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Hello, everybody, and welcome to the 76th of the second time here in Oxford we call Hillary.

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And today we're very offended to have Nicholas Hobhouse in the U.K. and present his research on contemporary education.

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Nicole holds a Ph.D. and. Presidential Scholarship at the University of Hong Kong.

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His Ph.D. research in the Centre of Buddhist Studies is supervised by Dr. Georges

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Hultquist and focuses on the intellectual history of contemporary monastic education.

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As part of his research in 2021,

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he published an article in collaboration with Catherine Hardy entitled Shouldering His Group's Legacy Campus Culture and Logos.

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Discourse in relation to Sangam after the death camps can be a prince of.

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And in 2022, he presented a paper at the arts conference entitled The Meaning of Monastic Curriculum at La Linga,

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a close reading of its structure, textual content and pedagogical influences.

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So, Nico, if you wouldn't mind sharing your screen.

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And without further ado, please take it away.

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So thank you very much for welcoming me to be with you this evening.

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And like I was just saying, actually, before and before we got going, I graduated from Oxford in 2015.

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I studied classics as an undergraduate, so I really feel like I'm back among friends this evening.

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And even though I'm here in Hong Kong, I very much feel like home with you over there.

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And so just for some context, I'm currently at two and a half years.

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Let me just so how has that changed as the slide changed?

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Is that worked perfect? I am currently two and a half years into a four year PhD program.

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In that time, I'd gotten to do quite a lot of specific information about the education at individual monasteries,

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about individual educational leaders,

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and about the different social, political and economic conditions in the various domains where human monasteries are found.

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And so, however, I'm in the process, you could say, of trying to find a general big picture narrative that I can apply to the sect as a whole,

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and that can serve as a frame on which to hang all of that specific information.

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And what I'm going to present in the next 45 minutes or so is an attempt at an early attempt,

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maybe at such a big picture narrative fleshed out with only some details given the limitations of time.

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I invite you, please, to give as much criticism as you can because it is very much a work in progress.

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I still got quite a lot of time in my Ph.D. and I would really appreciate any suggestion how I could really strengthen what I'm trying to say.

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And so when I say I am researching contemporary monastic education,

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I use the word contemporary to refer to the period from after the ruptures brought about by the Maoist invasion of Tibet in the 1950s,

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up to the present day. If we look at the narrative education as it existed before that inflection point,

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it's important to observe that systematic monastic education only took hold in the numerous act in the 19th century,

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with the foundation of the shrieking Rashtra at Doctrine Monastery by L.S. Cantata in 1848.

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In earlier history, there had, of course, been significant individual, almost lightning, temper and so on.

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And moreover, monasteries like cattle and drilling had indeed at various times offered forms of education.

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However, at no point had the numerous collectively and consistently engaged in scholasticism in the full institutional for Pioneer.

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At some point I talk from the 11th century and richly developed in the Gaelic Saint especially and notably early on Marcus.

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It primarily be concerned with tantra and had not put much collective effort into the study and

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commentary and interpretation of the Sutra Corpus of Indian Treatises on the five major topics of media,

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mankind, Army, Abbey, Dharma, Denier and Ramana.

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It was not only with the foundation and subsequent development and documentary singers,

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etc., that monastic education even established a foothold in the new respect.

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After that beginning, however, it became more sophisticated and spread more widely.

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This happened in part due to the activities of a number of key figures, most notably and me come from and kept pushing through on the slide.

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The historical context of these changes included the Remain movements of the 19th and early 20th centuries,

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during which Masters of Enigma continue and sacrosanct in Eastern Tibet collaborated

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in preserving and reinvigorating their lineages in the face of Gaelic for Germany,

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while upholding a non-sectarian ethos of respect for all Tibetan Buddhist lineages.

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However, the development of monastic education in the Numa sect and indeed the increased emphasis on sincere

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monasticism and more generally was at first isolated as a phenomenon in its own right by Jean Smith,

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who labelled it with the umbrella term the demand movement.

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Now, a key point I would like to make is that at the time of the Maoist invasion in the 1950s,

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the evolutions triggered by the foundational of dictionaries in Rashtra a century before had not yet fully played themselves out.

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While certain approaches to conducting in monastic education had become very influential,

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much was still contested and changes were still taking place and no settled equilibrium had been reached.

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And even where consensus was emerging, perhaps its roots were maybe not yet that deep and had the potential to be reversed.

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So. Let me give you just some illustrative examples of what was still somewhat in flux.

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For one, the value of studying at a shadrack,

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namely a designated semi-autonomous institution within a monastery with resident teachers

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and students dedicated specifically to monastic education was still somewhat contested.

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While there was a burst of scheduled construction in the first half of the 20th century, other approaches still existed within the new respect.

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For example, a child, Agha,

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took a room which gave both textual and meditative teachings within the less structured environment of a religious encampment,

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a god where study and practice were more integrated.

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While from biographical accounts from the period,

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you get the sort of sense that there were a number of peripatetic teachers and students who were moving around in order to give and receive teachings.

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And also, of course, the new workers continued to have a rich,

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ongoing custom of yoga practice that did not engage much in monastic education in general.

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Second on curricular questions. Even when there was a schedule.

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The curriculum somewhat varied, as Chris Hiebert has shown in a recent PhD.

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A characteristic feature of the tracing a shudder was that from from early on, its model curriculum, even if not always fully implemented in practice,

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moved in a gradualist fashion from a foundation that included the study of Tibetan grammar through sultry topics up to temporary topics.

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However, the catch all shredder, at least at the time of its foundation in 1906,

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offered a curriculum often referred to in the sources as the 100 texts of catalogue issued whose precise content is currently unknown,

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but which seems to have been focussed mainly on patriotic topics, not satiric topics.

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Then, even if such topics were offered, there were often perhaps disagreements about which Indian root treatises exactly should be used to study them.

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Now ten pushing to introduce an extremely influential rubric of the 13 great texts The Children

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Jerusalem but of India wrote treatises worst studied not least soundtrack features Nadia and Tara,

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the imagine to which Nippon wrote an important commentary.

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And then even when there was agreement on the study of particular Socratic treatises.

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The question of what commentary should be used remained contested.

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Notably, Changa wrote deceptive annotation commentaries tendril to his 13 great texts that avoided the philosophical and

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sectarian logical disputes that had animated into sectarian Tibetan scholastic debate for almost a millennium,

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and instead went back to the words of the Indian Root text.

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While me and his successors directly engaged in those Tibetan disputes and staked out a distinctively new position in relation to the Third.

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Certain pedagogical issues were contested, most notably the role of debate as the name Shadrach reveals,

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which one could literally translate as explanation, college or commentary or school.

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This institution, the institution founded by the Alsatian,

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entirely self-consciously contrasted itself to Gamecock and educational institutions where debate was the dominant pedagogy.

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Indeed, it was a verb. Instead, it was verbal explanation, shaper of the root treatises that was emphasised.

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Nevertheless, in a large part, due to the influence of me, power debate did start to gain at least some prestige within the numerous sect,

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as his biography and writings attest me on occasion engaged in both verbal and written debates.

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Perhaps most significantly, he wrote a commentary on Democrats each time a numéro B agreement on white hair and other related

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works that brought the topic of prominent humour into the mainstream for the first time.

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And I think since debate and respect for debaters and pedagogy is to a high degree

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rooted in respectfully so teria logical of a manner as a topic of serious study.

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The writing of this commentary was crucial, by contrast,

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in pushing the place less emphasis on debates and did not include any criticism for Obama in his 13 great texts.

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Now these are just some pertinent examples, but hopefully give you a flavour of the ongoing dynamism of the new media before the 1950s.

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It is therefore fruitful, I think, to muse on what might have happened if the Maoist invasion had never taken place.

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What the various issues I have just discussed have resolved themselves gradually.

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And would the new mosques as a whole have converged on a fairly conform settled approach to monastic education,

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perhaps centred on Dr. Ministry or a few other key monasteries?

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I came to how the ghettos before the 1950s had a fairly settled system of monastic education dominated by the three seats the Dems have sought,

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or what many issues have continued to be contested.

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Would a diversity of approaches continue to have been seen?

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With this question in mind. Let us turn to the new monastic education scene in the present day.

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What immediately drops out is a striking pattern whereby most of the newer approaches

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to monastic education in India and Nepal scheme in Bhutan are relatively similar,

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whereas those in eastern Tibet show much more diversity.

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From the same starting point, the still dynamic educational situation at the onset of the 1950s,

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one world of monastic education seems to add up towards a sort of unity, whereas the other is much more diverse now.

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Here you see a short list of all the chatter I've gathered information from in and what follows.

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I will group India, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan together with the shorthand exile.

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Even though, of course, and northern Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan were historically Tibetan Buddhist regions.

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Even before large numbers of Tibetans came into exile from the 1950s onwards.

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My reason for this is that the monastic education scene in those regions has been

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strongly influenced by the developments in the wider Tibetan exile community.

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So let us look at some details of this. The basis for what I will describe are official documents and interview

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transcripts relating to Minister of Education gathered during fieldwork in Nepal,

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Sikkim and India last summer, but also from contacts in eastern Tibet.

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Currently, my knowledge of the situation in exile is more comprehensive and detailed, as you can probably see from that slide.

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But I do already have enough information about Eastern Tibet to draw, I think,

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meaningful conclusions and hope to supplement that information through fieldwork there this summer.

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Here's a bit of a homemade map. You can really see yellow dots, but it will be very clear where basically the location of these, etc. are.

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So you can see down all the way in South Indian Nebula Kupang, in northwest India, around Dharamsala,

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Bear in Dehradun and in Nepal, mainly around Bodo in Kathmandu and Gangtok, and also a number in Bhutan.

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And you might notice, interestingly, that the exile region is far more geographically spread out,

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even though I'm going to argue that the educational effort is far more conformed to,

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in fact, the Eastern Tibetan monasteries, at least on a map of this scale,

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seem to be rather close together and yet are very often very different educations.

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And here just, you know, that flavour is an example of what a curriculum document looks like.

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This is from one angle, you know, I've got these sorts of things, you know, this one I think is from them don't show a monastery in India, you know.

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So this is the sort of information I've been using for my sources.

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So if I then move on.

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So in examining the elements of the contemporary systems of monastic education,

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one sort of helpful way of just organising the discussion is to group those elements

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whose origin predates the 1950s together and those whose origin coast states that period.

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Now, one might be tempted to further label those categories as traditional and modern.

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However, caution should be exercised as Janet Jackson discusses, and those terms can be taken to imply various assumptions which must be questioned.

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First, for example, the assumption that the traditional situation that existed in Tibet before the 1950s was static.

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In fact, as I've already said, it was a period of quite dramatic change within new monastic education.

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Second, the assumption that contemporary Tibetan Buddhist religious figures only exercise agency insofar as they seek to preserve a traditional past.

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Well, modernity is conceived as a phenomenon that somehow imposes itself upon them from outside without their agency.

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This assumption, too, must be questioned.

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Nonetheless, I think there's still something potentially fruitful about thinking in terms of tradition of modernity,

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even if only heuristic clearly, and for the purposes of sort of categorising what you see within a curriculum.

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So I use the terms, but with with caution. Okay.

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Interestingly, it's not uncommon to hear non monastic Tibetans both in exile and in eastern Tibet,

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referring themselves to how traditional monastics in general are.

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And moreover, monastics themselves often explicitly use the language of needing to adapt to the modern world.

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Starting then with those elements whose origin predates the 1950s.

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A Well, you know, the traditional elements in inverted commas.

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A first fact to observe is that pretty much every large animal monastery in exile now has a shelter

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and a permanent set of teachers and students whose primary responsibility is monastic education,

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even if they also partake in ritual duties. So that's in exile in Eastern Tibet, too.

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There are etc. The major modern monasteries function paleo cattle construction as well as at the key institution of Langa.

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However, there's also the striking example of the doctrine, which has a population of thousands of monastics, including a majority of nuns,

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but which largely eschews monastic education and instead focuses on tantric rituals and meditation from the preliminaries onwards.

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Second, in exile, they shutter. Education is almost invariably fixed with a precise, clearly defined curriculum.

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In Eastern Tibet, by contrast, while some curriculum affixed,

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there is also a continuation of what Baucher has described as the apprentice mode of monastic education,

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where the relationship between the teacher and the student is deemed more important than the exact textual content of what

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is studied and where there is greater flexibility for the teacher to decide what to teach in a fairly spontaneous fashion.

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Then, even insofar as there is a more or less fixed curriculum in exile, there is notable conformity.

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For one, the main curriculum at. Most set schedule, with only a couple of exceptions, has nine classes corresponding to nine years of study.

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These tend to be structured with some crossover as one year foundational topics, including grammar and and Shante Davis Auditorium.

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Atara. Sorry, has the screen changed? Is it back here as five years for trick topics and three years for tantric topics in Eastern Tibet?

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However, while the panel curriculum has the same nine classes, the Soul Train curriculum has 13 classes.

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While the longer curriculum, although grouped into seven classes, tends to take around 15 years to complete.

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So again, the eastern Tibetan situation is far more varied than the situation in exile.

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As the textual content in exile.

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Most of the schedule curricula again quite similar in both the textual content and the order in which those texts are studied with minor differences,

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often being the swapping in of want of a text from one's own specific lineage where there is a like for like alternative,

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such as the you of Chechen Guilds, House, Dharma Histories, children, act structure and even a pool or the use of mingling.

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Gilman's commentary on the abysmal encounter at meal drilling, notably at all exile,

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etc. There is an integration of both my parents and Shinoda's commentaries.

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Even if the precise, exact numbers of those commentaries vary.

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However, in Eastern Tibet, there is a much greater range of choices in regard to this question.

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Substantially similar uses several commentaries by Shen during the main curriculum, which is more than at most children in exile.

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But Morrow does strikingly uses none of his sultry commentaries at all, while emphasising every one of me count me puns, my dynamical works,

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and also having a much extended course dedicated to the study of the great perfection and catch up to shed English

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commentaries on not used as the pedagogy in exile with some minor variation explanation shaped by still emphasised.

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But debate certainly tends also to be practised in a designated evening session.

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And there is the widespread study of debate manuals, such as the tactic by camp of children.

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In the contemporary period, a number of tempos and locales across the Excel space and numbering especially have written introductory works for use

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in educational settings on promote and debate such as can put some drew camp of problem share out can pay Musharraf,

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the concurrent Arkansas and others in eastern Tibet.

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By contrast, while debate is certainly practised practised, its value is, in some cases treated with more scepticism.

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For example, General Onus, who runs the BBC now but was at up in the early 2000,

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told me that the state that for a long period of time while writing his own Ph.D. and

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told me that the meeting camp at that time too was sort of a temper thought that debate

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adulterated the new it was a much later accretion and that the schedule was the minimal

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way of doing things and that the schedule should not be its immediate family debate,

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college and even Campeau such and Lodeiro.

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Larranaga where debate issues writes in is so much sunshine is so the volume one monastic should not restate debate for the core of their practice.

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So again, a bit more variety which to interject.

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As for you know in this categorisation into traditional and modern as aspect development whose origins

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postings the 1950s in exile one sees a type formalisation of bureaucratised systems of examination,

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including written examinations, sets and marked in a blind,

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impartial fashion leading to standardised qualifications and the official at the completion of various stages of the curriculum,

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but authenticated by official certificates. I've got some different examples here taken from spread across India and Nepal.

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Of course, however, formalisation is a matter of degree.

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A structured, relatively fixed traditional education was offered doctrine tracing before the 1950s.

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This highlights how careful we need to be with rigid categorisations of traditional and modern.

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Anyway, in exile this strong tenet, a trend towards academic formalisation is interestingly treated with some caution.

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For an example, for example, in an interview with me talking in my room,

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the founder of Concentrated Living in Nepal warned about the risks of being attached

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to degrees rather than to the study and practice of the Dharma as its own end.

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Nonetheless, there is a very clear, strong trend in exile towards academic bureaucratisation.

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In eastern Tibet the situation is much less tightly formalised as far as I'm currently aware.

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There are rarely official certificates awarded at intermediate stages of scheduled curricula and even the title of temple,

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while awarded in a relatively standard academic fashion.

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At some institutions like Leung College is often bestowed in a far less formal way by

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other monasteries on the basis of esteem rather than measurable academic performance,

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or in fact, more just with the traditional usage being the one who bestows the the nine vows.

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A second modern development is the integration of new subjects, especially languages such as English and Chinese, and also science learning.

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In fact, both in exile and in eastern Tibet. These subjects are rarely seen in the main curriculum, and indeed, if taught at all,

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might only be taught in the school malhotra or a novice novice or be taught in an extracurricular fashion.

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And in fact, I'm not. While I'm drawing this big contrast and between exile in Eastern Tibet,

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I'm not able to state a clear contrast in regard to language in science subjects, as it seems quite often to be particular to individual monasteries.

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So at least in this regard, not such a clear pattern of a standardised exile situation and the more diverse Eastern Tibetan one.

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And the final well, I was just summarising some examples,

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but a third model development one could talk about is the expansion of monastic education to nuns.

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Now, this is very much an ongoing process.

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I suggest that on this issue, the pattern I am highlighting does hold and that there is in fact notable conformity across the exile space,

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whereas there's more diversity in eastern Tibet in exile than in the past have broadly speaking,

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gone along with or even followed slightly behind developments for nuns in the Tibetan Buddhist media in exile,

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more generally driven by the likes of the Dalai Lama or Tibetan nuns projects and even international organisations like I can detect.

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The clear trajectory is that nuns are gradually becoming able to receive a very similar education to that of monks.

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However, no new nun in exile has yet been awarded the title of Can Most Be Female Equivalent of Temple,

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despite that very title being awarded for the first time by the Secular House last year

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and the title objection MA being officially awarded in the Galaxy extent since 2012.

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However, I get the impression from my fieldwork that when one new monastery, most notably nuns relief, finally does get around to awarding that title,

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it will probably be taking it will be taken up in Mingma monasteries across the board, or at least to have a nunnery, by contrast, in Eastern Tibet.

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Strikingly, that does not seem to be one approach to this topic.

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While for most nuns there are precious few opportunities for rigorous monastic education had long gone,

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Liang and Taylor have shown as this they have shown an educational program

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culminating in the title of Campbell was introduced already back in the 1980s,

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with the first graduates receiving the Canmore title in the 1990s.

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So that summarises some of the large scale contrasts between the Myanmar state education in exile and in eastern Tibet in the contemporary period.

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And of course, in such a quick summary, I've simplified a great deal and have glossed over what diversity does exist, even in exile.

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But hopefully I've illuminated what I take to be the overall pattern.

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So what might be the reasons for this large scale difference between the relatively

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being educational milieu in exile and the relatively diverse media in Eastern Tibet?

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I contend that the structures of collective leadership and organisation in exile have been a key factor maybe certainly not the only factor,

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but a key factor that has allowed the monastic educational model brought to maturity at

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one main monastery in particular to be widely adopted across the entire exile space.

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While the absence of an equivalent system of organisation has prevented anything similar happening inside Eastern Tibet,

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thus I do not believe that the relative consensus in exile is because the monastic leaders at separate

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monasteries have all individually come to the same conclusion about the best way to combine the traditional,

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traditional and modern aspects that serve as the ingredients from which a contemporary meaning of monastic educational system might be constructed.

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Were it not for the collective organisation of the new members in exile,

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I think you would see a much greater range of educational approaches akin to what is seen in eastern Tibet.

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Indeed, mine drilling in India, which has a nine year formalised general curriculum.

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A leading lama who I interviewed expressed worry that graduates of the shed are often neglected, mentioning ritual tradition,

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leading me to speculate that if it was solely up to him, he would probably conduct this country in a very different way.

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Let me spell out my argument by looking in more detail at the history of the contemporary period in exile.

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Naturally, the monastery was founded by penury, became the throne holder of the pilgrimage to be occupied in South India in 1963.

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It is notable that many of the modern monasteries of the numerous sect struggled to be re-established in exile at all,

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partly due to the challenging conditions faced by the Tibetan refugees in general,

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and partly due to factors specific to the individual monasteries such as that.

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No senior figure capable of capable of reforming the monastery made it into exile thus of the ruling eventually,

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which was founded in 1965, the Chechen army in 1982, the attack in 1984 and doctrine only in 1992.

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The main cattle cattle monastery has never been re-established in exile.

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The Shadrack ruling was formally established in 1978 after a great deal of

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hardship due in no small measure to the perseverance of Canario Che himself.

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Previous to that formalised niemeyer education, both monastic and monastic had been established on a small scale for what is now the Seeking

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Institute of Higher Numa studies and at the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies.

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But neither of these have the capacity to recreate full scale education.

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Moreover, previous to 1978, both Mundelein and Metrolink sometimes invited peripatetic teachers to hold classes for a period of time.

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One educationalist of particular note in that period was can potential of increasing her share in Tibet,

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who came into exile and taught at all four of the institutions just mentioned,

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culminating in serving as the founding temple of Drilling Chater in 1978 before dying prematurely a year later.

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And put Sondra at Sondra, who was arguably the most important link in transmitting documentary singer a system of education into exile.

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But that is not to say that the curricular established didn't exactly compete even in

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its traditional elements what was taught its own country singer before the 1950s.

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This is interestingly highlighted when you compare its curriculum to countries in Eastern Tibet today,

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which of course is also based in part on what was taught that before the 1950s and see that they diverge in multiple way, multiple ways.

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Thus, as Piercey discusses in a 2015 article, the Underlings curriculum was modelled upon its option curriculum,

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but also drew upon other references both from pre and post the 1950s,

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including the nine year structure of the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies academic curricula.

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Moreover, remains educational system continue to develop in certain ways even after it was first established?

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Panel reports, for example, seem to have kept pushing for improvements in Tibet as evidence, for example, by a speech he gave in 1999,

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where he noted that some senior members did not support debating, but that he personally thought it was very important.

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And I quote from conclusion on Che Wang's translation of this speech in a lump on the path and they said you should develop debating skills.

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The capturing coaches of the new tradition are not happy with the debates.

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The reason I initiated it and maintained it is because it helps one to develop the intellect and retain scriptural knowledge.

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But then coming back to sort of the main point I'm making, why why didn't the education system spread so widely?

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It probably owes a lot to the fact that became capitalist entrepreneur,

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who is the first to supply a service for which there is a large pent up demand.

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Demand and not willing.

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Shandra cornered the monastic educational market at an manly stage, which meant that its population of both students and teachers grew quickly,

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which meant that it claimed prestige and could attract greater financial support,

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which allowed it to grow and improve its educational offerings further and thereby attract more students and teachers and so on.

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However, as I've said, the factor I really wish to emphasise is the wider leadership and organisation of the university in exile.

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So coming into exile, the Dalai Lama and the exile government to establish wanted a leader to represent each of the main sects of Tibetan Buddhism,

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whereas the other sects had well-developed institutions of leadership, whether the second treason, the composition and and trippers.

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The Myanmar has had no history of such institutional leadership and instead had historically

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tended to gravitate towards charismatic figures regardless of their institutional status.

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Especially treasure to review tension. And perhaps because he was such a figure in 1962,

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during which he was chosen by the numerous to fulfil the required leadership role which he held until 1987.

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After his death, Hugo Canto took the role until he died in 1991 and then contribute to the role until his retirement in 2001.

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Crucially, all three of these figures gave strong support to the monk underlings in its early years,

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thus giving that Cedras some manner of official status as a shadow of the Nygma powers in general.

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Notably in 1978, Diego County Repertory, even before he became the head of the new sect,

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gave the official name to the shadow of the immaculate tone of Don't look repaid your meddling.

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Importantly, he made it a new institute, not a political institute.

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A few years later, in 1984, during which he wrote a formal letter in his official capacity as the head of the numerous sect eulogising,

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and giving his blessing to the Shadrack. And this letter is still printed in front of the official curriculum booklet and distributed individually.

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And then, of course, I don't remember Che himself once and of the Namesake could continue to give that institutional support.

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So from the top down,

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the first three heads of the numerous sect in exile who commanded both the individual charismatic but also the newfound institutional authority,

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all gave their official endorsement to the shadow or representative of the new must sector as a whole,

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meaning that the leaders of any other shadow that might be established later would naturally look to Shadrach as the model to follow,

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lest they might seem perhaps to be positioning themselves in opposition to the officially endorsed Numa approach.

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In addition to this, in part perhaps simply due to the straitened circumstances in exile and the need for cooperation,

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but also important, no doubt because of the improved structures of collective organisation within the Negro sect.

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Numbering schedule also became a key hub from which large numbers of teachers with a low or chemicals were sent out to monasteries across India,

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Nepal seeking or Bhutan to help support the foundation of new children there,

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or at least to help with less formalised types of teaching where resources were fewer over time.

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Underlings good editorial department also produced standard textbooks in the debt problem and

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page format that could help support the establishment of the non-trivial curriculum of study.

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Example They look like this and I picked this up in a in a bookshop in Boulder, in Nepal.

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So not necessarily. And this is one for me. It even describes a year of the courses for us for the fourth year of the course.

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And this is me punch commentary on the team a drill so designated textbooks for a a curriculum that was then replicated and spread widely.

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Such systems of leadership and organisation have not been as possible in eastern Tibet.

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The case of language is particularly interesting since its foundation by Ken Cuccinelli puts up in 1980, it has played a role in Eastern Tibet.

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That might sound somewhat similar to the role I just described for Nam, travelling in exile,

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namely serving as a hub for training monastics who could then serve as teachers across eastern Tibet and indeed Tibet as a whole.

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Indeed, for a time, Larranaga said that role not only for the new tradition, but for the other sects, too.

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And grew to a size far greater than any monastery in exile in the house with its,

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for example, with its population numbering 9300 in the year 2010, according to Capstone.

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And that is also, I think, estimated to have increased even in subsequent years.

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However, the conditions that have allowed Larranaga to play this role are very different from the situation for Nam drilling

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and Longo's influence vis a vis the new matters across eastern Tibet has thus thus has a very different quality.

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Notably, longer and poorer importance is derived not from any official status as the primary educational institute institution,

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but to a high degree from the nimble way it is navigated the post-mao social political landscape.

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First, as an encampment, a guard not subject to the same oversight as a monastery, and then later as a from 1987 as a Buddhist academy.

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For sure, U.N. constrained, but also somewhat protected by government regulations.

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However, the same political regime, regime in which lorem guard has been able to thrive relative to other institutions,

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has also had a limiting effect on its ability to directly shape the education of other monasteries.

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The Communist Party of China has tended to periodically clamp down on manifestations of Tibetan collective organisation in general,

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while teachers trained at Lorengau have been involved in setting up institutions elsewhere.

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This, as far as I can tell, has happened more informally than the process whereby no drilling officially

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sends its own locals and campus to other institutions for designated periods.

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On a slightly different note, but also related rivalries between monasteries in eastern Tibet arguably tend to be stronger anyway,

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in part because these rivalries are also sometimes rooted in local regional identities.

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In practice, what this is all added up to is that Longo's particular curriculum has not

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seemingly been taken up as a replicable model by other leading English headdress.

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Even when campus trained and armed guard have been involved in teaching.

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But those other shooters and nor has the curriculum at any other one monastery been taken up in such a widespread way.

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So I want to finish by reflecting on the implications of what I have said, what you know, what the implications might be for new movements,

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for identity in general, especially, and especially for its scholastic and institutional identity.

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Now, these really are very nascent thoughts, more sort of musings than fully formed ideas that I've only so fairly recently

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started to sort of think about as significant in relation to my research.

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But I'll sort of try some of them out and, and sort of see where they lead.

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So there's lots of angles from which to attempt to answer this question.

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The first point I would make is that both in exile and Eastern Tibet, it is notable that monastic education has been re-established at all.

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The innovations of the so-called game movement were, as I said,

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still relatively recent at the time of the great ruptures brought about by the Maoist invasion.

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Given the enormous struggle it took to re-establish monastic education both in exile and in eastern Tibet.

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The fact that so many institutions have indeed re-established,

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etc. is notable and suggests that what began in the 19th century has changed the sex for good.

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No longer, I contend, can it be said that the new markers should primarily be defined maybe by the fact of,

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you know, upholding various tantric lineages in the category of both comma and Turner.

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Of course, that aspect of the English sect is still prominent outside of the Shastra,

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whether in the wider monastery, in retreat centres or in caves in the mountains.

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And indeed, it's a still an important part of the monastic identity.

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However, engagement in scholastic pursuits is now also firmly entrenched.

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The elevation of power to a status arguably equal to such unquestioned new

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luminaries as long term power is both a cause and a symptom of this transformation.

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Have this transformation in his lifetime me power as a respected scholar practitioner,

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but he did not have the prestige of being a reincarnate Lama or Turton.

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However, after his death already in the first half of the 20th century and continuing into the contempt.

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Period. His star has only risen.

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This has happened in part due to the activities of influential disciples and devotees of hip such as Campbell, Jemmy, Potter, but also,

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I'm sure due to the increase in monastic education's relative importance in relation to the mass sector as a whole,

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May Palm's rise in the rise of monastic education as a key component of animal identity are interrelated.

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However, as monastic education increases in relative importance from the numerous.

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So probably just the significance of differences in the details of monastic education.

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What do the patterns are described reveal about the present and future identity of the numerous sect?

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And what are the implications for identity of the institutional structures that I've said underpin those patterns?

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On one level, it's probably too soon to say how the effects of the foundation of Free Lanka was still playing themselves out over 100 years later.

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How much more of the effects of the Maoist invasion?

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However, some searching questions I suppose might be posed Will the exile and eastern Tibetan domains converge?

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While I've argued that the two tracks have mainly developed separately, in parallel,

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there have been some small crossovers, and especially when there has been a monastery of the same lineage.

389
00:42:18,660 --> 00:42:21,870
In both domains, the connections can be illuminating.

390
00:42:22,710 --> 00:42:29,790
In the case of NAM, drilling in India and drilling in India and the Sister Palau monastery in Tibet,

391
00:42:30,030 --> 00:42:36,030
there are fairly strong links and the same education is offered in both places due to the fact that they must share up.

392
00:42:36,090 --> 00:42:41,820
The senior campus spent some years at Palau in the 1990 and establish this shelter there.

393
00:42:42,210 --> 00:42:50,540
So that might suggest that convergence may be the pattern, but slightly differently in the face of actually leaving campus of the monastery in Nepal.

394
00:42:51,030 --> 00:43:00,600
My children, who himself spent many years at a monastery in eastern Tibet, told me that our two monasteries are connected emotionally, academically.

395
00:43:00,660 --> 00:43:03,270
I think we are separate and difference.

396
00:43:03,270 --> 00:43:10,680
Again, in the case of adoption, the monastery we found in South India and the monastery in eastern Tibet are almost totally separate,

397
00:43:10,980 --> 00:43:15,270
in part due to the two monasteries recognising different men as the authentic.

398
00:43:15,360 --> 00:43:16,230
So Chen Rinpoche.

399
00:43:17,860 --> 00:43:24,520
Probably overall convergence between the two domains will only take place on a large scale if the Tibetan political situation changes.

400
00:43:24,850 --> 00:43:32,530
If not, it's possible that the two new worlds which exist in very different social, political and economic conditions will further diverge.

401
00:43:33,460 --> 00:43:41,830
However, even if the two domains converged, what would the convergence mainly manifest on the level of individual monasteries and the numerous sects?

402
00:43:41,830 --> 00:43:47,139
The whole Rifat revert to being a loosely bound family of distinct lineages,

403
00:43:47,140 --> 00:43:52,540
monasteries and charismatic individuals without tight institutional organisation or

404
00:43:52,540 --> 00:43:57,340
with the unprecedented degree of institutional unity seen in exile become the norm.

405
00:43:58,450 --> 00:44:05,380
It is, of course, hard to say, but I will finish by noting that there are signs the institutional organisation,

406
00:44:05,410 --> 00:44:09,700
seen in the first few decades of exile, is already starting to fray.

407
00:44:10,390 --> 00:44:16,490
After the comparatively stable era of institutional leadership from 1960 to the early 2000.

408
00:44:16,930 --> 00:44:19,930
The new markers have entered a period of instability.

409
00:44:20,560 --> 00:44:21,070
First,

410
00:44:21,070 --> 00:44:29,320
a succession of elderly rent control Supreme Court in central membership of the first generation in exile who are appointed the head of the sect,

411
00:44:29,320 --> 00:44:34,120
usually on the basis of spiritual authority, died in relatively quick succession.

412
00:44:34,960 --> 00:44:42,430
Then in 2015, and the time when the baton needed to be handed down to a new generation, no single candidate stood out.

413
00:44:42,550 --> 00:44:47,379
So a compromise was reached whereby the heads of the modern monasteries in exile

414
00:44:47,380 --> 00:44:52,990
would be appointed the supreme head of the sect as a whole in three year rotations.

415
00:44:53,620 --> 00:45:02,410
Then that model in turn collapsed in 2018 when the next, you know, the next in line in the rotation refused to take up the position,

416
00:45:02,980 --> 00:45:09,880
meaning that there is now a leadership vacuum with the committee in charge of organising the new liminal and prayer festival.

417
00:45:10,220 --> 00:45:14,820
A practical technocrat, even though it's a committee given the title of head of the sect.

418
00:45:15,310 --> 00:45:22,330
But with the reality being some sort of stasis, perhaps the page has already turned on an exceptional era,

419
00:45:22,630 --> 00:45:31,480
and the classic Nehemiah trope of distaste for institutions, politics and centralised authority is reasserting itself once more.

420
00:45:32,080 --> 00:45:39,400
Indeed, while some of my interviews interviewees expressed exasperation with the current leadership situation,

421
00:45:39,790 --> 00:45:42,880
some seem to think it was no bad thing at all.

422
00:45:43,570 --> 00:45:47,650
And with that, I think I will finish. So thank you very much.

423
00:45:47,740 --> 00:45:48,220
Thank you.