So. Well, I wrote a book proposal for Oxford University Press in the hope that it would be willing to continue publishing my work.
I promise that in the final volume of my studies and the transmission of ancient texts,
I should include some synthetic chapters in which I try to draw some conclusions of more general
interest from the study of the transmissions of individual authors that have proceeded.
And one such chapter will explore the relationship of manuscripts and in cooler balls, about which I spoke two days ago.
As for others about the theory of systematics, I have absolutely nothing new to say about its practical application,
which I hope I've given a demonstration of only, or perhaps only a little bit more.
But clearly I ought to offer some general thoughts on the variety of ways in which I've been able to derive one manuscript from another.
Some of which you have seen in these lectures, I hope I'm.
But behind the transmission of Latin texts from antiquity to the beginning of printing lies movement in place.
And most interesting, I think, would be some comments on the shape,
or rather geographical and chronological spread of the transmissions that I have studied and how far they are typical.
And that's the subject about which I intend to talk today. There is, however, a problem.
Although I have seen more manuscripts than is probably good for me,
the transmissions that I have studied and on which I either published that is cut so far, cut through first Dec ten, says Vitruvius.
The agricultural treatises of Cato and Varro, Porfirio and Prussians period, Jesus and ones I hope to publish on.
Uh, Caesar. Civil War, Catullus, uh, Cicero's pro Sextus Roscoe and Pro Morena, his Caesarian orations, and Philip X art and various patristic texts.
A separate ionic corpus, Ambrose's day, Frederick and Leo sermons, or some of Leo's sermons.
But there's a lot of manuscripts. For one person, it seems, seems at times, but is a minor proportion of what survives.
And clearly, um, the contribution of any studies I do to generalisations.
Same need to be seen as part of a much wider body of evidence.
And I think over the next few years I've got to stop looking at new manuscripts and divert myself to reading,
uh, or rereading, uh, existing studies written by others.
If you're interested in the geographical spread of classical Latin textual traditions.
Two good places to start reading would be Leighton Reynolds masterly introduction to text and transmission,
and Michael Reeves essay Some Applications of Pasquale Criterion Geographic co.
The 15th century Latin Manuscripts, published originally in 1987 and republished in his Manuscripts and Methods in 2011.
I should say I haven't produced a handout for today. If anyone wants a reference that I give out, please do send me an email and I will respond.
If there is, I think, space for further contributions. Reynolds.
His interest was in the main lines of transmission, and he was summarising the contents of the book that he so edited,
in which there was often little place for discussion of later manuscripts that were unimportant for editors.
And Reid's concern was also in part with editing. He showed her manuscripts from outlying regions of manuscript production,
were likely to have a text different from those found in central region regions, and hence sometimes of more use to editors.
I too have an interest in what manuscripts editors should use.
But since I try to offer a genealogical classification of all the manuscripts of the text that I study,
and I should say that in this many of its writings serve as powerful exemplars.
I want any generalisations that I make about geography to embrace.
Also, the manuscripts that do not matter to editors, and these are, of course, the vast majority.
The subject is huge and with just one lecture I shall need to be selective.
And what follows. I shall set the scene with some very brief and rather unoriginal remarks about the early
stages of transmission of Latin text between the Roman Empire and Carolingian times.
Showing a few pictures of early manuscripts I've looked at.
I shall then make some remarks about the transmission in France of the textual tradition, some of the textual traditions that I have started.
These will be followed by a few remarks about transmission in England, and by much more on transmission in Italy.
And because for many of the authors whom I study, most of the manuscripts are Italian.
Looking at transmission initially. I shall make a few, um, pass a few remarks at the end about church councils.
I regret not having the space to say more about individual monasteries,
about the relative importance of various Italian cities and Italian humanists in the transmission of texts,
and about also some manuscripts that are interesting because they have travelled and produced a sentence in more than one place.
A few remarks, very elementary, about the beginnings of the process in the final years of the Roman Empire.
Most writing and reading of Latin texts must have occurred in those parts of the empire, where literate culture was strongest.
Italy, above all, but also Sicily, southern gold, eastern Spain, and the province of Africa around Carthage.
Extra manuscript production tend to follow centres of economic and cultural power.
By the time a Charlemagne power had shifted from the Mediterranean to Northern Europe.
The many copies of texts made at the end of the Roman Empire, and in those twilight years that followed it had been taken to northern Europe.
As I said in my first lecture, these journeys constitute the stage and the transmission of Latin texts about which we are least well informed.
Most of the authors whom I have started, for example, Curtius Vitruvius deck chairs the speeches of Cicero, Cato, and Varro.
We have little or no idea about where instant copies came from or how they travelled.
In my first lecture, I mentioned the clues given by the ancient subscriptions to Caesar.
Cyprian is another author for whom, uh, there was at least one ancient subscription that can help in one family of texts and important family.
There are subscriptions mentioning Rome, and there you are.
You can see one on the slide. And presumably Rome was a city from which many Latin texts travelled up north.
There are also several manuscripts or fragments of manuscripts of seven that were written
either in antiquity or in the years immediately after the end of the Roman Empire.
One such is one of the oldest manuscripts in the British Library.
Additional 4016581.
A fragment of an old manuscript is said to have been written in Africa that found its way to England, perhaps in Anglo-Saxon times,
and was to become the ancestor of part of the text of a family of English manuscripts, about which I will say more in a minute.
Ambrose's day for day is another text for which ancient manuscripts survive.
One of these is to be found in the Bibliotheque a capital R, all for a villa.
There. It is said to be at the sixth century, and it's the oldest manuscript that I've ever been allowed to touch.
I've not shown you a picture with me out, my fingers actually touching it, but it was an extraordinary experience.
Any time I'd been to Ravenna and I purely went to see this manuscript and, uh,
I went to the chapter library, which was surprisingly modern in its decor.
And the librarian duly produced this, just like you might be given a PhD thesis from the 1980s and then left me to read it going out of the room.
And it must be probably the oldest book in Ravenna.
Um, interestingly, uh, for what happens to these texts it has later relatives, but all of them show it's text fused with other families.
A useful question to ask about editing manuscript tradition is how many old codices survive from earlier times to be copied,
uh, between, um, Carolingian times and the beginning of printing, I say from earlier times rather than from antiquity,
as I used to say, or from the Roman Empire, because it's become, as I've learnt,
a little bit more increasingly unclear to me whether there was any clear break between
the worlds of late antiquity and the eras of say and knowledges and past theodora's.
Familiar classical text,
the basis from which they survive and spread out as if you like the stem from which the leaves of the plants I'm going to talk about.
This stem from which they grow is very slender indeed.
For many of my text it is certain or reasonably certain that only one copy survived.
Of these include, for example, Curtius Rufus, Vitruvius, Cato and Varro Porfirio,
Caesar's Civil War, Cicero's pro Sextus Roskill and Pro Morena and Catullus.
But no one should call such a copy an archetype or not is perhaps a matter of taste.
Then if one does, then for not a well only one know.
For none of these authors does this archetype survive.
I prefer to use the term archetype to denote the latest manuscript, whether surviving or lost, from which all extant manuscripts survive.
On such a definition, only the archetype of Porfirio survives, and I hope.
There it is. I'd let this slide out last night, and I was hoping I remember to put it down.
Although for some text the standard below, what I regard as the archetype is either Byford, thus Curtius, Rufus,
Vitruvius, the two Cicero speeches, Catullus and perhaps um, also for Caesar, or has more than two branches.
Differences. In Cato and Varro there are eight branches.
Chert arrows make it reasonable to postulate descent from one copy that survived until Carolingian times.
Other text with Byford estimator, such as Dexter's Croton system, the Philip X of Cicero.
It seems quite likely that two copies survive from antiquity.
So the other extreme are some patristic texts, including several in the separate ionic corpus and Ambrose's De Facto,
for which multiple copies descended from antiquity.
And this reflects a general truth both in the early period and indeed right up to the Renaissance.
Patristic Latin texts were copied in far greater profusion than classical Latin texts.
Just reflects the fact that patristic texts were far more important to the Christian establishments in which manuscripts were copied.
About the spread of texts in the Carolingian age. My authors, with the exception of Porfirio about to say a little bit more later,
have given me very little new to say, and I'm going to move on now to the High Middle Ages.
Looking at the distribution of manuscripts country by country or region by region, and the High Middle Ages and Renaissance.
Several related matters need to be considered.
A total number of manuscripts of a text or author, a percentage of manuscripts of a text, or also that come from that country or region.
The number of different families of manuscripts found in that country or region, and whether any family is dominant.
France was the intellectual centre of Europe in the Middle Ages of, with perhaps the sole exception of the tradition of diaries,
prejudice a horrid author with a difficult and unstable manuscript tradition that I unwisely agreed to write about.
For Justin Stover's forthcoming Oxford Handbook to the transmission of the Latin Classics.
It has hardly fallen to me to study a manuscript traditional for Latin classics,
that has produced either a high percentage of French manuscripts or a truly massive family of manuscripts from France.
That may perhaps be because I've had a bias towards Italian and 15th century traditions,
and doubtless a genealogical study of some of the classical authors for whom a massive number of manuscripts do survive.
Vergil. Terence. Horace. Sallust. Lucan. Juvenile players.
Maximus, perhaps also some works of it, and status.
If I've studied them, which I have no intention of doing, I should add that things would be different if,
even if we allow for the fact that 11th and 12th century manuscripts have 3 or
400 more years in which to get destroyed than the 15th century counterpart,
manuscripts of the classics never seem to have been copied in France, in the profusion that they were in the 14th and 15th century Italy.
A tradition of Curtius Rufus. A History of Alexander the Great illustrates this well.
There are about 153 manuscripts, but although all five complete manuscripts of the ninth century are regarded by the experts as French,
three are demotic dead ends, that is, nothing extant derives from them.
A fourth has only two descendants, and the total number of French manuscripts is perhaps only 23, ranging in date from the ninth to the 15th century.
Here at least one does find a large family, and 051 is the ancestor of 15 others.
Eight of them, deriving from Aix through the 12th century, are a sign of the times 5717.
Vitruvius, says de architecture.
There are some 18 manuscripts, and about 19 of these manuscripts were produced in France, ranging in date from the ninth to the 15th century.
But the largest family of French manuscripts numbers only five members.
Who saw its effect through this are used as a flyleaf in a manuscript in Paris and antiphon from Novus.
Nuts. I suddenly worry about whether I've got the right.
I think it is. And although the evidence is restricted, I found nothing to block the derivation of four manuscripts from it.
One is the moderately handsome Reginald n6 1328.
The other, a strikingly handsome man, is another strikingly handsome manuscript in the Lawrenceville.
I think I've missed the image of. I apologise for that.
Both probably written in the decade around 1400.
Experience in studying the traditions of patristic authors. Cyprian Ambrose's Day for Day and Leo sermons is very different.
Huge momentum generated by the various monastic movements in the later 11th
and 12th centuries led to an enormous increase in the number of manuscripts,
copied above all in French and Norman lines, and above all for patristic texts.
This was brought home to me recently when I tried to classify the members of
what should ask the editor of Leo sermons for the Corpus Christi alarm call.
Christian or Om calls his a family, which comprises about 32 members, all 25 that pre-dates the 15th century.
A French under 18 of these have been assigned to the 12th century.
The high standards of copying exactly in the French monasteries have led to many of these manuscripts having very few mistakes,
which means that more collation is necessary to classify them,
and I have found with most classical traditions for an illustration, I've chosen what I think is the most handsome of these manuscripts.
A pause and check what the next slide by slides on apologise have got in the wrong order.
And that is the big truth is that I described as handsome.
Act if you have moment to look at that layer. From France, I turn to England.
In the time of B, some English libraries may have been able to hold their own, with at least some important centres on the continent.
But by the time of the Norman invasion in 1066, they must, I think, have seemed very inadequate.
So I apologise to any Anglo-Saxons. So.
Well, welcome to argue with me in questions. Among the traditions that I study.
There seem to have been only for extant manuscripts that are likely to have been in England before the invasion.
Three are of Persian period Jesus, a text whose Epsilon family crisscrossed the channel between the ninth and 12th centuries.
The Englishness of London, British Library, cotton, Tiberius Sb5.
And I'm afraid I have no slide because, um, the British Library's um, illustrated catalogues are down and deep, and also it's digitised manuscripts,
an early 11th century manuscript that is either the source or a close relative of three other manuscripts of the works.
Its Englishness is absolutely certain. Some people have thought that the fragmentary and fragmentary manuscript in Karlsruhe River.
Same work as English, some that a manuscript in Paris is also English,
as certainly all three manuscripts belong to the same broader family, but it was a family split between England and over the channel.
The fourth manuscript is the separate and the British Library that I've mentioned already.
Norman Conquest, perhaps because it coincided with the huge increase in monastic production in the 12th century, changed the pop culture of England,
just as it changed so much else in England, leading to a vastly greater number of texts and manuscripts being available here.
Separation of England from the continent by the English Channel prompts two related questions.
England provides a test case for what happens when a manuscript of a new text arrives in an area where the text was not known before.
How far is the English Channel? A barrier that divides branches of the manuscript tradition?
And in asking these questions, I pursue a line of thought touched on by Tessa Webber in her splendid book on manuscripts from Salisbury Cathedral.
What is now Old Sarum? And was the cathedral seating Salisbury.
If I was to argue if it's English.
My nondescript traditions are characterised by the dominance of one branch of a tradition and the traditions of their true,
obvious and separate, and would provide good evidence. In the British Library.
Of course, on Cleopatra D1,
the oldest part of which is a German manuscript of the 11th century that contains British troops and the Jesuits, says de Ré.
Military must have arrived in England shortly after the Norman Conquest.
Four complete English manuscripts and one set of excerpts are known to derive, or can be shown to derive from it.
One of these manuscripts is here in Oxford at St John's and comes from Saint Augustine's, Canterbury Veritas.
Well, I would say that this family had a complete monopoly of the English tradition.
Were it not for a scrap of Vitruvius in London's Public record office in to a chancery bundle.
Uh, that does not belong to this family. I'm not sure what family it does belong from, but perhaps it could be French rather than English.
It is a tiny scrap. With Cyprian, we have a similar situation.
There are 11 manuscripts ranging in doubt from the 12th to the late 15th or even early 16th centuries.
Nine of these manuscripts belong to one family.
Some of the text does seem to derive from, uh, the scraps that I showed you earlier of unsealed manuscript in the British Library.
But the notion that all the text does, which is found in some books, cannot possibly be correct.
Much of that text derives ultimately from an important manuscript, a separate and out sign tomorrow and now in, into.
There are chairs. And fire, three extant and at least one lost intermediary.
Arrival of the last of these, doubtless in Norman times, presumably provided the impetus for this family to spread out over England.
Two of these separate manuscripts are here in Oxford. The more interesting is partly 210.
Uh, from Saint Petersburg, Gloucester, or other English manuscripts derived from it from build walls.
I've never known how to pronounce that. Lansley, Abington and Durham.
It will be very nice to be able to generalise about lines of descent from monastic foundations.
But was the wreckage brought about by the dissolution of the monasteries?
England allows this to me to make such generalisations.
I'm uncertain. The one thing I have discovered in my research is I think it's the importance of Christ Church,
Canterbury, and also perhaps Augustine's in Canterbury, about other monastic centres.
I have little evidence to make generalisations.
However, although dominant, this family did not have a monopoly on Cyprian in England.
A manuscript now at Shrewsbury College in Shropshire belongs to a different family.
In other traditions, too. One finds competing strains of text in England, Montpellier each 1 to 1, which amongst other texts contains diaries,
fridges and Salinas has illumination that allows it to be localised to Flanders.
The [INAUDIBLE] that I owe to correspondence with Patricia Sterling.
I love the Irish tea.
It must have been brought to England since London British Library and Royal Manuscript uh 15 a 22 uh, with a prevalence of Rochester,
which is on view is a manuscript mentioned by Neil Carr in his and the publication of the first ever Lyell Lectures.
But he lists manuscripts found at both Canterbury and Rochester, and rightly says that this one is unusual,
and that normally it is the Rochester manuscript that derives from the Canterbury it was.
In this case it is vice versa. Well may wonder whether this manuscript originated in Canterbury.
In both Salinas and Iris. There are at least five descendants in Salinas.
One of these is here in Oxford at All Souls, and there it is.
But there is. I have an image to hand of a manuscript in Lincoln.
Both authors were very popular and neither does the text of Royal 1522 have anything like a monopoly on the British text.
Uh. British manuscripts of diaries draw their text from at least five sources.
In Salinas two, the English manuscripts draw on several sources, but there is an oddity.
Six of these sources belong to the same wider family as Montpellier.
A 1 to 1, uh, what Mommsen called class one,
and his great addition unto it comprises to sentence this family of a manuscript written by the Emperor Theodosius the Second.
This has made me wonder whether the high archetype of the families that lost up across the channel.
I'm going to make a digression for a moment in case anyone is unaware that in the tradition of Salinas,
we have descendants for manuscripts actually written by a Roman emperor, as I said, just the second for whom calligraphy was a hobby.
And here is his subscription and two map, much older versions of it, and two Nanni scripts.
I knew the English Channel acted as only a slight barrier to the spread of nine script families.
Given the regularity with which Norman dignitaries and armies crossed,
it should perhaps come as no surprise or seems all one on seems also to find English exemplars providing text for Normans based on the continent.
There are two manuscripts of Ambrose's day for day that come from Christchurch, Canterbury.
One is. Read upstairs.
That is the earlier and the other. You'll have to go to Cambridge.
And that is the later. And it derives from the earlier.
I need to do more work on this, but it seems that manuscripts in Alonso and two and rule derive from one or the other.
My uncertainty is because of the difficulty of found finding separated errors in these two manuscripts in England.
But here is the one in Alonso. It is worth showing you pictures of.
And you seen it online, but it. Like a striking manuscript.
A possible answer to this, of course, uh, is that French scribes are working in England.
Another is perhaps that the earlier manuscript was originally in France before it came to Christchurch.
Canterbury. Most striking feature of the shape of most manuscript traditions of classical text at the end of the Middle Ages
and the beginning of the Renaissance is the sheer quantity of surviving manuscripts that were written in Italy.
Some of the examples from this which these manuscripts were copied were already in Italy.
Others arrived in this period.
Those text that were literally before the late 13th century may be divided, perhaps rather arbitrarily,
into two classes texts that had never left Italy and text that had returned earlier in the Middle Ages.
Amongst the manuscript traditions that I have studied.
That of the agricultural writings of Plato and Varro provide a good example of a tradition that they never have left Italy before, about 1400.
All the surviving manuscripts are Italian or derived from Italian manuscripts, and the earliest which is in Paris.
All right. Cheers. Um, dating from the 12th century.
Family traditions, it seems reasonable to postulate that there were no tax initially in the High Middle Ages.
All the older manuscripts of Caesar, Civil War, Vitruvius, Curtius, Rufus and Texas pretend pretences, and North European.
The later Italian manuscripts of the Caesar Vitruvius all derived from extant North European ancestors.
Although Vitruvius was known to Peter the Deacon at Monte Cassino in the 12th century,
it is reasonable to presume that the text at Monte Cassino had a North European ancestry, just like the pen of Anton Caesar.
But I talked about in my first lecture. The same is quite likely to be true for, uh, deck discontents for Curtius.
Many Italian manuscripts likewise have extant North European ancestors, and for those that do not.
Such an ancestor may be postulated on the basis of surviving North European relatives.
No Italian manuscript of Cicero Caesarian orations is earlier than the 13th century.
Since few of these Italian manuscripts have extant North European ancestors,
it is perhaps just conceivable that some of those that belong to the largest three families of manuscripts, the one that editors call gamma.
You have an entirely Italian ancestry. Of the older extant manuscripts of the heart of the work point to the circulation of all three families,
beginning in France and Germany, and I'm reluctant to believe this.
Now. Of course, I'm just studying a few traditions.
If you study some of the authors for whom there are hundreds and hundreds of manuscripts, you are of course likely to find that,
uh, copies of them had stayed in Italy, but for many traditions with a smaller circulation.
I think this is unlikely. So-called Verona Florez, a long known from a manuscript in the capital area of Verona, um,
but now also, uh, known in, uh, slightly different version from two later manuscripts.
Give us a good idea of the texts available in the early 14th century in Verona, where the chapter library was notably well stocked,
and among the authors I studied, one finds Catullus, Curtius, Barrow textures, um, the Caesarian orations.
Presence of Catullus in Verona and other cities in northern Italy presents a well known conundrum on which I touched in my third lecture.
The only ninth century manuscript of Catullus manuscript in Paris is French, and it contains only poem 62.
Um, but Catullus was also known to Bishop Ratter of Verona in the 10th century.
Did a copy made in Verona go to France?
Or on the analogy of two bothersome, precious dates, Catullus start to circulate in France, with Rato uh, gaining a copy from France.
Did the Verona always library always have a Catullus?
Or does the epigram that I briefly showed you that appeared in manuscripts G and R, suggests that the text had returned to Verona from elsewhere?
That conundrum, I think, is probably unresolvable on current evidence.
Some of the so-called pre-human tests of 14th century Italy,
featuring several of the traditions that I've studied benzo have Alessandra and those of diaries and Catullus,
Palermo, Dollfuss, Franco, Alvaro and Texas, and perhaps in others.
If it's right to associate the Verona Flores with him,
the cultural features and those of a yes and Caesar, Petrarch and the traditions of Curtius dicta.
Cicero speeches, Cyprian and Catullus. Their activities ushered in the age of humanism, and with humanism,
a flood of new works and new streams of text of works already known, came to Italy.
The best known and most eye catching of their rivals in Italy are those associated with the great hunters after new texts.
Aircraft feature somehow up, as I've said, in at least seven traditions that I've started.
But in none of these that he actually introduced the text to Italy.
However, several in which Poggio, the greatest explorer of them all was involved have come my way,
elucidating the ramifications of Portillo's discovery of the vectors.
Clearly, occurrences for the manuscripts of Cicero's speeches is perhaps the greatest achievements of Albert
Curtis Clark Frank predecessor as corpus professor and a figure perhaps too easily forgotten today.
I wonder how many people would include Clarke in the list of the great Oxford Latin as the last 150 years, but in my view he should be the.
When I publish on the Pro Roscoe and Pro Marina,
I shall have performed a much more humdrum task of trying to show how the 147 Italian manuscripts are to be placed on a stunner,
whose outline was largely established by Clarke over 100 years ago.
When Francesco Barbaro listed Luca Septimius, the translator Objectivist consensus among the texts discovered by Poggio,
he was exaggerating, since there are 14th century North Italian manuscripts of this work,
and two textual streams was already certainly already present in Italy, but it is very well known that Poggio spent time in Sankt Gallen,
and I was able to show that he found that what Septimus is translation of text is that in uncle and in this manuscript which you can see.
That manuscript has obviously never left so long, and the copy of that poncho either made or had made all that does not survive.
Ten Italian manuscripts that derive from this lost copy are still extant.
Another manuscript in Triangulum was now engulfed in beautiful.
The manuscript of five Antinous and five Antinous.
There's a ratio. One might say, here's up and a picture of Vitruvius on Vitruvius.
And. Which Palladio made some use of.
This manuscript involved Google is actually padded out with bits of real Vitruvius in it.
What you have is said to have discovered Vitruvius,
and I think it's fairly clear that what he did was either that this manuscript taken back to Italy, I don't know where Gouda discovered it.
Um, he had many Italian manuscripts in his collection, so he may have found it in Italy, or it may always have stayed north.
And Poggio had a copy of it made. I tell you right.
There are two Italian descendants of it, and there is a picture of one of them in the valley.
They are the. You know, classical was perhaps the last important explorer.
Its most celebrated introduction was the minor works of Tacitus,
and that the ninth century portion of the Agricola in the codex I see us, um, which is now in rooms Biblioteca Nazionale.
It came with it is with him is almost certain.
Enoch also introduced other tech, such as ah, picks your recipes after contests and portfolios.
Commentary on Horace. Well, Poggio, who discovered so much, was rather unimpressed with our picks, their recipes and contests,
and porphyry commentary on Horace, and perhaps a little interest in the Tacitus.
But without Enoch, I should not have been able to make my only significant contribution to the movement of manuscripts in Carolingian times.
Ali Ocha first, among whom Barnhart Bishop is extremely prominent, believe that manuscript V of porphyria and I'll show you it again.
Yeah. It's an early 19th century Italian manuscript that says has never left Italy, came to light.
And there are a few when it was discovered by Agostino Patrick, the bishop of uh, in the late 15th century.
But it was a client of Pope Pius the second.
Editors are Porfirio,
and people who are interested in this transmission rightly believed that Enoch of Ascoli and brought Porfirio back from northern Europe.
And this is clear from documentary evidence, and that all the Italian manuscripts must arrive from his copy, which had been presumed to be lost.
I hope that I have demonstrated that this manuscript not only has a ninth century descent, which is supposed to have been in Italy all the time,
not only has a ninth century ascendant, which is now in Munich, but comes from Augsburg Cathedral before its journey to Munich,
and was written in Germany and can be shown to be a direct copy,
but also that the manuscript in the Vatican was in fact the copy that Enoch brought back in 1455,
and that I should be interested to see the response of Palermo.
Preface to this I have given them all a possible escape route, which is obvious, and that is that, um.
The Vatican manuscript was taken north to Germany in the ninth century, after being written in Italy.
But the text introduced to exclude by the explorers are only the icing on what is a vast cake.
The Italian traditional census was derived from seven sources.
ESA Petrou. This was derived from six sources, that of Curtius Rufus, from four parts of Susa from three suppressions.
Perigee sis from two. I have not yet finished my work on Cicero's Caesarian orations,
but the number of sources for the Italian manuscripts is likely to number at least seven.
Some of these streams are large, even massive.
For example, I derive nearly 60 Italian manuscripts of Curtius from a manuscript in Brussels,
but most of its text and for the end of the text of Curtius, the number derived from that manuscript ultimately approaches three figures.
These examples illustrate the arrival of a textile family in a new location, and just filling up the geographical space around it.
Up from a Beano manuscript in the.
Bataclan or something very like it derives the family of manuscripts of the truth is the Titan find,
which has ten members and includes an Oxford um if a true verse and to rise from a manuscript are now lost are not.
I have not put in a slide. I apologise for working too late last night on my slides annotated by Petrarch.
Likewise for Vitruvius. The family of the Tibco Pi, which has eight members, derives from this manuscript in the Vatican.
I should be interested in your views on whether that is Italian or whether it is French.
How much opinion seem to differ, and that's in turn derived ultimately from the manuscript enlighten.
But other streams that come to Italy a slight. Um, I've said that they are a family court, so I should ask.
The editor of Leo's sermons is massive and consists mostly of French manuscripts of the 12th century,
but there are two Italian manuscripts of the 15th century.
There's one of them. Persona and the other is in Munich.
And so I'm not surprised you're. The two manuscripts are not closely related to each other.
Um Munich 208 and 12th 581 and set.
Both early 19th century manuscripts from Santa Monica, produced a massive family of North European manuscripts for some texts in the corpus.
A few Italian manuscripts of the 15th century, including one in Oxford that you can see that appear to derive independently from this same archetype.
Christians. Period Jesus first began to circulate in Italy around 1450.
All of the sources produced just two copies, one and Moderna, and the manuscript derived from it in the Vatican.
All this illustrates, and I should perhaps add that there is a stream of text of dick test that has just one Italian.
All this illustrates the way in which Italy acted like a magnet, attracting streams of text of all kinds,
major and minor, even when the works in question were already present, sometimes in large numbers in Italian libraries.
The two manuscripts of Leo just mentioned illustrate this nicely.
There were plenty of Italian manuscripts of Leo, but they derive from a French family,
and their derivation via two different routes shows that on two occasions a member of that family came to Italy.
In many traditions, one can find manuscripts written in Northern Europe that derive from Italian streams of text.
A classical text illustrates the spread of humanism to the north.
French examples of this kind include two manuscripts of Cato and Taro uh in the same volume,
one of them in the same volume as the handsome French Vitruvius from the Laurentian I showed earlier.
And they derive from a copy that is now in Naples.
And the existence of these French manuscripts seems to be the result of, of course, other requests to make on shore to Montreal, to Salo.
Tati. Uh, there's a manuscript in Paris of Curtius, which is related to manuscripts written in Rome from the Low Countries.
There was a manuscript is. In Ltd.
I've got 30 minutes so my slides are slightly out of order.
I apologise for that today.
Um, with a provenance of sound, Trond, and perhaps written there from Poland, comes to a manuscript in colleague of Vitruvius.
Uh, also two manuscripts in Krakow, um of Curtius, related to each other and presumably derived from an exemplar brought to Poland.
From Silesia comes a manuscript of Leo that I mentioned on Tuesday, which derives from another manuscript, now in Silesian,
which was either written in Florence or has a text that is Florentine and from Germany, comes to manuscripts in Bamberg, one of which is Italian.
You can see that owned. I had that from Stein, who studied in Bologna and later became dean of Bamberg and.
Uh, we have the German copy made from it.
These manuscripts were written in Northern Europe. As for manuscripts written in Italy and now in northern European libraries,
the majority crossed the Alps in more recent times after the age of 90, production was over.
Some are in Northern Europe because they were made or purchased in the 15th century by men who took them back home.
Here are some notable examples.
In Oxford, William Grey was an envoy in Italy and is known to have purchased manuscripts in Florence which led to Vespasian,
though he took in the honour of writing his life.
Manuscripts that he gave to Balliol College, which was his college, include a splendid set of Cicero.
And, uh, it's an instance of one of set.
It needs hardly be said that for the speeches that I have studied, it's texts can be related to other Florentine manuscripts.
Andrew. Holes or holes or holes? Likewise, all nodes with a man with a life by Vespucci all know what's in Florence in the 1430s.
Among the manuscripts that he left to New College, his alma mater,
uh manuscripts two full nine of Cicero's speeches and 131 and 132 of separate or compare related to other Florentine manuscripts.
Robert Fleming, nephew of the founder of Lincoln College,
spent a large part of his career in Zelda, and his manuscripts can be related to his travels.
Then comes Latin. 39 of Cicero's speeches belongs to a well documented Florentine family.
So to us is number 47 of separation.
And this was on display a fortnight ago. And you can see there special no mark of production on that.
Then Conforti has North Italian decoration, probably from Padua, and it's of which his text resembles several other manuscripts written in Padua.
Fleming studied in Padua.
A text of Cicero's prose sex Though Roscoe in Lincoln 84, written in Fleming's own hand, which you can see has become quite a good humanist.
Hancock, with North European essays on it, is like that of several manuscripts written in the area of Bologna and Ferrara.
Dunning studied in Ferrara after he was in Padua.
Moving from England to Germany. Hartman changed all who left from 1414 to 1514, started in Padua after 1463,
and text of Cicero's Pro Record de Otero in this speech derives from a manuscript in the Vatican that has been localised by experts to Padua.
Both church councils of the first half of the 15th century played an important role in the dissemination of classical texts,
and also of patristic texts. The Council of Constance ran from 1414 to 1418.
The Council of Basel from 1433 to 1437, and its initial phase.
Many of the clerics of these councils had interests in classical art, especially patristic texts, and were keen to acquire new manuscripts.
Role. Basel can be nicely illustrated by some manuscripts of the sermons and letters of Leo the Great.
There's a manuscript in Munich that contains a collection of 56 of Leo's letters, followed by Anselm's mother, Lockean.
Hello portion has produced various progeny amongst North European manuscripts.
There is a manuscript in Krakow. Either.
But there are also Italian manuscripts and there is one in Turin.
The Italian manuscripts include both the sermons and the letters.
In the sermons. This manuscript was the perhaps the immediate source of volume, the Ambrosiano a one for two in February.
I regret that I've got no image of this latter.
Um. Ambrosiano manuscripts.
Images are very expensive to purchase, but it was owned by Archbishop Pitts El Paso, whom I mentioned in my lecture on separate.
Another manuscript that arise from the Munich manuscript in Leo's letters is that a counsellor timed us five, four, eight.
Unlike those just mentioned, it also contains, um, some small allocation, although only the first seven chapters of it,
and it also contains Leo's sermons, and it has many Italian descendants.
I've no doubt that Basel is the geographical location that, more than any other, explains these thematic threads.
The Krakow manuscript proclaims that it was written in Barcelona,
which says that on it the decoration on the manuscript, you can say, is Swiss, unpaid.
Sul passo was in Basel. It is obvious that either the Munich manuscript of Leo's letters and that doesn't contain the sermons and um,
or a copy of it, came to Basel at the time of the council.
As Folio Sons. All the manuscripts that I have mentioned have a very similar text and belong to Watch of us.
I've mentioned as the editor for the orange, Corpus Christi and Aurum series has called his group B.
Um, they all have a similar text, but no extant manuscript could have been their source.
There's no equivalent to the Munich manuscript. Nevertheless, I suspect that such a manuscript was present at Basel.
There are a few complications. El Paso's manuscript in the Ambrosiano derives from the Turin manuscript in the sermon,
but it scenes from the Basel decorated one you couldn't say in the letters.
All these manuscripts must have been in proximity to each other.
But whether in Basel or in some cases later, literally is not entirely clear to me.
This manuscript on the screen that has partial decoration is worth another glance.
It has quite a few Italian descendants. It also has a North European descendant, at least so I think from collection that is now in Ghent.
This manuscript is written in prayer, and according to the catalogue, was written in 1401.
That could not work. Derivation from the manuscript produced in the Council of Basel.
And so could the colourful, in fact, say, 1451 and there it is up on the screen, and you might want to advise me of what I should think about that.
On the assumption that I am correct in my derivation with an illustration of what I take to be an
important phenomenon of the church councils of Constance and Basel manuscripts present at them.
I have progeny both north and south of the Alps.
Counsellor also may also explain one corner. The tradition of separate rooms works.
With layers, letters and more speculatively with the sermons.
We saw how works came from the North to Italy via Basel or through a verse, is the case with Cyprian.
My lecture on the life of Cyprian. I briefly showed an image of a manuscript in Turin.
Up here. Look your eyes for that.
Um. D4 37. An Italian manuscript, the 12th century, that is the source of numerous other Italian manuscripts of separate.
However, in addition to its Italian progeny, there are three manuscripts with additional manuscript in Krakow that I just mentioned,
written in 1435, also contain separate and derived from it.
Toto does a manuscript in Munich written in a German hand, and so does a manuscript in the Vatican.
Uh, you can see it. De la mer who helped me when I started on manuscript.
So much in her life has helped me here beyond the grave. She was interested in manuscripts of Cyprian, and in her papers is a TypeScript on it,
and she identified this manuscript as one produced in Barcelona.
I've come to the UN to recognise that style of illumination in Basel.
If we put it on the manuscript of Leo side by side,
you can see the similarities in their luminescence and their illumination in the Krakow manuscript, though less extensive, is also similar in style.
So I conclude that the Turin manuscript of Cyprian was presumably taken from Basel to Italy,
and then taken back to Italy, where it produced more progeny.
I'm drawing to a close. I'm conscious that in these lectures I have yet to mention a Lisle manuscript.
While Fondo contains only a few patristic manuscripts, none of the text that I have studied, and barely any manuscripts of classical Latin authors.
But there is one manuscript of an author as famous as any.
Number 83 contains Cicero's speeches.
Until you tell on the superb catalogue. Copies of which were almost being given away on the Bodleian bookstall in the 1990s.
Uh, I bought it for something like £3, but I learnt that the manuscript has two scribes, the first, Marino Tomaselli, and you have politician,
the second, an anonymous scribe who worked in Florence, where Thomas Tomaselli was an envoy for most of 1465 to 1495.
Initial illumination is Neapolitan in style.
Glamorous treatment of this manuscript is so authoritative that it leaves little for the textile scholar to do but to say that this evidence.
It's because I'm male, confirms what she says of the first two speeches that I started obsessing over the
pro Roskill I'm Reno comes in the first part of the text of the Lisle manuscript,
and is indeed very like a manuscript now in Naples or B5.
And the Pro Morena comes in the second part and clearly belongs to a Florentine family that is easy to define.
And so with Lyle, um, the great scholar who was so wisely employed by the Portland to catalogue his bequest, I shall finally release you.
And thank you for listening to me, particularly those of you who've been dear to me for five lectures in a row.
Thank you very much.