European manuscripts is paltry.
The oldest manuscript s was written in the 10th century.
Chromecast arrives end of the 11 central.
Apologise. I took that picture of an old camera a long time ago.
Uh, note by the way, in passing the reference to a Suetonius on the right hand side and from enter derive two manuscripts.
Now in the British Library, the next oldest manuscript is known as M, and Florence is Lawrence Fiona.
It has no North European progeny, but will feature much in what follows.
Then comes tea of the later 11th century. It has two descendants that are extant.
Then comes you. I haven't got a picture of this which produced just one descendant in Northern Europe.
Next comes very probably German, which has no descendants.
And we derive from beta via one last source.
You may want to look at your family tree and Amadeu from another, and that's makes a third line of descent is agreed by all.
In addition, there are four manuscripts that Virginia Brown rightly describes as contaminated.
That is, they derived from manuscripts that had been corrected from another manuscript.
And so that text is a fused hybrid. Genealogy is not entirely clear to me, but some of their readings suggest that they have TS blood in them.
I've got a little new to say about all these manuscripts, and hence up moved very quickly through them.
One minor novel, two that I can offer, um, largely to show some pictures,
is that the moderately handsome French manuscript Bataclan Residences LA time US 904
is the ancestor bar at least while into New York of manuscripts now in Cambridge.
In Sentry and Monorail. They. On the next slide, I put the handsome French illumination side by side so you can compare those.
My other novelty, um, not a very exciting one, concerns the 15th century Paris sign as Latin as 5782,
which Virginia Brown eliminates as among her contaminated witnesses.
I think that it is, in fact, another brother or sister of manuscripts.
Amadeu. If I'm right, it bears out the old adage that one should talk about recant your age.
That is, more recent manuscripts and not data. All race that is worse.
90 scripts. Since editors at the Civil War whose ranks I don't aspire to join, I hasten to add, I have only five manuscripts to cite.
One might, in theory, ask them to collate this as a sixth.
In practice, Paris 5782 is unlikely to offer anything not found already in Edmund you which are much older.
Striking feature of probably the majority of classical Latin traditions is that 15th
century manuscripts outnumber the total of all those surviving from other centuries,
and that the vast majority of these 15th century manuscripts were written in Italy.
I shall say more about this in my first lecture. The tradition of Caesar's Civil War provides a good illustration.
There are over 150 Italian manuscripts, and about 140 of these dates from the 15th century.
Italian tradition was fed by just three sources, namely the North European manuscripts M and unto which I've mentioned,
which were all taken to um to remain in Italy at the very latest,
and had arrived by the late 12th century, and by the late 14th century, and u by the late 15th century.
There they produce progeny that will be the subject of the rest of this lecture.
Main purpose of Virginia Brown's monograph was to ascertain which of the 117 manuscripts of the Civil War were needed by editors,
but she also offered a rudimentary classification of the 165 or so manuscripts that editors could discard.
Placing them effectively in four lists. And I think you can see this on number eight on your handout.
The sentence of the manuscript and copies of em, which are number 19 manuscripts, copies of you,
and then two classes of manuscripts that, in her view, um hybridised the texts of M and N uh the last on the list being a huge category.
About genealogy and hence also about transmission, which goes hand in hand with genealogy.
That is about all that she says about these manuscripts.
Sorry that I planned to tell him. Print is that descendants of manuscript M that is the second of Brownes group.
Well, the first strand of text to circulate initially. And most manuscripts that this class derived from just one descendant of M.
That Brownes fourth clause is, in essence an offshoot of this,
that after an either arrived in Italy or if it just arrived earlier, began to produce progeny, it's taxed as prime, right?
So was fused with one of the descendants of M and that Brown's fifth class right,
which he rightly labels contaminated manuscripts of the main type, is the product of this fusion, but can be broken down into three segments.
Families. My own interest in the manuscripts that the Civil War arose when I was asked to review Cynthia Damons fairly recent,
and in my view, very good Oxford classical text of the work.
Since I spent so much time looking at manuscripts, I thought that I should check at least some of what Professor Damon said about them,
and for reasons that I cannot now entirely remember. I decided to inspect two descendants of em, which henceforth I shall call big em,
one termed as solid lowercase n, which I shall call little M by Brown and others.
It's now housed in Florence's Lawrenceville Library, with the shelf marked 68 six and dispersion and better than transcript.
The other is in Rome's value trillion. The library with the shelf marked B 45.
Number nine on your handout. Because big M has been damaged and is now defective in some places.
Notably at the beginning of the Civil War. Substitutes for a type A potential use for editors in those places of damage.
Earlier, scholars had pointed to claim as a substitute for Virginia Brown, which argued that it was a direct copy of Father Charlie on a P 45,
and Cynthia Damon, influenced by Brown, regarded it as a brother of little M.
I'm now going to read out when you can see on the screen part of Brown's argument.
Wife of little M, there seems to have set himself the task of making a page by page, and often line by line copy of this model.
Yes, he must have found difficult for the Ben event and does not have the compressed economical nature of Caroline.
No one was his exemplar of consistent length, being written in 33 to 35 lines.
His efforts to produce at least a similar, if not identical,
page probably accounts for Amesbury number of lines and a script, but often has a cramped appearance.
Preliminary inspection of one passage made me suspicious, and a full later inspection confirmed the bronze argument needs to be reversed.
It is the file that was copied quite by fire and generally page by page from little M.
I discovered this please me now, and not just because I have something new to say, but because despite studying many manuscripts,
um, an instance of this quite well known phenomenon of copying choir by choir, I've never before fallen to me to discover.
In fact, the derivation of the value trillions from little m can be proved by a whole series of other proofs.
First, it has all the significant errors of little M and adds more of its own.
Second, in two places it's a mix a line of little M for no other reason than that the words form a line.
One of these is on folio 133 verso of the valley Chile on us, where the words on your handout at number ten can be read.
If you don't know Latin, you don't need to be able to translate this to understand it, which comes at Alexandra and War Chapter seven.
They're omitted for no obvious reason and inserted by the scribe at the foot of the page does the point of admission,
and there is the insertion at the foot of the page. There is a larger.
The insertion. When I inspected little M, I found the reason.
But occupy line four of its own. Folio 133 the.
If my view of the situation was repaired by the original scribe of the father, Charlie, I lost, if that's correct.
It constitutes further proof of direct copying. Commits this kind of proof by remission of the line fairly often, but for obvious reasons,
it's available only to those who work on text and prose and not in verse.
But the final leaves, little M, had been placed in the wrong order so that the text leaps forward, missing out some chapters,
and then leaps back again, making a mess of the author's account of Caesar's final battle at Munda.
I put the details for anyone interested on number 11 at the handout.
Precisely the same disorder is found today in the father Charlie, on this mess.
We shall see elsewhere. As for the spacing of words on the two manuscripts, in my view that of little M is regular,
but copying by far the scribes of the early on are sometimes had difficulties here.
As an illustration of folios 96, verso and 90.
A 97 rector in the Ballyclare Arms and you can see spaced out to get to the end of the plot before another scribe takes over.
Rarely does a manuscript provide so many illustrations of how one can derive one manuscript from another.
I should say now that without Virginia Brown's book, my investigation of the manuscript.
So Caesar would have been a great deal harder to achieve.
And what I've just said, I'm about to say, I did not say in a spirit of polemic or triumph.
Rather,
I found that my work on this end provided the key that unlocks the door to an understanding of a large part of the Italian tradition of the Civil War,
and probably also of the Gallic. For this reason, we may regularly forgive it.
Scribe for using the ghastly Ben of ancient script,
which I at least find far harder to read even than the worst that my undergraduates throw at me in examinations.
An invention script was used over southern Italy in the high metal at southern central Italy and
the High Middle Ages and earlier intellectual centre from which it springs is Monte Cassino.
In pre-Roman times, a massive sun night, oval skin fortress.
In the Early Middle Ages, the home of Saint Benedict and the memory of our parents or grandparents, or in some cases, how great grand parents.
The site that held up the Allied bombs through southern Italy in 1943.
For us today, important for its role in the transmission of Latin texts.
List, perhaps only popular among Italian, not monasteries.
Rival said that Monte Cassino we should have no texts, for example, of Tacitus histories and the later books of his Annals.
Pharos book on the Latin language, Cicero speeches on behalf of clients, and probably also quake tears.
Achilles, his apology, and his Florida and his novel the Metamorphoses, uh,
otherwise known as the Golden Ass and the manuscript tradition of Caesar would be very different.
Junior prom.
There are 17 other manuscripts beside little M and the father Charlie are less as copies of big M, but comments such as it is a close copy of them.
I found that 16 of these derive from big and, uh, little M, and what is equally significant.
Some of these 16 produced progeny that Brown had included on her other lists.
ABOUtrillionACE has two offspring. I put Donald number 12 if you're interested.
Other things before other lines of descent from little M,
two of which reflect the trans position, leaves at the end of the work, but two others do not.
But these four lines of descent, we shall look at two.
First, I am going to glance briefly at Lorentzian 6811, a 14th century manuscript that does not reflect the disordered leaves at the end of little M.
Exceeds that to kill a sentence,
but its significance comes from the fact that manuscripts that hybridise the families of both big and little M with that of N.
You may remember my talks that mention of hybridisation earlier.
For many of its distinctive readings, they must derive in part either from this manuscript or something very like it.
These hybrids, as I said earlier, fall into three families.
Two of these families are huge, and from about 1400 they spread all over Italy,
and their readings were used to correct descendants of little M that would otherwise have remained pure.
In other words, hybrids and then manuscripts were used to correct pure manuscripts,
with the result that manuscripts copied after this correction themselves had the appearance of similar hybridity.
That may seem a nightmare for genealogical investigation.
So I hope to show that in several cases where the corrected manuscript is still extant,
the correction actually makes genealogical investigation easier.
I'm going to leave, uh, Lawrenceville at 6811 now and look at another line of descent from Little End,
which will be my main interest in the remainder of the lecture.
How and where texts emerged from Monte Cassino are fascinating questions about which I need to learn more.
If for some people think the file actually on us was written somewhere in central Italy,
not far from either Monte Cassino or Rome, where the manuscript now resides.
Little explaining needs to be done. The two other lines of descent that have the transposed leaves at the end of the work.
Both are both full of North Italian manuscripts.
Little M seems to have been taken out of its Casanova's A fastness to northern Italy,
and one productive North Italian line up descent will lead us to several manuscripts owned
or written by well known and some less well known humanists of the 14th and 15th centuries.
Of Balto of Ferrara, one of the lesser known figures, least lesser known to me, um was born about 1245 and died in 1380.
He composed his Historia, which recounted the history of ancient Rome at Padua between about 1303 and 1312.
By stitching together in paraphrased chunks of the Latin sources available to him.
Later, he abbreviated it into a work known as the compendium number 14 on your handout for us.
And so our tone is what prime sources two manuscript survive of the historian.
One of them, which I have not seen, is now in Trento, the Alto IDG the other Florence,
in the national Library, Biblioteca Nazionale Action trolley, Banco RA a 50 is of particular interest.
The gist is a notebook written by Boccaccio in the middle of the 14th century,
and to which he copied large chunks of Ricardo's Historia as well as other things.
Both manuscripts of Ricardo's history have suffered losses, and we do not know how he described the earlier part of Caesar's career.
But we do have his accounts of the Civil war fought between Caesar and the Pompeians,
and for it he made use, um, of Caesar and the continuations of Caesar.
And the slide that I put up chose his paprika Alagoas paraphrase of the opening of book three of the Civil War in Boccaccio's handwriting.
Look up all those paraphrasing.
Even though he keeps close to his Latin sources, does not make it entirely easy to establish on what class of manuscript he was drawing.
What's his account of Caesar's last battle at Mundo in Spain?
Allows one to prove that he was drawing on the manuscript that derived from little n lookup,
although inserted a paraphrase of the account of the battle provided by Flores and historian of the
second century A.D. into a general framework provided by the Spanish War in the Caesarian corpus,
and his framework reflects the transpositions found in little M and many of its descendants.
Naturally, the transpositions rendered the broad sweep of the campaign unintelligible.
And perhaps this explains why Ricardo dropped the framework on the Spanish War when he came to adapt his Historia for his briefer compendium.
On your handout number 15,
I put a transcription from Boccaccio's notebooks with references to the transposed text in case you want to check this for yourselves.
Uh, but on the assumption that most of you won't feel the need to do this,
I've spared myself the labour of translating a noteworthy feature about his account.
It's that he imagines that Suetonius wrote the Corpus Hazari Arms Caesarian corpus, and we shall return to this shortly.
Fabric of Aalto's manuscript, was an early member of the group that I'm about to describe can be established by a few of its readings.
This evidence is particularly valuable since it shows that this family was established in northern Italy by 1312.
Um, there is one place, only one place in England where I like studying manuscripts even more than in the Western Library.
Light reveals a cluster of Holkham Hall in Norfolk contains one of the best, perhaps the best,
private collection of manuscripts of the Latin classics and some fathers in the world,
all purchased by Thomas Cook, ancestor of the current ale, on his Grand Tour in the early 18th century.
How come? Collection contains three manuscripts of Caesar.
Number 16 on your handout. I don't have a reasons to go to Holkham.
Not long after, I had derived the value of this little lamb, but took the chance to look at it Caesar's and take some photographs of portions of them.
It emerged that two of the three, um. Holcomb three for two and three for three, both derived from little lamb.
About three, four, three. Um.
I shall say nothing more about three, four, two.
A manuscript written in the late 14th century.
Uh, it may seem, looking at the picture, even less exciting at first glance,
since it has no decoration and we know nothing about either its scribe or its ownership.
I found this at the end of the text. It has the same disorders one finds and little M in the lianas.
Cut it to a mix a line of little M different from the additions made by the Valley.
Alison Cho showing a different line of descent from little M.
Both. Proof. Decisive proof. Derivation. But three manuscripts now deriving from little M.
This discovery set me on the path of finding out how many more manuscripts I could derive from it.
These things become addictive. I'm afraid my wife will testify.
Um, how come three for two has been corrected quite often in such a way that its original readings have often been obscured,
and the corrections introduce many readings of a 6811 manuscript I mentioned just now,
and the hybrid classes of manuscript, as I've just said,
so far from being a disadvantage for genealogical investigation, this proves to be very helpful.
In four manuscript shadow the text of hokum. Three for two.
Exactly. Don't worry, it's uncorrected errors where it has been left uncorrected.
Avoiding errors works has been properly corrected. I'm repeating fresh mistakes where it has been falsely corrected.
A brand classified baseball manuscripts in various of her other lists.
But another 14th century manuscript. Harris 5768.
I don't have a decent loss. There's not a decent image on garlic. I'm afraid.
Seems to have every reading that hokum three, four, two had before it was corrected.
Two was corrected and two manuscripts derived from it after correction.
Taking hokum three, four, two the progenitor of seven.
Manuscript. Other hokum 342 Noel Paris five seven, six eight can be connected with any known humanist.
That is not the case with modern US biblioteca assistants.
Latin for two one, which can be connected with Guarino Veronese, who lived from 1374 to 1460.
The famous teacher at Ferrara. Uh, these pictures show the first, um, the last page of the manuscript of a close up of the telephone.
You can see that it was corrected by Guarino and his pupil Giovanni Lamela, on the 4th July 19, 1432.
There's been some minor controversy about the date not of the date of the correction, but of the original manuscript.
But how come 540.
Uh, a translation of Sir Tony into, uh, Italian is signed by the same scribe, Jacobus de Casilla, written for his Paris patron and dated to 1372.
I think I got the call from there, where I put them side by side,
and it's hard to believe that the manuscript that Quirino corrected was written much later.
Thackeray noted important work at Ferrara that influenced numerous 15th century textual traditions is not in doubt,
but it is sometimes difficult to define precisely the nature of, um, this work, and I was hoping I.
I may have got muddled here. The manuscript of Varro.
It is here in Oxford that Latin class B2 um, which proclaims that you can read Latin,
was coliform, but it was corrected in the house of Barrow, and that illustrates that nicely.
It is a contaminated manuscript, whose text, as you would expect from a manuscript.
This had been corrected, deriving from Kurien household,
and that fused text and the absence of quarry nose corrections makes it quite difficult precisely to analyse geologically.
But happily for Caesar, much of the evidence survives in the corrections that Guarino imposed on this modern manuscript.
When I return to the invention of its last page, you can see some of the corrections.
Uh. I found four manuscripts that have a text that follows that at the margin of the manuscript, after Katrina and Lamela had corrected it,
among them, uh, butter Latin US 1830, um, which has, unsurprisingly paraphrase a flower decoration.
Guarino, you remember, worked in Ferrara from the middle of the 15th century.
Now, I'm not an art historian, but this is one style of decoration that I feel reasonably confident and identified.
It was used also in Bologna, where several Ferrara illuminators worked.
All manuscripts may seem a modest goal, but in fact, in files,
finding the genealogical position of one modern manuscript opened the floodgates for other derivations.
Most of the uncorrected errors of the modern manuscript, most of the errors imposed on it as faulty corrections,
are found in a further 31 manuscripts that they derive from the modern manuscript,
via effort to further one or more intermediaries that had been further corrected,
seems to me to be the most likely explanation of their origin,
and this would be consonant with the difficulty of pinning down what precisely Guarino did with some of the other texts on which he worked.
Now at a time in a sceptic might say about these other manuscripts.
How do you know that Error's from Macquarie knows manuscript one not imposed on one from a different family.
Doubtless my desire to make a massive derivation of manuscripts partly explains why I reject this.
It's difficult to get personal feelings out of this.
I also have a more scholarly reason, but most of my manuscripts are some transpositions of word order,
but are not found in hokum three, four, two otherwise its closest relative or other relatives.
And these are all appear in these 31 manuscripts.
I'm correcting scribe's corrected omissions, and they changes that affected the sense,
but tended to bother less with variations in word order, but do not affect sense or metre.
It's always satisfying when one's genealogy corresponds to a geographical pattern,
and it can be shown beyond doubt that many of these manuscripts were produced in Ferrara or nearby.
Here's a picture of butter. Colonies left time of three, three, two, two, and you'll recognise once again the ferrero's, a flower decoration.
And here is a manuscript outside in the display case.
Uh, and again you can see that Ferrara is a flower decoration at the bottom.
This manuscript was signed by its scribe. Grant us to come peace in 1454.
So massive a family of manuscripts was not to be contained within the borders of one city or region,
and it spread to other cities of Italy, including Rome. There the to print Printemps was produced in 1470.
Here is a picture of a handsomely illuminated copy now in Munich, and from the declaration I assume that it was applied to it in Germany.
All manuscripts were copied from printed editions, and from this one was copied Ambrosio and Ambrosiano a two for three in Ferri all right,
and his scribe has been identified by Albania diplomat who you heard mentioned earlier, um, as the famous calligrapher Bartolomeo San Vito.
No. [INAUDIBLE] feature again in my third lecture on Catullus.
When Poggio wrote a letter to Spinola in May Nanterre Ferrara, arguing that Chapelle Africanus,
the conqueror of Hannibal, was a superior figure to Julius Caesar,
he provoked Corino into a long and somewhat sharp and ill argued reply that in turn induced an even longer response from Poggio.
The text reproduced in conference book listed on your handout number 18.
Farina worked in Ferrara, ruled by the best family.
It is easy to see why early Renaissance princes might admire Caesar, who was often regarded as the first Roman emperor.
Angelo came from the Florentine Republic, and one of his arguments was that autocracy had killed off the best spirit of Roman letters.
A full account of the controversy would need to be given by a Renaissance scholar rather than a classicist.
I shall say just two things.
First, when the controversy erupted in 1435, what do you know was in a good position to respond or to initiate the argument?
Having worked through the whole corpus clause area in them just three years earlier.
Second, the quality of the argumentation and particularly, I think from Poggio,
shows just how far understanding that the ancient Romans had come in the 120 or so years since Ric about to offer all.
Another human is to own just Caesar that belong to this group of descendants of little and was Gasparino Bart seats on back.
He left from about 1360 to 1431.
He was an influential grammarian who taught first at Padua and then later in Milan, where teachers manuscripts,
many of which including the Caesar, passed into his the hands of his son Junior Fortner, who lived from 1406 to 1463.
Often turn out to be highly productive. It's Susa, which is in the Vatican.
Has Barberini on his left. Highness one for eight of the later 14th century homes of Rome.
To them comes in the same. I'm going to change over of script here.
Um. Uh, comes in the same manuscript to Saratoga as Lies at the Caesars, after which it is placed.
And here is his signature. Final page, and here is the opening page of the manuscript.
It proclaims its descent from Little Adam in various ways, of which the most notable is its original,
having the transposition of leaves at the end of the manuscript.
24 to has plastered the manuscript, with corrections and comments thereto taken from another manuscript,
and including the numerous errors of that other manuscript that put some information on that number 20.
In correcting, he had to grapple with the transposition at the end of the text, and then in the margins where you can see his doing so.
There isn't. Here's an example on the screen where on the folio 157 verse and one of the 40 loops is marked in the text by a figure like a capital T.
You can probably see if I can use the point. Um, in the margins, really.
Forte has written, uh, translate the Latin,
make a move from here to the third column where there is the same sign, and follow the text there from X book.
Aha! Which means problem. This flight takes 2040 baht seats as advice.
Um, follow the text um column two, folio 158 recto.
And we duly find the T like symbol and the word ex book.
Uh, talk. I can tell you, right? I put them side by side.
Almost ready for tears. Annotations on this manuscript require digression.
Who wrote the works that were ascribed to Caesar? The answer to that question was not obvious.
In Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the early Renaissance unreason for the difficulty was Caesar's imitation of the Greek Xenophon,
and referring to himself in the third rather than the first person.
Ferocious. The Christian anti pagan historian of the early fifth century wrote some paraphrases from the Catholic War,
but tells his readers that he was quoting from Suetonius.
Most of our older and more recent authors of manuscripts are clear that the author of The Garlic in Civil Wars was Julius Caesar,
but some manuscripts muddle him with, Julius tells us Constantine, us the man who wrote subscriptions on the Gallic War.
Notion that Suetonius wrote all or some of the commentaries seems also to have been widespread.
While Reno's manuscript describes books 1 to 7 of The Garlic War to Caesar himself.
The rest of the corpus, from book eight onwards to certain Antonius Barrino amended his corrections to articles, and Holcomb three, four, two.
All the three headings are erased, and the same is true of its descendant Paris 5768.
Except that beneath the erasures in the Paris Suetonius, his name can be made out.
It seems as if the whole corpus. Lorenzana, 6811.
First Italian manuscript I showed you. On.
Another line of descent from Little Caesar is the author of Garlic War books 1 to 7 books to atone yourself.
The rest. And I've put the heading to collect for book eight in that manuscript and number 21 on your handout, literally.
And all the titles are erased, making one suspect that Suetonius was referred to in at least some places.
In a different line of descent from the archetype manuscript. Yes, that's our oldest manuscript of the Civil War.
No, its headings were written later, recalled Caesar as author of the Gothic War, but does not commit itself on the authorship of the Civil War.
It's the sentiment about which a little more soon ascribes the Gallic War books 1 to 7 to Caesar,
but the rest mostly to Sir Thomas I asked you to look out, for Suetonius is now known.
Perhaps the confusion came about because certain yes discusses the authorship of the commentaries in the passage of which we glanced earlier.
Perhaps because a roses had a vast circulation.
There are over 390 scripts surviving. Um, in fact, may have influenced people.
Manuscript parts, each so has all its headings erased.
But someone, perhaps G40, has mentioned the correct authors in the margin, describing the Alexandrian,
African and Spanish wars to either her tears or obvious, clearly reflecting information derived from Suetonius.
In some places he comments on authorship on folio 144, verse 24,
to expresses disbelief in Caesar's authorship on the ground that Caesar would not have referred to himself by saying I conjecture.
Difficulties over authorship. Bring me to the last member of this family that I shall discuss.
Preston Dundas, Bibliotheque DC 176.
During the 13th and 15th February 1945, British and American bombs started, as everyone knows, a blazing inferno.
Interest and scripture. Caesar was damaged badly by the water used to put that inferno out.
Fortunately, it had been collected earlier by German scholars very thoroughly in the African War, and today, after work in Dresden restoring it,
some readings can still be discerned on the digital reproduction that the Landis Bibliotheque has made available on the internet.
I'm not yet sure whether I need to go to Dresden to see whether one can do better than what the internet offers.
And a very useful article on your bibliography.
Dr. lato identified the hand of the humanist Pere Candido de Chambre as the character and probably owner of the manuscript.
I own contribution will be to refine some of Donatos arguments and place the manuscript, which duly originally had the transpositions.
It is proper place in the family that we've been considering.
Their concerto to chamber is the most important member of an intellectual Milanese who Lombardi firmly among his achievements.
Many achievements were the first translations of Caesar and Curtius Rufus into vernacular Italian.
And Aarto rightly argued that a manuscript in the Vatican and the clergy, Fondo, derives from the one in Dresden.
Now the most, the most notable feature of this manuscript is that it starts with a letter of décembre,
written on the 2720 2nd October 1423 by Bartolomeo Capra,
Archbishop of Milan, in which this chamber discusses the authorship of texts in the Caesarian corpus.
Almost certainly it scribe, this is the scribe of the Keiji manuscript was drawing directly on materials provided by Dr. Chen Bram.
In the letter décembre essentially draws attention to what Sir Tonia says on the subject and states that her chess books are garlic,
pork and either her tears or opus. The Alexandria, African and Spanish Wars.
As for those who thought otherwise. Um, well, I placed an extract letter on your handout, and here it is.
But that man, whoever it was, from whom not only education but all humanity was absent,
is not just modern classical scholars who can be root for sign by so laughable a mark of ignorance that he writes the name of Suetonius,
or Julius tells us at the head of these first books at the garlic war, that he assigns the eighth, which all agree, was written by Hart.
Yes, a very distinguished man. So atone.
Yes, because he, the same person, messes up the following books that the Civil War with the same mistake arising from a similar failure to research.
He says that he is doubtful whether they should be assigned to Suetonius or Julius tells us.
Who was the man? One of the few manuscripts that carry this letter.
It's in Milan, and I regret that I've not been able to get to Milan since I discovered this.
Um, has written in the margin error. Gasperini.
Park city a mistake of Gasparino Barts.
It's a. Perhaps the chamber had heard reports of Gasparino teaching.
Perhaps he was able to look at the Barberini manuscript owned by the Bart Cetus.
Perhaps the Dresden manuscript could pass through Gasparino hands.
Although it does look a bit late to have been written by 1423.
Whatever the explanation, the Dresden manuscript follows Suetonius.
In making either case the authors of the Alexandrian, African and Spanish Wars.
Well, I should not like to say whether the headings are original. Might be possible if the manuscript was not damaged.
To what better? And surely for tech arts.
So could I have learned from December how to correct his father's mistake?
When nearly finished. But before I finish, I ought to make some brief remarks about the remaining families of manuscripts.
Primary manuscript. You came to Italy late and has a few to sentence for lost Intermediate Company.
I did not think it was worth going into detail.
I've made considerable progress in sorting the huge family of about 100 manuscripts
that Virginia Brown correctly noted was fusing the texts of big um and um,
but the detail is, uh, not suitable for oral exposition.
I hope it might interest someone in print other than me. We shall see.
As I've said, the family breaks down into three separate families.
Among these vast numbers, among these vast numbers of hybrid manuscripts are some of the seasons in Oxford and Canon.
Nature Classical Latin two, six, six.
A night is on the in the display case and is a nice example with Florentine illumination, if you care to look at it on the way out.
I gotta stop here being asked to review Cynthia Diamond's books,
and shortly afterwards discovering that the accepted dating of little and undervalued Chileans was wrong.
I've taken me on a journey on which I have learnt many things that I did not know a decade ago.
Uh, I hope that you found some of them interesting. Thank you very much.