Hello, everyone. Welcome to another of the six lectures being given by the slain professor of finance at the 2021.
These lectures are an important tradition at the University of Oxford. John Ruskin was the first to give a series of public lectures on art in 1870,
shortly after being appointed as the initial slate professor of fine art.
Every year, a distinguished scholar is asked to follow in his footsteps.
My name is Geoffrey Bachem, and I am professor of the history of art at the University of Oxford.
It is my great pleasure to introduce this year's slate, Professor Dr. Geralyn Dodds.
Jerry Dodds, because Harlequin today, a diamond professor,
faculty of art history at Sarah Lawrence College in the United States because the Dodd scholarly work is centred on mediaeval,
Spanish art and architecture, and especially on issues of trans colouration and identity.
Amongst her many publications are arts of Intimacy, Christians, Jews and Muslims in the making of Castilian culture.
A renowned co-author of Textbook.
In addition to her other books, catalogues and essays, Kerry has also created a number of important exhibitions and made films to accompany them.
In 2018, in recognition of her exceptional contributions to the dissemination of knowledge of Spanish history and culture, Prof.
Dodds was the recipient of the Cross of the Order of Civil Merit from the Government of Spain.
We are honoured that Professor Dodds accepted that invitation to deliver this year's
slate professor of fine art lectures and now happily hand over the microphone to her.
Thank you so much, Professor Barton. Thank you for your kind words.
My abiding thanks to the Committee for Slade lectures for this honour,
for the support of the Department of Art History and to Holy Knights and the amazing torch to.
So. Why the late 11th century, the headlands of the Douro river over which the mighty fortress of Greymouth still loomed,
had for a long time been a frontier,
not only between polities ruled by Christians and Muslims, but also those between Christian kings aided by their Muslim allies.
From this ambivalent landscape emerged the Hermitage of Sambo Day or longer,
it likely marked the possession of this frontier effort after it was claimed by King Alfonso,
the 6th of Leone and Castiel, shortly after he took the great city of Toledo during the last quarter of the 11th century.
Nestled in an austere landscape, this monastic,
just monastic oratory looked for all the world like a bunker that had weathered so many changes in Germany.
Its interior, however, is another thing altogether.
Beneath 12th century paintings, its architectural structure is carbon dated to the late 11th century,
and it is in its basic construction technique, part of local Romanesque tradition.
But that locked and those arches have given some scholars pause so long is still often called miserable.
But the term seems to survive as an explanation for the use of a horseshoe arch in the late 11th century into the temporal domain Romanesque.
The term Mozur bit becomes something like a taxonomic strategy to assuage the anxiety caused by this departure
from a semi-circular plasticised an arch one in a building beyond the wilds of the transcultural 10th century.
And then it's not just the horseshoe arch that presents a challenge.
There are only the most rudimentary pretensions to orders at SEMBLE debut and within its grand arching revolt is another miniature version.
This one like close to examples that Toledo, such as the Little Mosque of Ibn Haddadi,
which became the Church of Santa Cruz and is also tucked away in a fashion as that one was.
Or to the oratory from the type of palace in Toledo, which about this time became the palace of up onto the sixth as the Castilian king took Toledo.
Something about me, about which we spoke in the first lecture.
This has led to an insistent on Muslim or mostly Arabic artisans as an explanation for this architecture.
Though Isidro Bango places the bolting within local story and tradition.
And then it also has a tribute with a separate entrance for Lance and a second altar what
the Clooney AfriForum's likely introduced by a new bishop brought from the Diocese of Osma.
To France brought to the Diocese of Osma from France for that purpose.
The issue here is not whether or not there might have been and Lucy, Christian or local Muslims in Berlanga actually,
or an attempt to appropriate a form from a Taifa Palace, perhaps as an allusion to Alfonso's triumph in Toledo.
Our problem here is rather found in the insistence on identifying the church with a kind of ethnic nomenclature as if its vaults
and horseshoe arches had to be accounted for in this late period by a remarkable kind of culture of cultural miscegenation.
I've not found a survey written outside of Spain that admits somebody into the covenant of Romanesque,
though most scholars in Spain accept this without question. And why not?
It's a grand, entirely vaulted space built with Ashlock joining, Clooney planning and those telltale double soften our arches.
A detail of the tendency to convert a mural aesthetic into one in which architecture articulates its rational, weight bearing properties.
This disagreement is in part possible because unlike earlier mediaeval
architectural categories organised according to political or temporal strategies,
we characterise Romanesque as both a period and a style in indulgently overlapping categories
so that buildings can be embraced chronologically or on the basis of common aesthetic values.
If we ascribe to the period as the beginning of the 11th century, it's it is contemporary with shifts in political economy,
agriculture and technology with the Gregorian reforms and with a surge of intellectual interest in antiquity as a style in architecture.
We see it as growing from the rational values of an increasingly inventive and resourceful artisanal tradition,
interacting with new and varied, ambitious patrons. I very much like Professor Slops proposition that Romanesque might be seen
as an isolating the part of his argument in which he refers to architecture,
a redeployment of ancient forms and a desire to exploit a resource and organise it for the purposes of clarification.
Using an architecture, the Blasters have columns, volts and diaphragm arches,
a theory that musters many of the formal characterisations offered by regional CEO Eric Phirni.
And it's an army to this. I would like to add John McNeil's remarks regarding those ancient forms that they're
persistent and geographically wide ranging and often ideologically explicit.
And yet retrospection in the Romanesque is often eclectic, partial and highly localised.
I feel that the problem lies not in any particular definition of the style or
even in the selection and rejection of works that might fit into a given rubric.
The problem arises instead when the limitations of a particular stylistic definition are then extended to the idea of Romanesque
as a period when a curated formal definition becomes a gatekeeper to belonging to the monumental topography of Romanesque,
which is also the topography of Europe.
At this point, to search for what Pizarro calls a quintessential style is a particular danger for the study of the Iberian Peninsula.
This is because strange as it may seem,
we still bear the transgenerational methodological scars of the ancient artistic vision created by Emil Moll and Arthur Kingsley Porter,
who spawned the infamous Spain or Toulouse debate,
channelling a fixation on relative chronology in a quest for an overarching style fostered by itinerant masons.
But of course, style is negotiated and its promiscuous now intimately involved in practise and subconscious habits of thinking.
And then in the next moment,
submitting those collectively held values to the needs of patrons and other agents for transformation into conscious or symbolic meaning.
So the intersection of local interests with most more wide ranging ones can
route us not only in that which is formerly common in Romanesque buildings,
but also in that which is particular. We do not normally require the presence of the antique and Romanesque.
Nor do we exclude other interlopers into its monumental liturgical space so that one of our most interesting tasks has become,
in fact, to understand those formal interlopers, those anomalies within the space of Romanesque.
But there are barriers to the inclusion of certain anomalies into its canon.
I am, of course, far from attempting here to rework the kamut canon.
I do wish, however, that we might begin to sweep into the fold of Romanesque, a few divergent formal voices that have been excluded.
We need to be careful not to suppress certain architectural expressions of a moment for the sake of constructing a myth of a single Western style.
For instance, there is an entire group of churches from the 12th and 13th centuries,
often excluded from the Romanesque canon by scholars both inside and out of Spain,
a well-studied group of brick buildings found in Toledo, the MRT, a new Castiel and in Aragon as well.
The subject is not new.
It's been the theatre of operations for over a century long battle about how to account for what's perceived as Islamic form in church building.
The earliest of these buildings to survive is very likely sent in Toledo, built to receive the arm of the Saint brought by brought to King Alfonso,
the 7th by the French monarch Louis, the seventh himself in 11:56 on his pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.
The church is allied in style and construction to the absent crossing of Santa Cruz in the same city.
The conversion of a mosque building in eleven eighty five that we discussed at excruciating length in the first lecture in this series.
In both of these buildings,
broad semicircular apps are covered with a skin of bricks divided into rows of horseshoe keels shaped and poorly looked arches.
These forms were understood as early as the 19th century as part of an Islamic tradition
that indicated the intervention of Muslims who had submitted to Christian rule.
So these churches were quite early categorised as something apart.
Mood architecture, would they? How is the term, if anything, more problematic than was there?
Because a modifier for material culture, but one that somehow has stubbornly survived a condition to which I have perversely contributed?
Please find in this lecture an attempt at redress.
I'm offering myself sort of in penance today as a mediator in the troubled relationship between Romanesque and Islam.
The arts that are named for this democratic graphic group stretch across a dizzying
chronological abyss from the 11th to the 17th centuries in Spain and in the new world.
But here I'd like to concentrate on its use to account for Greek churches of the late 11th through the 13th centuries.
That is those that overlap chronologically and type of logically with Romanesque buildings.
In the conventional canon, Moody is the name commonly given to Muslims who,
without changing their religion, remained in territories ruled by Christians.
And this definition sometimes includes the implication of vacillates to Christian rulers as well.
Harvey cites Arabic tests that use the people who stayed on a which the principal form is Sudarshan,
finding it is usually used by those authors with opprobrium.
It is also, he finds, there are subtle semantic links to moderation, using it used in reference to domesticated animals,
suggesting a taunt by three Muslims that grew to become a name for status for which there was no other existing term.
The abandonment of the adjective mu daha as regards art in architecture is now happening and in mediaeval Iberia.
It has in particularly been argued most convincingly by Juan Carlos Presenza and other colleagues.
Compounding this etymology are the burdens to interpretation that we lay upon
the arts and employing it would enhance being used to describe any example
of architecture in the arts that displays a vestige of the impact of visual language that might be associated with a London or Islamic culture.
Conceived in the largest sense, it's used to describe carved wooden ceilings, architectural brickwork, stucco carvings, tile working floors,
painting, jewellery and armour to explain the presence of some form of ornament that might be associated with Islamic culture.
Because the term applies uniquely to Muslims, it it implies the religion of the artist and by extension,
the artist subordination to those who ruled it, who ruled the society in which the work was made.
This notion of subordination came to denote, in Judith Feliciano, those words the subordination of Islamic ornament to Christian structures,
with the implication that ornament is robbed of its signifying power within that structure.
And this implication has continued as a kind of subconscious stratum in its application today,
as if Christian patrons and their projects provide a framework for containing and controlling Islamic content.
Madiha carries with it, thus the 19th century fixation with Christian identity,
which transmute in the 21st century when we tend to romanticise the dynamic, plural nature of the identities on the peninsula.
And I do mean we to a kind of throbbing subconscious taxonomic anxiety to which I will return.
So the use of the term stops one short interpretive leap in obscures the fact that these are kids themselves are derivative of Roman brick tradition,
part of a reverberation of formula between allied traditions of construction about which the
intervention of Muslims or formal Muslims as possible masons does not signify one way or the other.
We just witnessed witless leap identify this particular local tradition and taste as an anomaly.
Grounds for an ethnic name. The term would air in a way provides permission to exclude these buildings from the canon of Romanesque.
And so the question is why would we want to exclude them?
How some monuments on the Iberian Peninsula came to be seen as foreign to the broader project of
Romanesque when others are not think of Sicily is not only the fruit of 19th century historiography,
it's also part of a mediaeval discourse. And yet our own formulations can at times fall under the spell of those ancient values,
beguiling us into a kind of cultural triage of a Romanesque canon that we ourselves construct.
In this terrain, it's perhaps useful, useful to consider much of what we think of as mature Romanesque enters the Iberian
Peninsula on the long arm of the Monastery of Cluny and of the reformed papacy,
and is materially tagged with their explicit agendas.
A circumstance that stimulated the already heightened capacity of construction
of forms to signify specific identities and ideologies on the peninsula,
something we saw in our discussion of 10th century architecture last week.
Aragorn, Nivar and Castiel in the 11th century present us with interesting sites for understanding
some of the different local ways in which these interventions were located.
And for this, I turn to our colleagues who work on the Iberian Peninsula.
The first Christian ruler.
To affect something like the unification of the Christian kingdoms, albeit a short lived one, was centre the third of Navarre.
A king, a king. The famous Abbot Oliver of Brick.
And he called the Iberian King a reflection of his desire to be considered the only peninsular Christian king in the first year of the 11th century.
Though a 14 year old king of Leone slipped, his mind is zero Bengal.
In his monumental catalogue concerning Central,
The Great describes him as possessed of a desire to participate in the same world of practises and ideas as Europe beyond the Pyrenees.
In this, his mentor was Abbott Clooney, who records that King censure was deemed a familiar audience and member of Clooney's Associate Toss Centre,
was recruited to the project of Reform to effect the conversion of local private monasteries to the Benedictine rule.
Beneath the more rigorous authority of bishops by ten twenty eight,
he installed a new abbot at the dramatically cited Monastery of San Juan de la Pena and famously wrote to Woody Allen
that he wished for monks from Clooney to come to the monastery so that the community of someone would order their lives,
according to the laws and customs of those of Cluny.
Since you embarked on a programme of reconstruction of monastic sites associated with his family's patronage after the cessation of
destructive raids of the allied rulers al-Mansour and Abdulmalik between 1998 and 5:50 in the first quarter of the 11th century,
he restored the monastery of some beyond the local Goya, having two bishops to its own bishop, thus consolidating a restive territory.
The monastery had long enjoyed his family's support, in particular that of his forbearers, the famous queen Tota and her son and grandson.
It had been constructed a generation before in the 10th century as a variant of the repopulation movement we discussed before with a
single arcade of horseshoe arches accommodated accommodating awkwardly is ardently the site of a hermitage from the busy gothic period.
But then, as we've come to expect in the 10th century. The ABS were also covered with centrally planned revolts that might be considered Islamic.
Perhaps a local interpretation of the revolts of Cordoba,
which Queen told his family in their diplomatic interactions with the caliphate to which they were related might have known directly or indirectly.
When Centre of the Great comes to renovate the old site, he conserves the old church but adds to bass in a distinctive round arch style creating,
as Janice Mann emphasises a bold division between parts deliberately showing the conservation of the old,
as well as the addition of the new for work shows that amongst all the restorations made in this period,
following the raids of all al-Mansour, only a few sites sort of sort of highlight the suture made between old and new.
So explicitly drawn. Such a wish to visualise to visualise the following that he anchored his rule in the past and then at the same time,
he wished to mark his programme of monastic, ecclesiastical and political reform.
He would make a similar restoration to the Monastery of San Juan de la Pena,
where he adds semi-circular arched extension with transverse ribs and occlusive from pier to a 10th century church, of course, to arcades.
But with no attempt to obscure this fissure between the two styles.
The works of Centro, as well as those of his mentor, Abbott Oliva, a pusher,
took what seems to have been seen as a French semi-circular arch and vaulting style executed in local techniques,
and gave it meaning through a clear juxtaposition with the distinctive older local
architecture making the new early Romanesque form other to the historical indigenous one.
And the meaning survives at San Juan de la Pena, now in the late 11th century,
pieces of an old horseshoe arch were reconstructed and enshrined as a portal to yet another refurbished church bearing witness to the older church,
showing a conscious and continuing association of this art style with local history and local identity.
The monarchy of Centre of the Great would splinter in that division of a kingdom amongst sons,
which was the most cherished method of self-destruction to the north in monarchies in Spain.
But what might have survived is this degree of meaning latently associated with this juxtaposition of two arch types,
this type of logical consciousness was not intended to be an assertion of radical austerity in these monasteries,
but could rather signify both distinct temporality and the need to mediate a local political need with a trans local aspiration.
Just such an explicit juxtaposition occurs. Later, when Santos grandson, Alfonso,
the six king of Leone and Castile would preside over an architectural addition to a late 19th century built not 19th century 9th century,
a late 19th late 19th century basilica,
one of those from the repopulation donated by the Crown to an end the Lucy community,
the Monastery of Saints for Kunduz and Primitive at Sargon, founded by an Abbot Alfonso and his monks who came from Spain from the south.
Jose Luis Serra has revealed the two styles of the Monastery Church of Sargsyan, built between 10, 80 and 1100 distinct manners of building.
That marked another transition from an architectural policy of, in his words, local atavism to a foreign approach.
Beneath the eyes of the Cluny Abbot, Bernard upstages rock.
The style of local atavism is a 10th century wooden roofed basilica with horseshoe arched arcades
and three horseshoe shaped apps is reconstructed very much like the Church of San Diego.
The Escalada and the foreign approach is a massive Ash Lau Western edition,
echoing that found at the Burgundy and Church of something bare of tour news.
A Clooney formula responding to the needs of a reformed liturgy connected to the monastic vocation of prayer for the souls of the dead.
Sound was thus transformed from a building that evoked a long standing or short tradition to one that
juxtapose that traditional paradigm to an Ashlan building allied with Clooney at practise and the Roman right,
the agents. The adjacency of these two styles became, in centres words, a visual metaphor for a kingdom in transition.
The admission saga was used by Alfonso, the six was said to unify his ambitious presence with his own dynastic past,
but to those who wish to impose the new order.
That juxtaposition might have signified in a divergent way the transformation of
rights at Castiel was intimately aligned with this shift in architectural expression.
Fonts of the six found himself at the centre of the reform papacy attempted the
late 11th century to aggregate not only the spiritual functions of the office,
but the authority of secular lordship on a feudal model as well.
On the Iberian Peninsula, the existence of lands that had newly passed from Muslim to Christian hands
seemed to present an opening to establish a territory claim for the papacy.
One intensified by the apocalyptic presence of Islam and other to the Dominion of Christ,
in whose interest the reformed papacy staked its own terrestrial claims.
Gregory, the seventh appeared to appeal to Alfonso Inten, 77,
that the Kingdom of Spain belonged to the Holy Roman Church as an extension of its universal authority over the kingdoms of the whole world.
Alphonso, his reaction to this was to defiantly name himself emperor of all Spain, in case his claim to hegemony was unclear.
A detente was established through Hugh Abbot of Clooney and for much of this period of people,
Liggett and Agent Abbott, who engaged Alfonso in a complex dance that proposed devoted obedience to the pope,
as regarded Roman liturgical reform while sidestepping the messy issue of Iberia's mythic feudal indenture to Rome,
Alfonso with thus suppress the indigenous Hispanic liturgy that the papacy and the Cluny felt to be tainted.
Gonsalves explains that for Pope Gregory, the abolition of the Mozur Arabic liturgy, which is another name for the Hispanic liturgy,
the abolition for that liturgy was nothing more than a means for the submission of the Spanish church to Rome.
One might read then, in the monumental Romanesque addition to Saga, juxtaposed to its delicate local or church name,
not only local activism and reform a sense of revealed but also local identity and domination.
There was slippage in the smooth discourse of reform in Leon Castiel.
The liturgical changes were fraught with tension. Chronicles famously imagined a trial by combat between the two liturgy or trial by fire,
in which the Hispanic liturgy miraculously leapt from the flames, only to have King Alfonso kick it back in.
In his own correspondence, Alfonso sounds beleaguered,
complaining in a letter to aperto that our realm is wholly desolated on account of the Roman office, which on your command, we accept it.
He asks you to intervene with the pope lamenting the profound resistance to the Roman right.
There was a strong investment in the traditional Hispanic liturgy that cut to the heart of local identity and
of an agitated indigenous clergy that resisted the changes both to their traditional rights and to the new,
often foreign superiors. I wonder if someone's new,
monumental Western mass might have seemed to Frankish clergy to envision a victorious Roman church overwhelming
an older Hispanic one functioning in much the same way as the voluminous apps of the Church of Santa Cruz,
which seems continuously to overcome the mosque of Ibn Hadid.
Because here Clooney was the colonial presence. Such large western masses appear in Cluny institutions throughout the north,
performing a capacity to make markers of papal victory on the landscape of Iberia a meaning possible
because of the way an indigenous horseshoe which traditionally signified local history and identity.
Gregory The Seven, spoke of Spain as a place polluted by early heresies and cut off from the church
by invading Saracens interactions that he claimed debilitated the Spanish church,
though the traditional justification for the attack on the Hispanic liturgy had been its corruption through contact with adoption ism.
Gonsalves notes that by 1777,
all references to Aryans have disappeared and the entire responsibility for liturgical irregularity is assigned to the Muslims and the Pagans.
Perhaps the image of one architectural language replacing another carried for the reformers a visualisation of Spain's tainted past,
its horseshoe arch architecture reimagined as a marker of its moral infirmity brought on by its intimacy with Islam.
These associations meant that horseshoe arches,
like those it were longer would cease to appear in new masonry churches in the 11th and 12th centuries as
the product of as the project of reform spread throughout the lands newly conquered by Christian kids.
The horseshoe arch was not, of course, for 11th century patrons on the Iberian Peninsula, a reference of its a reference of Islam.
They knew its history, its indigenous implications. There longer were contemporaries of Alfonso.
The 6th at the end of the 11th century must have signalled territorial and hegemonic
dominion in typologies that were not as yet instrumentalized by the Roman Church.
But as Alfonso submitted to its cultural yoke and Romanesque spread throughout the peninsula, the horseshoe arch would be effectively erased.
Oh, and I have to say as we begin to talk about Hawkins and I've just heard that Isidro bangles much awaited
book has just come out and we're waiting impatiently to read it and see how it enters our conversation.
So that when we turn to such canonical buildings on the Iberian Peninsula as the cathedral at Hakka, we find more familiar Romanesque typologies.
Though it was the ardent project of papal reform that internationalised Iberian Romanesque,
its solutions are still local and inflected by the relationship between local rulers and their ecclesiastical hierarchy as having had Javi Martinez,
the IDB has shown in many studies this can be seen in particular in the crown of Aragon with the interests of King Central.
Ramirez did not lie in the evocation of history. They propelled him instead into the arms of the papacy at a quite early date.
He adopted the Roman liturgy, allied himself with Clooney and promoted monastic reform, probably because his father's illegitimacy has ignominy,
had ignominiously submitted him as a vassal to the reign of the King of Pamplona so that
he found a kind of feudal submission to Rome offered him more authority and independence.
Sandro Ramirez went to Rome in 10 68 as Pope Alexander, the second invitation to hand himself in his kingdom over to the power of God and Saint Peter.
David Simon has shown that on his return from Rome, he memorialised his symbolic indenture to the papacy in a cathedral dedicated to Saint Peter,
the entire decorative enterprise Apopka in Simon's roots was constructed to reflect conscious romanisation.
Despite arduous attempt, attempts to find vestiges of bolting to connect to hawkers need responds.
Simon's reminds us that the building was never intended to be vaulted,
but instead to evoke a particular class of antique buildings in which the wooden roof virtually serves to define form.
The early Christian Basilica of Rome and perhaps the eponymous St. Peter's.
Santiago de Compostela, we now know was begun under de Diego Playa beneath the shelter,
in Sandra's words of the Gregorian reform's iconic buildings like Santiago in Toulouse,
can be seen as outsized platforms for connecting local ambitions with the imperial reach of the papacy.
But these buildings was dizzying monumentality and brilliant creative figural arts.
Place them at the centre of our didactic project or the exception, rather than the rule on the Iberian Peninsula.
The negotiation of local and international interests happens intricately and intentionally reflected in diverse manners in different places.
What happens when the response to reform and expansion does not align with the values expressed at some good ad hoc or Santiago,
the crossing in apps added to the mosque of Evenhanded when it became the Church of Santa Cruz at eighty five,
was also part of a papal agenda as a font of the eighth allied himself with military orders to respond to a call for crusade.
And though we'd like to talk about Horseshoe and Polly looked arches as the product of indigenous transcultural tradition of construction,
here it is actually a 12th century revival of an indigenous decorative tradition.
The revival of the fabrication of brick and brick building in Toledo and in those
parts of Castiel into which Christian rulers expanded in the 11th and 12th centuries,
responded Ortagus explained to the project of reform and the need for widespread church building in newly populated areas.
These were buildings constructed explicitly for the Roman liturgy.
In the city of Saigon itself, the Church of St Tirso,
so has compound appears a liturgical space and broad typologies that are the same as other wooden roofed Romanesque churches.
Yet more than one quite distinguished survey sites, it's would have our qualifications aerobic building technique,
horseshoe shaped arches and very different from the Romanesque repertoire.
I might have said the same thing not long ago,
but today I think that Santiago so might instead be seen as marking a turn to a local Romanesque type in Sagaing,
where the cut stone used in the Cluny Monastery have since become pretty mediaeval became too costly, with the waning of the city's importance.
And yet its greatest taxonomic sin might really be the return of the horseshoe arch,
which accompanied the resurgence of brick construction in the 12th century to serve reform in this expanding Castilian population.
The occasional return of the horseshoe arch in the 12th century parochial church,
or the countryside was not a problem for those in Castiel's expanding country.
Instead, it is for us that it has been a problem. Santi Rousseau is sequestered from the canon of Romanesque,
largely for academic suspicion of collusion with Arabs or with big brick buildings like this one son Roman in Toledo.
Now here's a building to suspect,
one that very few feel safe calling Romanesque by 12:21 The Church of Some Roman was dedicated by Rodrigo here minister.
Rather Castiel's indefatigable archbishop,
historian and mentor of kings known as the ardent promoter of the eight of the crusade of less than obviously Tolosa.
Its paintings are kind of stage set for an immediate, experiential apocalypse in framed in banded arches, Arabic and Latin topography.
The resurrected dead bursting from their tombs in a kind of frameless cinematic drama.
Tiny angels lurking in splayed app's windows.
Let's say that again,
tiny angels lurking in splayed windows appear appear to be looking into the church from behind Polly lobed arches with Arabic scripts,
interventions of the cosmic into the earthly consciousness of the faithful.
An enormous arching, apocalyptic beast just speared by an angel, explicitly evoking the words of innocent,
the third who compared the Alamo had to the beast of the apocalypse of the apocalypse,
declaring that Rodrigo's crusade had made their demise imminent.
This, in the triumphal hymns and the Latin epigraph that Gomez told us about,
give Son Ramon a crusading like analogy and the presence of Hispanic saints, together with recently canonised Clooney and Bernard have said Iraq.
He, of Hug saw Sahgal address an internal theme of conciliation with local Arab clergy.
Are these competing visual agendas? In the beginning of his day reboot,
Hispano Rodrigo explains that the multiplication of languages in the world was a
punishment Christians had to endure for the construction of the Tower of Babel.
His theological justification for the world in which he was daily participating in Toledo,
multiple languages and the divergent peoples who spoke them were present by God's choice.
How far are multiple languages from multiple artistic styles and why is Rodrigo's ardent vision of unity and crusade
in a basilica highlighting classical spoolie compound Piers and Bay Division excluded from the Romanesque canon?
Though somehow send Mini out to El Monte, also wooden roofed and with only one respond is often included.
But of course, it has papal dispensation, and we will perhaps forgive any diversion from the ideal if it if it is due to an abundance of classicism.
When we construct Romanesque as a European style, how do we choose?
And how do we exclude? Do we channel the confessional suspicions of the reformed papacy as part of our academic definition
when we separate either of these buildings from the narrative of Western European architecture?
We might be unwittingly following the papacy and Clooney in implementing a kind of cultural cleansing of a place that had become, to their mind,
liturgical and architecturally to Trent's culture to perhaps in order to find the
correct place in our lexicon for buildings traditionally called mosi Arabic or mujer.
We need to do more than simply to vanquish those problematic terms.
We might also need to be sure to diversify and prod the peculiarities of more conventional Romanesque.
I wonder if we might say that Iberia would be the site for the germination of several kinds of Romanesque,
and that only some of these were monumental classes sizing Ashley Styles, but that all of these styles were part of Europe.
If we turn to Romanesque buildings associated with institutions aligned with
the people cause in areas outside of the Iberian Peninsula and Echo of Islam,
that other that had been so provocative and exhilarating to the early reformed church in
Spain was brought back from the Crusades and fetishised as a reminder of Romanesque Europe's
shared identity under the church in the face of a common foe in places that did not have
Iberia's Horse York style to push back against the alternating bazaars of the Dome of the Rock,
reinvented as the Temple of the Lord were drawn into Claremont, where the first crusade had been preached,
and into Luke Le Puy, from which its first leader and a member of the We Came and of course, to Vasili,
which celebrated and justified the cosmic implications of the crusade through its thrilling Tim Panopto
references to the Crusades bloom in the domed churches of Paraguay or in the facade of St. Pierre,
that old name. In fact,
many in France have found it difficult to stray far from allusions to Islam against which the church would define its new western Roman Empire.
We ought perhaps to ask if these Romanesque buildings bristling with references to
Islam within the structure of their conventional monumental classicism are anomalies,
or are they an architectural message that found its proving ground in Iberia,
the territorial marker of a papacy attempting to unite Europe under its imperial insignia,
providing separate polities with a common identity and a common intent?
A common enemy around which to congeal?
This reconfigured architectural iconography returned to Spain through, and by now, this should come as no surprise, the Monastery of Cluny.
Clooney's abbot, Peter, the venerable, travelled to Liberia during the rule of Alfonso,
the seventh in 11:42 and eleven forty three hoping hoping to renew the once lucrative support the Castilian had offered the Abbey,
as well as the contract for a translation of the Koran with which he might refute Islam, a goal fulfilled by Robert of Kent as support.
He received the monastery of San Pedro Lake Hamdania.
And what followed was the difficult and contested Clooney takeover of Cardinia from its indigenous monks and its simultaneous artistic transformation.
Sculptors from Auxerre and Clooney fashioned capitals of a new cloister built with robust columns bound by a ribbon of banded arches.
A form unknown in Romanesque Siberia, north of Toledo,
Burgundy and masons were induced to introduce it here as a way of binding the project of crusade in the Holy Land.
With that of Hispano, these alternating blue only carry a big whiff of that which bound Cordova to Jerusalem.
They were now a French motif, mustering a bipolar opposition to Islam promoted in fabricated murder drums.
It was here also that Clooney reinvented Rodrigo de Steber as El CID,
a sanctified royer in the fight against the reductive Islam, and they did it already in the 11th century.
Although his an 18th century mounted figure in the monasteries facade is called in Cadenas mallette monastic literature,
a CID Matamoros Sid, the more killer the bodies of Muslims beneath his horse's hooves.
It's a far off echo of the 12th century militarisation of St. James as Santiago Matamoros embraced
here in the 17th century in the red and white language of architectural data on the more.
By the 12th century, indeed, the church had learnt to redeploy forms,
once resisted both the conscious and ambivalent meanings of the Chapel of of Santa Cruz and Toledo,
for instance, would travel at the Church of Saint, sepulchral in towards the real.
The ribbed vault from the little Toledo Mosque that once referenced Cordoba is redeployed in a tiny replica of the Holy Sepulchre
and became the model for other churches in Iberia and France dedicated to the Holy Cross as the Church of Santa Cruz was.
This is all pointed out by Martinez, the IGAD. Tallest,
Ariel holds in its form both a reference to the crusading activities of the hospital to the Holy Land and
then also an evocation of the immediate and palpable presence of Islam and crusade on the peninsula.
What was too exotic and indigenous at Berlanga is now appropriated and tamed in Ashmore,
reinvented to serve an Iberian coup de crusading project proud project.
But of the two buildings. Berlanga and Torres del Rio only the second it's ideological instrumentalized ization of exotic form.
Carefully defined only the second is admitted to us in the canon of Romanesque.
Karen Armstrong remarks that the first collective act of the body we now think of as Europe was the first crusade called by Gregory's successor,
Cluny Herbert, the second in ten ninety five.
Nothing Dennis Hayes or Pynes did more to compel a specifically territorial view of Christianity than opposition to Islam.
It was, in fact, in the reign of Gregory, the seventh that the word Christian to which first take on a territorial identification with Europe.
Phoenix Christianity. The boundaries of Christian term became the limits of the West.
The West, under Steffensen, reminds us, has even today become not so much a place as one side of a dualism.
William of Malmesbury recalled Urban, the second cautioning Europe that it was threatened by Saracens and Turks 300 years ago.
They conquered Spain, and now they hope to conquer the rest of Europe, too.
Thus, the great reforming popes and one or two politicians today marked the unification of Europe in a world aligned against the mythic,
reductive Islam. The question is do we wish to accept the papacy as West as our West?
The papacy is Romanesque as our Romanesque. We know that the mediaeval West, like the West today, was richer and much more complicated than that.
Thank you.