This is your work. Thank you.
So thank you all for coming to our final also seminar for the year, the academic year.
And I've just been reminded that this is the final also coming.
But don't forget, we've got the Roger Cook lecture, the 31st of May.
You do actually need to sign up so that we know how much. Why? You should think so.
So please do sign up for the Roger Howard lecture, which is coming up on.
But today we have Dr. Creative Phillips from the LSC and Dr. Alex Thomas from our very own
department here to discuss some findings from what I think is ongoing life histories.
So right, so happenings like this trace research from their research,
it's actually research that's funded by the British Academy that they're doing with the groups of minority ethnic men in London.
Coretta is associate professor in the Department of Social Policy at the LSC and Alpha is department a lecturer here, both,
as I'm sure you're all aware, published widely in area in a range of areas to do with race, ethnicity and criminal justice.
With recent publications by Coretta about travellers and by alpha on policing immigrants.
They can talk for now, so you will have time for discussion. So think you guys.
Thank you. Good afternoon. Everyone in the stations was about that.
And we should say as and when we start looking at these things, it's very much a work in progress.
So appreciate any constructive comments and would be interested in my thoughts on trying to do so.
The way we've organised the presentation say so I'm gonna if they're wrong, you're going to.
It's not your fault to listen to what strikes me.
Sorry, I get it.
That is really. There is an angle. She wants a little thing.
Sorry, I'll take it. So it's for me.
We got it right? Sure.
Okay. Okay.
Sorry about that. So the way you will finish the presentation is I'm going to check on the backward search context for our study.
And also then took a bit more back to theoretical framework.
But when you see it flying today and Alison to talk about methodology to assess a sample and then
we're going to introduce to by line history participants excited about their stories of summary,
lots of history, their stories so far. And then we're going to get into the research findings,
which is essentially centring on the idea of the possibility of racialized worldviews and the way in which this may impact findings.
And then hopefully we have lots of time for questions. So what we're talking about, sides, Mary said in the instruction,
was some small scale qualitative life history research with mostly young men of diverse racial,
ethnic or religious backgrounds, all with minority ethnic origin, apart from a small sample, has some mix issue, but primarily identified as white.
And we do have one young man assigned to the consulting work.
The research was trying to understand a bit more about how some minority ethnic groups
are much more likely to get caught up in the criminal justice system than others.
And we began to teach them about risk and risk factors and protective factors.
And so in a sense, that situates our research within like police criminology, exams and criminology,
although of course asking primarily an incentive to enhance what we did is very much qualitative.
But of course this research is interested in looking at the pathways in society and
understanding what the risk factors might be that promote those offenders in that race.
And then to look at tiny points which create pathways away from offending in schools resistance, persistence and resistance.
And so this is in some senses says there's actually been quite a lot of criticism.
Of course, black girls, community excitement, the patterns of criminology,
particularly in the way in which it tends to focus on recent experience and behavioural change,
where there is a micro level context and hasn't been able to accommodate structural
inequalities in the way that structural context influences the life experiences.
But I think having said that,
my state by state would agree that something the labs work does a better job of sorry legal science and that allows research,
which is I think pretty highly regarded to recognise is really formative,
not least because they also draw on a lot of history elements that research in addition to the constraints of long longitudinal designs.
So what our research suggests in brief is that childhood and adolescence delinquency is much more likely where this weak informal session control,
and they focus particularly on the family and schools institutions as informal session control.
And then in that world of assistance, they took that turning points and they look at life transitions,
particularly employment and supportive romantic relationships.
Marriage is that focus very much in order to understand what can influence language intelligence in a way from effective behaviour.
Now something in the lab so interesting our age draws on the full extent of that, which is a large sample of white male influences.
They were affected study and also a control group of non-significant young white men go back to St Philip
and through and in their second look they actually followed people right through to the age of 17.
The ONS this is a really impressive not least because they didn't have a great date of attrition in that study.
So more generally, there's been a criticism of this kind of research for not being able to say very much about race.
Sampson now has an entirely black sample.
Many of the other datasets haven't had she she racially diverse some samples, but where there has been some research in this area,
there's generally been an acknowledgement that time points are likely to occur at different times, in different ways.
The minority ethnic group sorry, young folks, younger and older men,
most of the focus has been focussed on men and some of this literature refers to that.
Cheers to death, which is essentially arguing that for minority ethnic young men and women, we can extrapolate on gender grounds.
They have less access to legitimate opportunities and therefore to successful pro-social turning points, both socio economically.
And that's why we tend to see less persistence amongst minority ethnic groups.
Now the problem for us in a sense, is that there's no real equivalent in the UK context.
So we have the Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions, which is hugely impressive piece of work,
but it's based in Edinburgh and Edinburgh actually has a majority white population.
It's 96% at the time of the census in 2001 and even fiction as well, so relies on a very,
very small minority group, something called group, so very much that race.
So what we want to do as our starting point today was to think about the idea of shared beginnings.
And that's the part. It's actually the science of allow in insights.
And the second one, which shows that shared beginnings, divergent lives.
So what we're interested in really is interrogating that notion,
considering the validity of the idea of shared beginnings, where we take account of racial discrimination.
And I think it's really important for us to be completely upfront at the outset and recognise that the young
people that we spoke to shared many of the risk factors which influence or propel people towards attainment.
Take it even if they don't want to accept it, encourage it.
And so we took two people that had considerable sector economic constraints that experience residential mobility.
They often had disrupted family relationships, and they also experience many of the kind of traumatic,
miraculous events which we know increase the likelihood that people will be vulnerable to both offending and victimisation.
So we're not trying to suggest that there is something unique in that about our sample.
But what we want to do is think about the way in which racism might compound those structural inequalities, those adverse situations.
Context in which minority men and women.
Now, most of you will be not will be aware of that, thanks to lots of discussion,
including by the director here of what's recognised as a very productive debate,
focussed on how we explain the representation of some of our men and women in our prison populations,
not just in England and Wales but in many other jurisdictions as well.
And of course these ideas at various points in time, fairly regular intervals, permeate the political consciousness and public consciousness.
And that's very much what's happening in my life in relation to knife crime.
So we see periodically a focus by the police and policy attention on particular kinds of what are seen as typically black crimes.
If we step back and say family circle elements of the rising crime crime side,
we can actually get back to African-American solid boys for work in Philadelphia,
experienced African-Americans thinking about the role of elevated threats of
offending as opposed to discrimination throughout the criminal justice process.
And of course, traditionally we focussed very much on the case that increasingly we're recognising African America,
recognising the importance of border agents as well.
But we can also, interestingly, traces back to Amber, also a piece look at patterns of homicide in the U.S. at the end of the 19th century.
Now, critical criminologists have generally argued and colleagues at critical criminologists in this country at least are actually mainstream.
Criminologists tend to focus on language educated rates detected amongst minority ethnic people,
results from adverse structural conditions, which satisfies macro and micro level factors in criminal activity.
And, you know, these debates persisting perhaps in many other places as well.
What we've become interested in is essentially one block, which is looking at the language experiences of racial discrimination at the macro level.
So in atypical interactions both within but also perhaps more on the outside of
the criminal justice system provides or certainly some of this research suggests.
But I think convincingly that there's a solid link between the experience of racial discrimination and offenders in crime,
delinquency and also what we it.
So essentially you put simply the argument is that experiences of racial discrimination increases the risk of criminal offending.
So we just see as example here that this scholarship calibre is one of the main slogans associated with this research.
And what she argues that she's talking about the US context, that she argues that racial minorities,
young people essentially learn that they can legitimately justify that portion of crime because they've learned through
their everyday lives that physical deferred gratification does not ultimately lead to rewards for people like them.
People like us, I guess. So the world is hostile and also that social rules are not applied equally.
And their argument is that these life lessons are sold as social stigma,
which essentially on the basis of meaningful past actions, influences teaching.
And so they see this social schema map influences what they call criminology knowledge structure.
So just move on. It's nice to see chaos in the middle in which which essentially promotes impulsivity, immediate gratification.
It promotes hostile views of relationships.
And the argument here is that, in essence, if you are persistently exposed to antagonistic relation relationships,
this leads to individuals imputed negative intentions, which requires coercive and aggressive behaviour response.
And then the last element, they argue, is this disengagement from conventional looks.
The dataset that they used was six ways of Paradise from the American Family Community Health Study of African-Americans living in Iowa and Georgia.
And they've got a sample of just over 600 likes across the neighbourhood racial composition and also
economic governance like that in these last two studies to date self-report family data and it sounds.
These are family members and young people themselves.
So in this study, which coincidentally started in the same time period as the Edinburgh study, and so 1998,
it starts with young people who are aged six, 12 and the plans to follow them up to 23 to 25.
So they collected these, as I said, the self-report data, but they also use what's called the section of racist events.
And this tested sections of racial discrimination.
They used a range of questions asking people about their perceptions of unfair treatment by a whole range of different groups and teachers,
neighbours, colleagues, co-workers, health professionals, neighbours and including friends.
And they're asked about these experiences in the previous year and then also across their lifetime.
The questionnaire also asks about being unfairly suspected of doing something wrong,
having their intentions misunderstood, feel badly abused and bullied.
And also interesting, they asked about emotional responses to those experiences where people say they have been victims,
and that's what's so interested in emotional reactions and also practical actions taken in response to perceived racism.
So in essence,
what this kind of research is trying to do is identify and they use the like at scale for responses in relation to all of these questions.
They're interested in measuring what they call culturally specific stressors which are out there, essentially personal attacks on the self.
And unsurprisingly, the vast majority of the sample have experienced racial discrimination across the lifetime, maybe also in previous year.
And what their research shows is very complicated.
As one of my colleagues, Suzanne, squiggles apologies to instinctive researchers in a very complex way.
They identify this not only an association between experiences of racial discrimination,
but actually they found that these experiences were a predictor of involvement in offending and that these injured time.
Another fault is what we've been really interested in.
This has been by showing damage on an African-American scholar and his colleague, James, in fact.
And essentially that makes some very, very similar kinds of arguments.
And in essence,
what they argue is that African-Americans operate within a with a racialized worldview in which they experience that prison in light of that cost.
And that cost is just humiliated recipients of racist treatment.
And therefore, they anticipate systemic racism in American society.
And they say these this policy block argument leads to weaken social ties to institutions and making such a job.
So essentially, after through the argument, the sympathy to these African-Americans show weaker bonds to white dominated institutions.
So that focuses primarily on states and the labour market.
And this, say our view, produces what makes Western allies and behaviours which maintains defending.
What's also interesting from our point of view,
although not something that we can say very much about and all dataset is again a huge part of work in the US and a smaller body of work in the UK,
which identifies a link between experiences of discrimination and racism and adverse mental health outcomes.
And so this research also importantly recognises that the discrimination precedes the of negative things of past outcomes.
So the argument here is that threats and assaults on individuals, cultural self identities,
it's all due to produce psychological symptoms, depression, anxiety, even trauma and can have a detrimental effect on physical health.
And I've just included here one. So I didn't make it on slide.
But in relation to adverse mental or physical health outcomes, that's one piece of research was conducted that wasn't concentrated on cycling.
New York hundred 50 interviews with African-Americans of diverse social classes.
And in this study, Flemming and colleagues report respondents feeling that defined self isolate themselves as either scrutinised,
overlooked, underappreciated, misunderstood and disrespected.
And what's important, I think, for those of us that experience racial discrimination,
will also recognise that that requires coping skills and it requires also a considerable amount of emotional energy in processing those experiences.
And often and often also a sense of then to integrate hypervigilance and those kinds of experiences.
What we don't know is whether the reactions to experiencing racial discrimination vary.
We might assume that it's very much lost by history and also over the life skills, and we don't really have very much research on that.
So all of this research aftermath sounds really useful about some of these issues in context of London sample.
But what's I think important is that these inherent design of these kinds of studies,
I think, precludes more of a holistic sense of what be exposed to racism,
to potentially traumatic stress across the life course can actually feel like,
particularly when it's combines with experiences, the kind of usual responses, structural inequalities, poverty, disadvantage.
It's probably immediately obvious that our small scale research isn't necessarily the best way to really examine this new, complicated context.
But we think we have some data which is at least indicative of similar patterns of rates and pay,
and has a plan to support the methodology and sample.
Thanks, Coretta. So White House history.
So to begin with. So I just took that stuff, that research,
and they really emphasised the qualified data that's derived from systematic open ended questions or narrative life histories.
They're actually quite crucial in uncovering the social processes that underlie stability and change in criminal and deviant behaviour.
So we were really interested in trying to capture this through using the the life history approach.
We're also really attracted by the fact that life histories tend to capture human agency structure and culture.
They're able to reveal the ways in which these processes intersect.
So we were hoping to get very strong from adopting this approach as well.
So as I say,
other people like Sharp really to have this stuff that the life history method captures involves mistake ascending and disengaging from crime.
So besides the importance to deconstruction, what's really important as a lens through which to understand long term persistence.
I'm not trying to shout around. Talks that have existence inherently in and of itself is not a turning point,
but rather it's the process that it that it creates where that person in terms of their reflection.
So the idea was that we are more likely to get that through the last history approach.
And more recently, and perhaps controversially, those who still roll with life history research,
where people such as Max Presser have argued that by engaging in life history,
it's these people not only representing their past, but also shape that future actions actually.
Which is really interesting for us, particularly because our sample is quite young comparatively.
And I'm also thinking about. Right.
So although there's still a recognition that individual lives are a significant part of the broader racial order in which they cast,
this does not produce the anticipated attention to be able to take city identities like lives and social processes such as affairs.
So in fact, lives have been sidelined, assets to understand the minutia of social effects generated by racialized processes.
So the assets in which the individual has simply served as a screen answer, which the Socialist Project text, which how long was talked about.
So really. So without life histories with just that, it's not clear how race operates as part of the left individual or sanctioned identities.
So the question is what does race mean in the context of individual lives?
By what mechanisms are lives raised in our and therefore to insert the individual into the analysis of race.
It seems also that in trying to understand the subtle oppression of rights as passed by,
that as part of our identity and the parts of social process, broader social process is not actually an easy task.
And this is because there's a sense in which race house this this embeddedness which persists.
It's a distance and the effects of race almost beyond question.
So that comes through with this notion that race is always at play.
But at the same time, this ubiquity, which succeeds in putting race at the centre of social concerns, renders it inaccessible to analysis sometimes.
So the argument is we believe that life histories that all with the same approach are more likely to enable that to shift from ubiquity,
but that enough social,
structural and cultural practices which have a bearing on biostatistics so say ultimately through the secondary insertion of the individual
into the analysis of race and an understanding of the cumulative effects of everyday racism which capture the flight to social poker actions,
verbal messages, or signals that are racist, which Philomena, Asad and Jo figure and have talked about.
So methodology. The answer is correct. To look at our overarching question is actually why are some minority ethnic young men more likely to
engage in criminal funding and disproportionately comprise the arrested prison population than upwards,
despite sharing this seminal demographic and socio economic background?
In order to do this, we employed 2 to 3 interviews with each participant.
We undertook oral history training, which is really fantastic.
But that enabled it kind of taught us how to listen to to ask the right questions,
to try and sustain what was going on in people's lives and access to.
So suddenly we wanted to gain access to as broad a range of young people as possible.
And we did this through contacting local sports and community organisations across London.
So the virus that we worked in, that the census were based in places like Greenwich, Hattersley,
Newham, Tower Hamlets and some other parts of China, and we also employed different methodologies.
So we used photo elicitation aslo to try and capture some of the abstract, more abstract ideas around identity and belonging.
And we also used in the act.
So what we did is we presented the young people with examples of the court sentencing procedure and different applications to minority ethnic groups.
And similarly, a police example, I think this was one of the ones that we used to really try and get the young
people to think hypothetically that if you observe this going on practice,
would you perceive that to be discriminatory or not necessarily a process of engagement as you might expect?
It generated a really strong sense of rapport with our participants, so I ended up helping a couple of the white students.
At the end of the interviews, one of one of my participants had been driving a car without a license for about seven years.
And so we we got stopped there and we applied to charity to see if they paid to take his driving test.
And they did shockingly pass that time, of course.
But that was in which you really got this continuity of sense of relationship with looking after people.
I think Jack wanted to access participants.
I was looking at applying to university and take advice from Krach about that too.
So a sense in which we we were able to go beyond simply extracting information.
That's well done. And one of the comments that we had at the end of our interviews so number of people was that it
really did enable this reflection for all the participants at this crucial juncture in their lives.
So what if Michael Spence talks about how important, how you selected to reflect back on the decisions that you've actually made?
So I think to me, the overall strategy, the methodology that we adopted, we say,
was this hugely successful and we recorded all of the interviews and helping transcribe professionally, and that's how to turn on as we go.
And this is our sample. So so far, we've collected 21 life histories of young black young men and one woman aged 16 to 25 in London.
As you can tell, the sample is extremely diverse ethnically and with so on going,
as we said at the beginning, so ongoing with the data collection phase.
And we felt we feel as though this sample is more realistic in terms of its capture of ethnic and religious diversity.
And question I actually pointed about how some of these participants might complete a census category.
So the question that you see, I think could be quite difficult factually,
but it really reveals the fluidity and movement of of ethnicity things actually.
And these are some of our the question things that we adopted.
So three interviews. The first one looked baby kids and early life.
So we tried to adopt broadly chronological schema.
Example Questions 31 What is your earliest memory?
Do you have concepts of God or high power? Some really interesting responses that one and it's easy to think we moved on to school or teenage years.
We asked about education and then start asking about crime turning points in the interview.
And the third interview was about more broad, abstract themes.
And this is why we use the photo elicitation techniques.
So there are a couple of examples of the photographs they used to get the participants to talk about what they thought about these images,
whether they recognised them, that they knew the individuals in them and what it represents, what they connected with and saw and sense.
And within this interview, we get into that asking them whether they felt part of British Sex British Society.
We asked them about regrets and also allowed them the opportunity to put in place that we hadn't actually covered their oppression.
So we asked them, by the way, what they left and out of their life story.
And we also used this credit to capture some of the large events such as in school.
So let's move on now to a couple of examples of the young people that we talk to.
So I gave my SO to him.
So Mike was 25 years old, black, African, white, French, Muslim.
He was born in an East London Patrick sisters.
And he's had quite a troubled, traumatic life.
His parents separated. He his father was then on the scene.
And then he he found that particularly difficult.
And that that coincided with him being on a basketball team at school, but then was kicked off, which really affected him quite badly.
And it was at this point that he he began engaging in petty offending.
He moved on to starting class. The drugs committed robbery, regularly using a real gun and also pretended to have a gun at times used knives,
was physically attacked and victimised himself.
So we really saw that overlap between offending victimisation quite often through our participants that it was really marked with
Mike and then at 17 he became a father and he discussed how he started selling class-A drugs to make money so his daughter might.
This time we'd spoken had been in prison four times and most recently he was placed in a detention centre,
had been deported to Paris and appealed his case,
which he wants that he's going to talk back that in a way that why that was particularly poignant in his last story.
And now Mike was working at the gym over at an organisation called Fight for Peace, which is a really interesting organisation.
It's it's based in Brazil, East London and Jamaica.
And they use a theory of change to try and sell sports,
to try and change and thought that he can't afford to pay back and still stay in Rochester prison.
And Mike told me that follows Islam privately along with lots of other issues.
Then talk to you about. H So thank you.
H was 22 years old when I interviewed him last summer and his mum was from The Gambia and he sat
with Sierra Leoneans that his act was not part of his life growing up or indeed us as an adult.
He was a devout Muslim and at the age of six he'd been sent by his mum to a religious school in Senegal, which he found deeply traumatic.
He took family holidays just crying all day, but his mum and he doing right also experienced what he called abuse, beatings and torture.
His time in this religious. And he only came back to London when he was 15 because he had malaria and it was
recognised that he would have better sort of health outcomes and move back to the UK.
So he came back to London, what he was doing. Unsurprisingly, he had quite a fraught relationship with his mother,
who is described as unschooled and she was very strict binds, although he enrolled in college and learn English first hand.
But he couldn't speak English. He hadn't been able to complete college for financial reasons, he said.
But he was able in his last year to put money on things like the Cub Scouts College,
and therefore he dropped out and he took quite wistfully about how,
if that happened, happens, he would have been in your second or third year at university.
So there was this breakdown of his relationship with his mother, and he was for a while to soak in and then commitment and so on.
Seconds he had eyes with him was actually in a house that that was essentially a kind of small hostel accommodation through an organisation.
So he was in a single room and I each have been involved in a variety of crime from the, you know, the less serious things.
And although I would often we hear this argument that people are very rarely involved in offending for urgent subsistence needs,
that seemed to be what I out. He describes being literally hungry, starving, unable to provide and food for himself,
particularly when he was living at home with his mum and his sisters and he'd been involved in that from his employer.
First of all, he'd been employed at Wimbledon and somebody told him how you could make money out of it too.
So that lasted about four days before he got caught. And that ended in a.
And then he moved on to work in one of the catering outlets at Wembley Stadium, where he also took money out.
So that job lasted for about a year.
And then he he wasn't caught for that offending, but he changed jobs.
And he'd also been involved.
He'd been arrested for a violent so after he'd been robbed by an acquaintance that had ended in him attacking the perpetrator.
But was that we found a place for them wasn't a fight. And he'd also been involved for about a year in getting in.
And this is quite a tricky area for him as a devout Muslim, talking about the importance of morality.
And this time and this will offset a bit more about this at the moment.
But this was a difficult time when he felt he got sucked into offending.
And again but again, he emphasised just the complete absence of money.
And this was a, I think, violence of intrigue.
I'll speak to that balancing, for example, and designer items and to be able to kind of exhibit sort of materialist consumerism.
This really wasn't didn't appear to be the experience of H.
She didn't present in that kind of way. He took about literally having no money and it looks like being arrested can wait outside.
But more about his employment difficulties in the moment.
But one of the things that was really interesting about him,
he it was one of those interviews you do where you imagine that you might not you might not be able to kind of gain a rapport with somebody.
So he was very he wasn't very forthcoming at the start.
Things you haven't really sort of understood what was going on until recently,
talked about his experiences in Central and the violence, the one that you see the experience.
And he started to cry and he was he sighs, laugh throughout the interviews.
And although I, of course, asked him whether he wanted to just stop the interview,
if he wants to carry on, and he saw that as in a way spreading material back backlash cathartic,
he recognised that that's often a hugely traumatic part of his life and he tried to see that as a as a way of recognising his own inner strength.
And he talked very positively about trying to move on with his life.
He wanted to be successful, but he kind of demonstrated somewhat ironic from a very kind of Protestant work ethic.
He was very keen to be employed.
So we want to come on to talk about what some thought like to show you in relation to this idea of a sort of racialized world view.
And this came out very clearly in years interview, where he talks, perhaps unsurprisingly,
about the way in which stereotyping in East London influenced him and people like him.
So sorry. And that's just the of that actually, trust me from which you use that word all the way through the interviews,
he talks about being working in construction as a labourer and Spain asks, What are you doing here?
He says, I said, I'm working. They said that you black boys don't work.
You're always outside the streets. He said, Fine, but that's not me.
I'm working. And then not quite in these talks about what it was like to be a black boy in London in this country.
Of course, you haven't grown up in this country. But he recognised it.
His experience from 15 onwards that things are tight.
You can't get job,
contract job people giving you stereotypes because of the way you look or because of your hair or the way you dress or the way you talk.
No, I'm saying it's like you can't be normal with normal people because they don't see you as normal.
And I think that sense of being the mother, which, you know, at one level is very, very obvious,
but actually was just really powerful in many of these incidents that he was invited
into the sense of just not being seen as a normal young man trying to succeed.
He also talks about the system and he gave one example, which I think nicely shows the overlap between these kind of precarious employment.
So this wasn't just about race. So he said sometimes a system locks.
Sure. As well. So he talks about this topic applied for.
He went there on Friday. He did one day's work. He got £64 for it.
Then the next day he was like Thursday. And I gave him double what he earned for one day for working four days.
And he got into a kind of altercation with the administrator who was managing the wages and the factory that was ongoing.
While he was while we were talking,
he had to make a phone call to try and ensure that he was going to be able to access the money so that he would get shots out.
That was the right kind of action of the evening. So having had this experience essentially been exploited,
it's perhaps because of these rights that certainly because of his vulnerable position and this kind of secondary labour market,
he recognised that he needed to organise, get in housing benefit and you also need to leave to immediately look for another job.
It assumes to have a longer term position, but he's only really been asked to work for a week.
So he got up early to go to meet somebody at the employment centre and actually also an organisation
that had been helping him in employment was supporting him and he was running a bit late.
So he ended up at the Olympic Park in Stratford and he realised that that park, the park between the dock and his space,
Google Maps showing that he needed to go through the park, that this area being cordoned off.
So he went up to the security staff and asked whether they would let him go through this area that we pulled it off.
And he said, today, I'm going to you.
Can you just help me go through? You can even search me.
I have nothing. I just need security because I'm running late.
And he was aware that that, you know, it's time limited his opportunity to see this woman that would be happening stepped up and then he ran.
When they when the security staff said that they want to let him in, let him go through this area,
he went to another part of the park and they saw him jump over a bridge and he started to walk away.
And then the number of security guards ran.
They got security manager to come and the security manager asked him his name and then at the same time was ringing the police.
So the way in which I can talk about this, the way in which he understood the situation, was that he asked nicely.
It seems reasonable to be able to get to this place,
and what was really significant was this kind of exasperation in that he couldn't communicate just how important this was as the back story of,
you know, losing the job, being underpaid, needing to get to see this woman get another job, hopefully some patch of work.
And then we've just being 48 by the security guards.
And he talks about trying to be humble. And also, this is my life.
That's the thing that he was underlining. This is what life is like for people like me.
And he's trying to be humble, but things like that. I can't take it.
You're trying to make you just love stereotypes. You're giving me life.
You're taking my name. We're giving it to the place where it's not needed.
It doesn't matter how much you talk, how much you fight. It doesn't matter what you do.
They always win. And just so it doesn't look like we've cherry picked just a really small part of the picture,
give a small sample of it just included here, not quite by Tyrone,
a young man who I interviewed as well, who talks about his experiences struggling and again, not actually Paris employment, but low wage employment.
He had a permanent position working as a lift engineer and he talks about trailing
off a colleague who started after him who had then been promoted before him.
Now, of course, in any of this, we want to underline again,
we're talking about the sections of discrimination, and that's the way in which this is interpreted.
And I think certainly I'll find this in my research form in talking to young people in prison,
is that actually people don't automatically assume that they've been victims of racism and discrimination.
They look for strong explanations. And they're also, generally speaking, kind of reluctant to assume racism.
So these white people that were trying to explain away their experiences,
they were talking about the likelihood that these were actions, experiences, events of their lives to my sex life, discrimination.
And so I was just talking about this ridiculous situation where he was much more skilled, that he'd been promoted by.
He'd been the person who was less skilled, have been promoted over him in relation to experiences that he's seen.
This quote would be very familiar to everybody here. I'm sure you're aware of lots of research which talks about the way in which
people's lives are often mired in this ever present threat of police interrogation.
In this case, that means that when your sister just had a baby and she sent Max that paint brush back and he's been
stopped by what he called times covered plainclothes officers who actually put their hands in his trousers.
They said that it looked like he was selling drugs and he'd just been out foraging, snatching bikes.
Get to the shops they kept.
In another instance, Jack, who'd had two periods in custody for violent offences, took that experience that he had ten years ago.
And he said and I think we probably, you know, again, it seems very obvious,
but I think it's quite important to underline that this idea of a racialized worldview is that the
young people we spoke to expected discrimination and they expected it certainly from the place.
Their place largely is not legitimate.
So he said at the time, I just knew place like that. It was just like that.
He thought of trying down to Essex with the friends, with his friends who knew some Chinese.
And he said, you know, thinking about the way in which the police saw this, it's a white man and black guy.
They look like some white man having some of them.
And so the police are going to assume that we're the ones who attacked him.
And in a sense, they did. But that's not the case.
He said, even though he admitted to calling me a [INAUDIBLE], which even ten years ago would have constituted a racist incident,
possibly a racially motivated crime, he admitted to put his hands on me first.
I was the one still arrested. The white man was arrested.
It doesn't make sense why he arrested me. The man admitted to police, put his hands on me so.
And then he goes on to talk about what happened.
They get they get off the train and he hears the white guy saying something and they hear some let me go.
So he admits, you know, in his own account, I'm 15.
I'm not smart. I'm not smart. So don't expect me to walk away.
Don't even run one by me on small and some less.
But that's one side. I still have their eyes off this man.
Why? He said what he said. And the guy said to me, If you're going to do something, do something, and that's it.
Not going to do something. Do something nice to the dog that's in my throat.
And at that point, he and his friends in statements.
And this one was interesting because Tyrone was one of our respondents who was often seen as reluctant to talk about racial discrimination.
And it was interesting that the young woman that we interviewed to do that at the time was actually hiring his partner.
And she talked about things that they experienced that he didn't talk about in his interview.
But he talks about time in jail for his staff has been arrested.
And I asked him about, you know, how do you been involved in crime?
He said as far as he knew, they happened throughout his life. He hadn't you know, he wasn't an offender and the police had turned up to the house.
And so I rang and said, excited by the car with the lights on and the speeding and said to the police officers,
Come, I got with him, my dad in the police car and they say, yes.
And, you know, this was, I think, very poignant in the interview.
He said, oh, you will one day. And he took that.
He said he didn't understand. He's taken that as a positive thing.
He said he had to ride in a big stop.
But of course, later he realised that his staff had been struggling perhaps perhaps by his leg during that back to back that incident.
So again, it's about trying to recognise, I think, the pervasiveness of these kinds of experiences for these young men.
And then the final one, Joseph was somebody that we institute haven't been involved in crime.
He had one incident, why he'd been suspected of being involved in stealing funds from a mobile phone shop in Westfield in Stratford.
And interestingly, he took that had been treated really kindly by the security office.
It'd be really embarrassing then. So walk through Westfield.
But he'd said that he'd been treated very kindly. And then there was this kind of, sort of embarrassment,
like security officer saw the Bible in Jesus bag and actually recognised that he was a very devout Christian.
But what he did talk about again was the sense in which black young people are much more vulnerable to exclusion and discrimination,
and they resist inequality and experience in these white dominated institutions.
He took black friends who hadn't been able to continue going to sixth form.
He hadn't really done anything wrong, but he got kicked out.
And like many of the others, I'm not saying it's racism, but most people that are doing bad stuff in school were white,
that they were kicking out black people for things that appeared to be much less major in terms of that seriousness.
Okay. So finish up talking about Mike.
How long ago? Not very long at all.
5 minutes. Yeah.
So I have to have my two. I have to use you earlier.
So just to give you a second to read what what Mike is saying to me in this in this first interview.
So, as you can probably tell. Mike's actually struggling to tell me about his ethnic background and his nationality.
So I asked him how he looks at the country that you and your family came from, which makes the fact that who you are.
And as this interaction goes on, Mike gets quite agitated, he's reflective and he's always aggressive, you know.
So he says, okay, I'm just, you know, I'm neo abstract from when I was young.
I'm just from that and then progresses to saying just because I'm from France like I'm not.
KING Which kind of stood out to me and he kept emphasising that it's not important.
It's not important. But so and this was in the first interview, so it was very much before he told me that he'd been deported.
So it's really clear biases. And in contrast to the examples that strategists talk about,
I think this is a more subtle way in which Mike's racialized worldview is actually coming out.
So it's through nationality, but Mike is really feeling racialized.
Another example as well with Mike.
So I'm asking him whether he thinks there's much racial prejudice nowadays.
And a young prosecutor says, of course,
the race and he he really emphasise this how he feels that faith in and the subtle ways in which it's it's felt.
So it's not necessarily sad but felt so at the bottom of the society,
say because people are racial, they won't say it to you that they have racial cause.
So and that's the glass. So he found that particularly painful, actually, the way in which he felt racism, even life wasn't explicit.
Another example of MIT's racialized worldview came out in his discussions of the criminal justice system.
So I think this is the vignette piece asked him to apply, see whether he felt that the police would treat him or other races better.
And he says all that cheating less. I mean, he again draws on the idea that it would be because of stereotypes automatically.
And then immediately he refers to a case that happens.
It is not clear yet why he says that as a muslim boy he would say to the mosque and
he was arrested because he was wearing too many layers and research by uniform.
Gaffigan has also shown this how the mysterious consequences have have problematic those
consequences of racial discrimination are and they can really manifest themselves.
Even when that stopped through my first experience,
so often the young people refer to their friends being stopped and searched and then actually feeling, feeling the pain and problems of that.
The photograph on the slide is from a flat photo elicitation case.
So I asked Mike about his thoughts on that and obviously saying that's really bad and he's restrained.
And again, it to his own experiences and this this stagecraft really works quite well because in contrast,
I have a young white participants who who looked at that photograph and said to me, Yeah, you know, look how many people are checking.
That man is really badly hurt. And, you know, the contrast in the way in which these situations see the streets, how nice.
Quite shocked that he he did actually really believe that that the police were just checking this man.
In contrast, obviously, to some whites perspective.
And again, to underscore what my thoughts were about the place, he he had really negative views of the place.
He felt as though they they abuse their power.
And he makes a clear distinction between how he sees the law on principle, but also compared to how it's actually applied.
And a number of my interviews were actually conducted very soon after they were shown.
Charles Case in London.
Some of the people said that they knew him.
Rashawn Charles, for those, if you don't mind, died at the hands of the police last I think it's July, maybe, maybe June that July.
So again, this this really strong sense in which he sees the police as is loving to use that power that's the enough to do.
Finds another example of mice racialise welfare.
So he is really always keen to go beyond just the name describing things.
So he showed young people these pictures, these photographs, and this is in the case of Lee Rigby.
And he really explained the need to go beyond the surface, to understand the case, to explore the motivations of the perpetrators.
And he firmly locates the explanation within a racial framework.
So racial how it's understood racial bias, Don says, with this key, key phrase.
And similarly with the with the racist graffiti photograph, he says he expects it.
He thinks that that's the normal mode of transaction between him and white groups in the area where he lives.
And again, he refers back to the place he says that needs to go will change it to the place again.
Which is to say. And so what we what we're trying to do is to really show how interpersonal racial discrimination, along with structural racism,
is antagonistic, stressful, cumulative in its impact and on the potential to increase the risk of offending.
So with this scope, we see such hate. She feels that he has little less of a choice and he's stuck.
He's fixed by the stereotypes attributed to him, by the system.
And he sees this as applying to to black people more broadly.
Again, coming back to Mike, this was a discussion that he that came up for me to talk about turning points in life.
And at this point, he reveals to me about his experience in detention.
He said it was sad, traumatised, so traumatising that it caused the problems and drew him into drug dealing drugs again.
So the experience of detention hurt him and made to smash everything up.
So he says it not only just made him think about smashing things up,
but actually might have made him physically want to do that and going back to use of colours and fonts.
They also suggest how racial discrimination fractures the ability of African-Americans to qualify for historically white dominated institutions.
And what happens is they come to perceive these institutions as persistently discriminated against.
And also this other research that again, based in the US,
which shows empirically that exposure to racial discrimination is really a strong risk factor of more violence.
So they found that a sample of African-Americans age 6 to 22, 32,
that responded to a report about having been a victim of at least one of six types of
racial discrimination were more likely to than have an official recourse to violence.
And they'll come on to conclude just a few points here.
So although we've we've really we really feel that life histories have been successful,
they've been a great way in which to understand these these intricate processes.
We also reflect on the fact that there are only eight points of access to the connections between funding,
race and structural factors and cultural identity.
So the lives that people talk and the lives they all live are not the same thing.
And much of life, of course, we appreciate actually has beyond the research just.
So in some sense, we did get the sense that the core of life is at times unreachable that life's actually
do is telling the times that which we really have to drag out the information.
Despite our best efforts to try and introduce chronology, we find that people start from presence parks and vice versa.
But I think it's important to see the merits and limitations of the approach.
And I think so the argument is why whilst we can't categorically provide a causal link between discrimination,
racism and funding, but we have really strong indications of that in our data.
And so the findings along with that,
and that's how really underlined the functional premise we think of considering
the influence of race and racism from from a micro sociological perspective.
And lastly, to conclude, we wonder what the best crime reduction potential from a broad anti-racist movement.
We think it's really telling that much of the US research on the effects of racial discrimination
on funding is actually funded under the auspices of public health funded public health paradigms.
So lots of the research is funded by mental health funders.
And this this seems yet to be fully integrate sweeping in British criminology.
But it's really interesting that that's where this research linking racial discrimination and funding lives in the US.
Thank you. I.