Hello, everyone. Welcome to another of the six lectures being given by the Slade Professor of Fine Arts, the 2021.
These lectures are an important tradition at the University of Oxford.
John Ruskin was the first to give a series of public lectures on art in 1870 after being appointed as the initial slate professor of fine art.
Every year, a distinguished scholar is asked to follow in his footsteps.
My name is Geoffrey Bachem, I'm professor of the history of art here at the University of Oxford.
It is my great pleasure to introduce this year's slate. Professor Professor Dr. Jerilyn Dodds.
Terry Dodds is Harlequin, a Dear Dutchman, Professor, Faculty of Art History at Sarah Lawrence College in the United States.
Professor Dodd's scholarly work is centred on mediaeval, Spanish art and architecture,
and especially on issues of trans transcultural Asian and identity formation.
Amongst her many publications are arts of intimacy, Christians, Jews and Muslims in the making of custodian culture.
A renowned cover of the textbook.
In addition to other books, catalogues and essays, Jerry has also curated a number of important exhibitions and made films to accompany them.
In 2018, in recognition of her exceptional contributions to the dissemination of knowledge of Spanish history and culture, Prof.
Dodds was the recipient of the Cross of the Order of Civil Merit from the Government of Spain.
We are honoured the Professor Dodds accepted our invitation to deliver this year's state
professor of fine art lectures and are now happily hand over the microphone to her.
Thanks so much. As ever, Professor Batch, and for your kind words.
My abiding thanks to the Committee for Slade lectures for this honour,
for the support of the Department of Art History and to Liz Green and the torch team.
This celebrated miniature is part of a manuscript of the Atlas of Liberals commentary on the apocalypse of Saint John,
painted by the artist miles near the frontier of a Syrian and Lebanese and umpired lens around 9:45.
It depicts a scene from the Book of Daniel included here because St Jerome's commentary
on the prophet was added as a kind of Old Testament mirror of St. John's prophecy.
You might know the story. King Baltazar has defiled the temples of the vessels of the temple.
He's using them to feast with his nobles, wives and his concubines,
and meiosis gives this last part of the guest list the concubines particular attention.
As Baltasar is feasting, fingers appear from behind a candlestick as if it were.
The text says the hand of a man riding upon the surface of the wall.
The frail picture of the Prophet Daniel watches the handwrite three words on the White House walls of a
red and white banded arch and interprets the words to mean that Baltasar Empire's kingdom will fall.
This is the earliest surviving appearance of this event in the Baptist manuscripts,
and though Miles looks at Bible prototypes for other images of his Daniel cycle.
This is not one of them. The slightly later Leon Bible of 1960 gives us only a disembodied hand.
Now, both the Tsars dinner guests are indebted to Roman tradition, his diners recline very much like Dido in A. In the fifth century,
Roman Virgil, even the servant offering wine is here, though from the opposite side.
And yet the setting is very different.
The Palace of Baltasar is depicted as an arch that draws a new, instantly recognisable meaning into the narrative.
The words from his dream are written on its very. And they give a contemporary meaning to Daniel's prophecy, as Menendez Vidal noticed long ago.
An architectural form becomes a signifier for a vilified Islam, thus the Great Mosque of Cordoba and by extension,
the Amite emirate takes place in a visual historian that links the miniatures present with divine history.
Apparently, the minds were not the only ones who saw banded arches as emblematic of their rule on the Iberian Peninsula.
Now, the horseshoe arch itself alone appears indiscriminately throughout the tumultuous story of the end of times told in the Morgan beaches,
and in these cases, workshop, convention and elaborate decorative formulas obscured the arts, the arches structure.
But this Daniel page is uncommonly structural and specific and unique within the context of the manuscript.
It shows that consciousness alive to how an architectural motif might shape an identity and reaches
out of its textual discourse into contemporary textual could contemporary contemporary times.
In the Tarboro and up, they are painted by disciples of Maia's and from the same family of manuscripts.
The image might still maintain the same ideological message, but without the same immediacy,
a more conventional composition Centre's Daniel disconnecting the action from the arch as John Williams,
the master chronicler of the Baptist tradition, noticed.
But the Morgan page bears all the marks of meiosis personal invention, the tilt of Daniel's head as he looks up to read the writing on the wall,
the positioning of the candlesticks so that the hand can write directly on the White House floor of the arch.
Meiosis image might suggest resistance to white hegemony in the 10th century,
and yet the text of the 8th century commentary on the uncle of BATAS is famous for what is seen as an
almost perverse refusal to explicitly align the very recent Islamic context conquest of the peninsula.
With the end of times, that was its subject.
Lucy Pick, however, considered beyond just this text in terms of its segmented episodes in which the reader was invited to meditate,
quote within the gaps of a narrative in order to complete the mental images evoked,
the commentary did not so much provide answers she proposes as it outlined patterns
of thought and behaviour and suggested avenues of comparison between past,
present and future. So they'll be accused in the 8th century, does not explicitly mention Muslims in Spain.
He invites the incorporation of contemporary history into his readers meditations.
The combination of text and image uses what Mary Carruthers called race memorable police clues for meditative reading connexions,
inviting the active reader to fill in the gaps between present and future.
Something we're surely meant to do when the horror of Babylon appears cross-legged on a cushion.
Not all of the men manuscripts of the commentary of the apocalypse of Beatrice are so intensely engaged in contemporary reference.
But Maya's masterwork in the 10th century seems to some scholars to have been one.
The page predicting Maltesers downfall might also function within the long exegetical tradition of Daniel 02:21, God changes times and ages.
Erects and transforms kingdoms. Now, Jerome's understanding was that it was by the will of God that kingdoms are governed, altered and terminated,
and that men only intervened in the grand course of history when their sins excited God's anger in the north of the peninsula with a new Morgan,
Bachus was made. The Chronicle of Alfonso the third represents the amide conquest as a scourge allowed by
God to punish the Goths temporarily for transgressing divine law until kings like Alfonso,
the third of the North might lead his chosen people back to their promised land.
And this is from a wonderful analysis by Kenneth Wolfe. In the Chronicle, though, you call office, called the King of Babylon,
and Muslims are often called Chadians after the Babylonian dynasty or satraps after Babylonian governors from the Book of Daniel,
an evocative metaphor appearing in texts both from the North and the south.
This this allows us to see this particular image of Babylon on the left,
from the introduction to Daniel in meiosis beato in context, the city entirely embraced by serpent like dragons.
Its long inscription includes the words and the vessels of the Lord were carried from Jerusalem to Babylon by King Nebuchadnezzar.
And because of the wrath of God, there are dragons, ostriches around the city and owls and sirens sing seductively in the wicked city.
I don't find the Owls to be particularly threatening, but the dragons are.
The abduction of the vessels. Spoken about in this image connects this surreal and threatening image to the
moment of truth regarding those very vessels during the Feast of Baltasar,
which is depicted, of course, further on in the same manuscript.
A drawing that copied a similar image of Babylon from a related Bachus manuscript was joined in the Roada Codex by a drawing of Nineveh,
together with, interestingly, a drawing of Toledo. What Manuel Deoxy D asks do these cities have in common?
He responds. They were all cities destroyed for their sins. As the Chronicle of 7:54 explains, Musa forced his way into Toledo.
The royal city decapitated its noble lords, who remained devastating his Hispano by the judgement of God.
This conviction is echoed in the 10th century amongst Christians living under my rule.
In an interaction between John Bishop of Cordoba and a censorious john of Gorse,
who had travelled all the way to Cordoba in the 1950s on an embassy from all of the third to Abdul Rahman,
the third in the very years that the manuscript was being painted in the Christian Kingdoms in the north of the peninsula.
Consider the Court of Bishops, Bishop said to the attorney and boy as he waited endlessly for his caliph for his audience with the Caliph,
perhaps in the new medina of Zafira. Consider the Court of Bishops, Bishop said.
Under what conditions we live in the midst of the great calamity we have suffered for our sins, we still owe it to them.
The Almiron's the constellation of letting us live under our own laws and living very closely and diligently our Christian faith.
Of course, Bishop John was an appalling was an apologist for the majority of Alusi Christians
who had remained as peoples of the book Protected Monotheism in All and Loose.
Christians lived in self-governed communities they could worship in their own churches, though not embellish them or build new ones,
and were held to other restrictions regarding ritual display and social subordination.
But what was perhaps more difficult, more difficult for some was that the church in Orlando Luce was no longer entitled to
the substantial prestige and political power it had enjoyed under Visigoths rule.
This was one catalyst for the voluntary martyr movement of the 9th century, in which 48 Christians were executed for apostasy or purposeful blasphemy.
These Christians were a vocal minority who, and Christie says,
called a group of extremists whose actions were at best an embarrassment to the Church of Cordoba.
But they were prolific, prolific writers. And then in the mid 10th, in the mid 9th and 10th centuries,
certain groups of NWC Christians travelled north to re-establish their monasteries in the Christian kingdoms.
Did they chafe against the same complacency that excited the righteous indignation of John, of course, and the martyrs of Cordoba?
And what would be their place within Christian ruled lands?
Meiosis Badghis was likely made in the Monastery of Tarboro in the north of the peninsula in
an area near the Douro river that had only been informally settled since the 8th century.
It was not exactly depopulated.
Rather, there was a demographic fragmentation and decentralisation of authority that had occurred over perhaps a century and a half.
A minor bit of political chaos into which the Austrian and Lebanese monarchs jumped with glee,
appropriating new territories and appropriating political and administration and administrative
organisation in particular during the ninth century reign of Alfonso the third.
This process incorporated a number of strategies and players, including an expanding nobility,
existing and displaced lay persons and also the resettlement of monastic institutions,
both indigenous communities and entire monasteries who came from all under loose in a symbiotic relationship with the Lanny's monarchy,
which utilised monastic institutions to consolidate annexed lands.
The collarbone of meiosis beaches states that it was made for a monastery of San Miguel.
We know it was located at least in the 14th century at the monastery of San Miguel de Escalada, so that it seems likely it was made for the monastery.
And San Miguel de Escalada had originally been founded by just such a group of Andalucia
Christians who came in the words of their own dead Katori Inscription from Cordoba,
their POP3 as part of this strategic repopulation.
Sam McHale was at the centre of a group of buildings that had long been known as Mozur Arabic churches and still are in some quarters.
And their study was set forth in a remarkable book of Manuel Gomez Moreno 100 years ago Iglesias Mozart a bass.
A monument of field work and research. It created a canon of largely 9th and 10th century buildings that Gomez Moreno saw as reflecting
the singular impact of Arabs Christians on the Iberian Peninsula in using the term miserable.
He was following common 19th and 20th century usage, which identified a Christian Mazara as a Christian who lived under Islamic rule.
The word itself is more complicated. It's derived from Musavi, a word that does not appear in Arabic written sources on the Iberian Peninsula,
where Christians are referred to as Ajam or Nasira, amongst other terms.
It does, however, derive from the Arabic lexicon and has a complex history.
It can reference peoples of any religion who assimilate to Arab customs.
That alone history, a graphical habit of thinking on the Iberian Peninsula,
changed the ethnic differentiation to a religious one in the mediaeval Iberian
Peninsula survives only in Latin documents beginning in the 11th and 12th centuries.
Thus, the Arabic term was one known but apparently seldom used in Orlando loose, but then brought north by members of the NWC Christian community,
where it was employed in places like Toledo in interaction between indigenous Christians and the others.
Castilian said Franks, with whom they were obliged to come to terms as a collective in a new look in a new colonial world.
Thus, the 11:18 Puedo General de Toledo lists different groups to whom the code pertains all citizens of Toledo, Castilian, most Arabs and Franks.
But in 1919, Don Manuel used the term to modify artistic production.
Seeing in the architecture, he called Mozur Arabic quote a stepchild of Cordoba,
a perfect reflection of the absorbing cultural ambience of Arabs Spain.
But then he also speaks of his fear, and I quote that outside of Spain, our chronology for these buildings will be criticised.
Repeating that in Spain, there's no Christian art before French Romanesque.
His work was part of the construction of a national narrative that he hoped would reveal a uniquely Spanish spirit,
a full Christ emerging from the peninsula's uniquely, culturally and conventionally diverse Middle Ages.
And so his great subject and also its name, had to insist on this unique cultural experience at the same time that he lamented
the difference at which he imagined it placed in from the rest of Europe.
And so into this, those sort of flames of this indecipherable koan, he threw the one form that signified alternative from Europe.
The horseshoe arch.
As a defining form, consequently incorporating countless buildings into his group that had little or no connexion to the most Arabs.
That is to Christians from Alan Deluce for the horseshoe arch was characteristic of Iberian late antique architecture,
both late Roman and from the busy gothic periods as Gomes Marino well knew not just to those connected to Alan Dallas.
Moselle Arabic, if applied to all these works, propels us to privilege the parameters of that descriptor.
It brings with it assumptions regarding the level of acculturation of an individual
and impedes us from seeing any patron that works in all of their complexity.
As we witless attempt to reapply reaffirm the implications of the name we used at most, Arabic art must be Arabs.
When I first wrote about go the escalator, it was in the way of an attempt to recuperate the church's non-Arabs,
meanings from the role of the term was Arabic.
I saw the horseshoe arched arcade and partitioned space of some guilty escalator as far from Islamic State,
but rather historic size than resistant, it seemed intransigent leaf frozen in an imagined pre-Islamic history of the peninsula.
Typical of a church built before the advent of the Almiron's the late antique architecture of the busy gothic period.
And I compare it here to the 7th century arcade of the Church of San Juan de Banyas.
Was this a copy? No, it was more like an approximation of a style remembered something different from the
indigenous architecture developed in the far north and under the Kingdom of Asturias,
which did not, by the way, use the horseshoe arch. You'll possibly become very weary.
Of course you are. Just before this is done, some Miguel's interiors seemed to me to be a stern,
austere response to the emblematic polychrome of the illumination from the Morgan Bay arches,
a position echoed in texts from the voluntary martyr movement resistant like Paula of our famous lament.
Where is the Christian layman who reads the Latin commentaries on these scriptures for everyone who can write a letter to a friend in Latin?
There are a thousand who can express themselves in Arabic with elegance.
It seemed to me that for NWC Christians who came north,
the loss of Christian cultural hegemony and frustration at rhetorical silencing
were key issues for a sector of the church invited to subsist under amide rule,
but with a bitter, though highly mythologised memory of lost political and cultural hegemony enjoyed under Visigoths rule.
But then they were a minority. The path in this work had been laid for me by the inimitable Isidro Bangalter Rizo,
who count who in countless studies of what he and Jose come on out the narco repopulation architecture offered
a rethinking of this signal group of buildings that were at the heart of Spanish history and historiography.
Bango brought to light 19, 9th and 10th century dedications that declared churches were built in in.
Pardon me that declared the churches were built quote from the foundations of an abandoned
site or quote on the foundation of an old church or on a site abandoned 200 years or more.
In some cases, the presence of NWC monks in this royal resettlement project was explicitly laid out in carefully orchestrated scenarios.
The dedication of Sen. Mark Martin of Castaneda reads This place with a small building of old for
long time lay in ruin until Abidjan came from Cordoba to build it up or of San Miguel de Escalada.
This place with a little building of old dedicated to the archangel Michael
lonely and ruined until Abbot Alfonso coming with his brethren from Cordoba,
his patria built up the ruined house in the time of Prince Alfonso.
And then that same prince bought a site of a ruined Monastery of Sense of Saints for Kunduz and Primitiveness to give another abbot.
Alfonso, who came from Espana Island to loose with his monks and the building of abandoned sites, could also be described in more detail.
Exmoor empty quo in the old manner. But what did the old manor mean visually?
If the programme involved a reconstruction of busy gothic, monumental topography,
were there models from the period of busy gothic rule in the north of the peninsula for this programme?
Indeed, there are few churches standing today from the from the late antique architecture of busy gothic rule.
But it's important not to make the mistake of looking at the problem of surviving models,
looking at the problem of a lack of surviving models in the 10th century as evidence that there were no not the models or since I seem to be studying.
Let me put it in Jeremy John's words, the absence of evidence is not the evidence of absence.
I might get a tattoo of that someday. This, however, leads us to a very contested ground today.
Archaeologists in Spain have been tireless since the 1990s in reassessing churches that had
originally been designated busy gothic out of a 19th century order for a romantic national identity.
Excavations have corrected many of these attributions, and there have also been, on the other hand,
important archaeological finds, including the new sites revealing large scale conduct construction during the busy gothic rule.
But there's also been amongst some something of a systematic attempt to dismantle the corpus of late antique buildings of
the busy gothic period in the service of the theory that large scale and national or construction only blossomed after 7:11.
When it is posited, the Mayans are thought to have brought construction traditions and forms from this area.
These traditions, the theory goes,
were brought north by NWC Christians in and I quote eastern channel of transmission without the intervention of an indigenous style of the note.
Forgive me, then, if I take a moment to defend the ancient honour of only two of the buildings swept up into this theory,
which I consider to reflect late antique tradition from the busy gothic period.
Santa Maria de Melky and San Juan de Banos not proposing them as specific models,
but but but as a way of stabilising our understanding of the kind of models that might have
existed during the 9th and 10th century resettlement as northern monastics were constructing,
or, they would say, reconstructing a new identity on the frontier. Santamaria, the MLK, a grand vaulted crucible and building of almost cycle panache,
law and horseshoe arches has no dated stratigraphy in its main body,
except for a level that that yielded a busy gothic coin and a 17th century single order.
Well, thermal luminescence and carbon dating could incorporate dates from the seventh.
Through the ninth centuries, Milky conforms to a well-known Christopher formed Church of the Type,
pretty well known in the sixth and seventh centuries on the peninsula and in the Mediterranean as well.
It uses techniques that align with an Iberian and Roman past and decorative forms that find their roots in common Mediterranean lead antique lexicon.
The alternative suggestion that it's masonry vaulting and stucco are the result of the intervention
of Syrian masons and artists who arrived with Abdul Rahman in 1755 seems far less likely.
The Almighty's employed local labour forces and labour practises and Corbet Cordoba,
as well as in other locations, and used nothing like these techniques and their own patronage.
Melky could have been built after 7-11 since this area was incorporated very late into the emirate,
but as a continuation more of an established pre conquest tradition, the theory in the interests of which connexions to Syria are made.
As Juan Carlos resolves and Alexander OSCA, Tesco have proposed into encyclopaedic rebuttals,
tries to connect remote models while ignoring local networks and histories.
A second model and one day bonus, the Basilicata, which I compared some some Miguel de Escalada has a long standing position as a dated,
busy gothic basilica located associated with the busy gothic king.
RECIST went through an in-situ 7th century dedicated inscription.
San Juan was exhaustively surveyed in 1998 by Luis Caballero and Santiago Vigil,
who tentatively called the 7th century dating into question on stylistic grounds.
Related, I think primarily to a fragmented, ornamental frieze.
However, its needs are paid for us.
The signifying aspect of diagnosis elevation is intact and its beams and clamps are carbon dated to the late Roman period and the 7th century,
respectively. So we will work today with these two examples one a late antique basilica and one a monumental,
centrally planned building, both employing lekgotla, masonry and horseshoe arches.
Traditional hallmarks of late antique architecture, obviously gothic rule.
Churches like the Little Santa, a quarter of Santa comedy Bondi are probably amongst those restored in the 19th century,
although although there's disagreement as to how much of it precedes its ninth century restoration,
but its reconstruction in any case performs a busy gothic identity built on the site of one of those abundant ruined monasteries donated by Alfonso,
the third this time in 1872. It was rebuilt, we're told from the foundations up.
It must echo the ruined church on which it was built a horseshoe arch crucified and clan plan reminiscent of Melky.
But in miniature, a 19th century construction that reaffirms the ideology of busy gothic renewal.
All the more so because the horseshoe arch had not been a feature in plan or
elevation in the architecture of Austria's Leon before the period of repopulation.
So Basilica is like a Gallagher and sensibly under my thoughtI and centrally planned buildings like Santiago Kanaloa,
all of them 10th century can be seen as signifiers of a policy of continuity with a lost,
busy gothic past promoted by northern monarchies, a platform well documented in the vast literary output of the Laney's.
A much repeated phrase from the Chronicle of Al Belder that King Alfonso, the second,
established the entire order of the Goths just as it had been in Toledo,
issued from the core development of the third, the very monarch who was constructing this powerful historical metaphor as the
ideological framework for his appropriation and resettlement of territories.
A remarkable page from the Codex, Abdul Densey illustrates this underlying ideology for the Kingdom of Navarre King Essential
Essential Garcés in the centre of a grid that shows him as direct heir to Visigoths kings,
whose law codes are contained in the text.
The scribe vigilance and his disciples below it is, of course, a visual picture of the transmission of the text, but it's also a political diagram.
Essential Garces is shown here as the continuation of the legendary busy gothic rulers who appear above him.
But how did this policy in Leon, promoted by a chancery and by northern monastics associated with the Crown,
interact with NWC institutions from the South?
They were also partners in this ideological construction. But while northern bishops in abbots were concerned with the proliferation of typologies,
the connexion of NWC Christians to these models was something more.
It was also phenomenological the models were remembered by them because and Alusi monks
had never stopped worshipping in late antique churches of the busy gothic period.
Their memory very likely included the somatic experience of the horseshoe arch and of partition space.
Only one church constructed under umpired rule partially survives.
From this period in Andalucia at Bastrop, north of Malaga, the remains of a rock that basilica at the site of the stronghold of, but not soon,
where the rebel leader had established a bishopric and sponsored the construction of churches before his result revolt was crushed by Abdul Rahman,
the third. In this tripartite east and horseshoe shaped apps in plan and horseshoe arched arcade, exaggerated here by the rock construction bubble,
Astros are the partitioned and confined spaces engendered by the Hispanic liturgy shared by all Iberian Christians.
In the capital, in Cordoba St eulogies, the ardent here of the hero of the voluntary martyr movement.
We might certainly consider him a hostile witness so we can believe him when he
named 17 functioning churches in Cordoba or its vicinity by name in his writing,
lamenting the enforcement of Emir Muhammad the first.
Who and I quote ordered Church of Churches of a more recent construction to be destroyed.
And commanded that whatever stood out in the way of new adornments on the old churches,
that is anything that had been added to the structure of the old churches at the time of the Arabs be dismantled end quote.
That's pretty specific. You load, yes. Thus, not only bears witness to the continued construction and repair of churches,
but he also shows an acute understanding of their relative antiquity and relationship to the advent of the
Almiron's lamenting the destruction of some church roofs quote nearly 300 years after their foundation.
He is he interrupts his scurrilous, scurrilous, scurrilous biography of Muhammad to talk about the construction of churches
when the Visigoths at King says about Quote held the royal dignity in Toledo,
lauding the wonderful workmanship and high roof of one he's chronicling of
such church buildings quote erected by the zeal and industry of our fathers,
end quote and of their destruction was, in many ways, an attempt to cement those buildings into their own material history,
a tendency to think about architecture in historical terms that would subsequently meet the politically inspired rebuilding of sites in the North.
So it seems likely that the duplication of Horseshoe Arch Basilica and compact vaulted central plans in the North were triangulated in this
visual construction of identity that it was a language understood for slightly different reasons in both the north and inland Duluth.
The historic sizing conscious the surrounding church building in the south,
grew from a sensitised notion of the passage of time in a context in which the act of building as a rhetorical expression was constricted.
The architectural historicism of the northern Astri and Leonids court grew instead from a more
conventional notion of historical renewal and renovation as a tool for practical political consolidation.
The two attitudes came together in a kind of court meeting of matter and imagination,
as Michael and Holly might have put it, a meeting more compelling.
To my mind, because the interaction between the two groups intent attempted a reconciliation between a historic size,
embodied memory and a strategized idealised ideological programme.
Both northern and southern Christians were thus poised to perform a sort of material transfiguration
of the last Christian hegemony on the peninsula before the advent of who might rule.
As Professor Bango showed, churches were reconstructed or constructed novel using techniques more or less sophisticated buildings of
coined or coerced rubble work and others have nicely fitted Ashlock are all aligned behind this same vision.
This is not about building tradition. There were surely sites whose association with the busy gothic period were misunderstood
or invented because this was on one level of fictive reinvention of the past.
But it also seems there was a clear notion of what represented in the minds of these different patrons a
building that could perform an imagined visual memory of a much lamented political and cultural hegemony.
And so although my use was, in all probability, aliens monk, he participated in a common,
historic sized and heightened sense of the capacity of architecture to create and signify specific identities and ideologies.
These forms were indexed in a construction of community identities and a return to the Promised Land.
Maybe you could consider it of the busy gothic monarchy and for my use,
also a resistance to a Lutke mired architectural identity that threatened to erase their memory of that past.
But then how does the meaning of this movement militant politicised and ingrained in memory?
Transform utilises forms that are also recognisably Islamic,
like the app's entrance to the little chapel of semi gilded Villanova with its compact allthese.
That's the moulding that in frames the horseshoe arch, the same as it does at the Great Mosque of Cordoba or here in the Salon of Medina or Zafira.
Also in in both of them, both of those extra extra doses are ballooning kind of grandly.
Or consider Santiago de Pina Alba, the site of retirement of Sen. Canada, a great ally of the Kings of Leon,
who set about rebuilding the sites founded by Visigoths extinct fruit juices and
in founding institutions that revived his model of busy gothic monasticism.
Its plan reflects across plan oratory from the busy, busy gothic period and the late antique double X-Type type as well,
and it was conceived in an ideological context of resistance.
The monastery received this jewelled cross from Leonids King Ramiro, the second in honour of his victory against Abdul Rahman at Sea Monkeys in 09:39,
cementing the monasteries relationship with the monarchy and its triumphal goals.
And yet, for all its historicism and militant order, both the app's entrance and the principal doorways are embraced by a fees,
as in the 9th century door of the Great Mosque of Cordoba and the enclosed horseshoe arches.
A more recent court of structures there, Springer is ending in sharp, elegant points.
Maria de Los Angeles treasurer has called this transcultural, and I believe she's correct.
But I do not see these changes in style happening only because of the possible intervention of NWC craftsmen or Muslim slaves.
As has recently been suggested, these forms significantly impact the identity of the building,
and they appear in multiple different workshop traditions in the context of the heightened consciousness of style that was 10th century Leone.
It's difficult to imagine that the design and appearance of the apps would be passively abdicated
by such engaged patrons as the monks of Santiago intent on reviving busy gothic monasticism.
They were chosen in a way that might instead seem to us ideologically contrary.
Indeed, when I first wrote about these churches, I could not imagine these two ideas coexisting temporally on one side, the retentive,
conservative political narrative of gothic renewal and escalada with its erasure of post conquest
history and the other which I saw as a more ambivalent cultural and ideological identity.
And this apparent contradiction was one reason that John Williams and Patrick All-Clear both doubted the ideological freight of the Morgan Bay page.
We all had had difficulty reconciling the implicit ideological inconsistency of
the architecture and the manuscript in the face of this perceived contradiction.
I sought to explain that those works of the 10th century corpus that showed a clear connexion with Andalucia
architecture could be grouped in a later period in which ideology of resistance had reigned waned.
But then there's a problem. Santiago de Panama dates only three years before the assumed date of meiosis feast in
a manuscript that would soon be found at the monastery of San Miguel de Escalada.
Where a reports completed in a later campaign than the nave is conventionally dated to the same years as the manuscripts execution.
And that's kind of interesting that they might order the manuscript and make a new porch at the same time.
The little window with a doubled horseshoe arch can be traced to Roman Envisat Gothic models.
But the sharp, radical profile of the horseshoe arches of the porch and the office, there's something else altogether honouring the past.
Yes, and yet not resisting the present.
Amongst the canonical churches privileged by Gomez Moreno, the Basilica of Sensibly under Masotti,
which cannot be securely dated, is also a consummately elite antique building,
a horseshoe arched, wooden roofed basilica like San Juan de Banos Hispanic in its liturgical expression, almost Etonian in its monumentality.
But it must there also arches painted with alternating blue swabs and a ballooning extra of the dose.
Small vestiges of a grand lost painting scheme, which apparently covered much of the church.
And this same polychrome is found at Santiago de Piniella in admiration of Under Lucy Forms.
The banded arches at my Philip and Parnell, but cannot be budge to converge semiotic Lee within the arch that harbours Balthasar Southeast,
and yet the monks at Penaloza and Escalada would certainly heartily agree with Myers's
point that this architectural form marked the empire's regime that must fall.
But while the alternating blue swarms took on a cosmic meaning as part of the
connecting tissue of scripture and present in meiosis Beach's commentary,
the ideological consistency generated in this cryptograms hermetic space was not possible in architectural expression,
contrary to our general assumptions. It is in this case, I think in this group, Toria, that the ideological point would be made in an unsullied way.
And yet both of these discourses, resistant and transcultural,
existed simultaneously in the same times and in the same places amongst the same patrons.
I didn't mean to do that. Reconciliation might well have come from Christians from the South.
But not only from the text of the voluntary monitors, Dominic Law proposed in a brilliant article,
I think that those and the legacy Christians who brought the term Muslim up north
might have adopted the term both in pride at their assumption of Arab culture,
a measure of prestige in along the loose and as they came north,
also as a way of identifying with the earliest legendary Arab Christians who
fought with the Byzantine in their first efforts against the expansion of Islam.
They found a way or asserted to mould their Arab cultural identity into something like Mythic Christian feat of freedom fighters against Islam,
as they offered themselves to the Lebanese Kings of the North.
And some Christians proposed an identity resistant to Islamic culture.
Others, proud of their NWC culture, proposed the creation of a militant Christian and Alusi identity.
And there might be something to this theory, as it gave the Northern Kingdoms a structure for separating culture from confession.
As NWC Christians were appointed to Episcopal acts as contemporary church councils began to crowd with Arabic names.
And since, for instance, as De Fairchild's Ruggles reminded us in an essay on the variety of sources of Transco alteration,
Ramiro, the second mother in law of the Greek Queen Toda of Navarre,
was a great aunt of the Caliph Abdul Rahman, the third a product of the strategic reproductive practises of the Almiron's,
told, by the way, brilliantly exploited those family connexions as Galera Anderson has shown.
Profound interaction.
Diplomatic envoys, tribute and truces, kaleidoscopic alliances, intermarriages trade, as Rose Walker's recent survey amply points out,
were occurring amongst secular rulers, church officials, aristocrats and their families in the North.
At the same time that all of their chances were protesting fierce resistance to a
reductive Muslim vote and claiming uninterrupted continuity with busy gothic renewal.
And then what was I thinking for? Well, I was trying to shoehorn resistant or transcultural architectural styles into separate chronological boxes.
I was ignoring this in the same Bachus manuscript by my use as the feast of Baltasar and as that ominous page of Babylon,
another image of Babylon is a glorious celebration of an Arab city bristling with colour,
texture and interest and opulent objects a miniature problem probably also inspired by a portal of the court of a mosque.
You have to look at this jubilant urban portrait for a long time before you see the city is in flames,
flames so delicate and evanescent that they almost disappear. It is, in fact, Babylon in the throes of its own apocalyptic demise.
The image, on one hand, equates Babylon with Cordoba, predicts the wicked cities destruction within the context of cosmic history.
And yet this slippage, even for my use because on another level, it luxuriate in this animate florid urban fabric like the churches.
It is strident in its politics, and yet it also so glories in a visual identity shared beyond confession that its attempt to
subvert Babylon as an evil and doomed metropolis without dragons is really rather ineffectual.
The simple religious metaphor metaphor was subsumed by a far more complex cultural identity.
Just such a tangled cultural cultural identity can be read most poignantly, in the words of the Martyr Saint eulogies himself in his memorial,
Santorum in the middle of an invective against the oppression of the voluntary martyrs
by admired rulers eulogies wrote What might be a caption for this very image?
One unspeakably cruel martyrdom took place, he said in quote, an era in which Abdul Rahman,
the second had submitted almost the entire Iberian Peninsula to his hard rule.
But it was also the time in which he'd elevated the city of Cordoba to its summit, covered it with honour,
strewn with glory and accumulated riches, with an amplitude surpassing the imagination of a kind that crushes in its radiance.
All his royal predecessors in all that touches secular display, while on the other hand, the Orthodox Church trembled beneath his yoke.
There were multiple simultaneous discourses in the north, a polarised discourse about confessional identity and political resistance,
and also numerous dynamic discourses about protean cultural identities.
Their very languages were born of the fluidity of peoples and polities.
Epistemological doors were still open by abrupt shifts in political and territorial ground
and the resulting connexions with ideas from both north and south of an expansive,
increasingly permeable frontier.
Decoration such as the paintings of Masotti or Penaloza, reflect the conscious celebration of a cosmopolitanism dislodged from the idea of confession.
When that apparently sat comfortably with the Lanny's ideology of a busy gothic renewal, both as it was felt by monastic and secular patrons.
Clearly, those monks of Escalada Minnesota, who came from the South and their heirs did not believe they were bringing Muslim culture north.
They were bringing the culture of their patria, both its late antique typologies and its elegant new cosmopolitan styles,
their path via as the dedication of some of the escalada declared.
Frontiers were, in fact, far more permeable, more mercurial than they appear in our historical imagination.
And finally, finally, there's this. It sensibly under my filter and son, Santiago de Panopto, were entirely painted throughout their interiors.
On what basis can I continue to insist on the pristine interior of San Miguel de Escalada so many times restored as a monument of austere,
resistant to Islamic culture was Escalade Escalades interior originally also a riot of alternating bazaars?
Heavens, I hope so. Thank you.