Right. So welcome, everyone, to the final talk of this academic year and the fifth series of the Treasure Seminar.
However, we will be back in October after the summer break with the sixth series.
We're particularly looking forward to our return because we already have a full
and really excellent Line-Up of speakers scheduled for the next academic year.
Our speaker today is our very own Rob Maya of Wolfson College and the Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, who is one of the.
Well, he's actually the principal convenor of the treasure, um,
Seminole Woolf's initial research focus on early learning on tantrums and proton dump on tanks.
Many of his publications were done jointly with myself, Kathy Cantwell.
More recently, his research focus has been on the treasure traditions of Tibet and on a broad
range of related contextual topics within Tibet and other cultures as well.
So over to you, Rob. Thanks, Kathy.
Before we move on to my main topic today, I want to correct a misapprehension.
In recent years, I've been discussing some of the interrelated Tibetan and Indian ideas about hidden treasures.
And subsequently a couple of scholars have written to me in the apparent belief that I see the Nemo Terminal Edition
as deriving from an earlier material background entirely reducible to previous previous cults of mundane treasures.
Nothing could be further from the truth. In my 2019 article rejecting mono causal theories of the origins of trauma,
I listed a dozen unexplored research trajectories, only some of which explored terrorism material.
Rather, I've envisaged the Nemo Tenma tradition as the grafting of largely Indian Buddhist theories of
immaterial scriptural transmissions onto the predominantly mundane Tibetan terrestrial deity cosmology.
I'm simultaneously way of Indian literary accounts describing a broadly parallel structure within Indian Buddhism,
although we can't yet read beyond those texts into what's actually happened in India.
No, nor do I see the synthesis as a late development arising out of an original Nemo chamber tradition that had been solely material.
From it. We are still in process of assessing 42 pages included within Young Girls Dig Deeper,
which describes an unbroken transmission of terror into primarily immaterial spiritual
terms and a substantial passage with similar purport contained within Groucho,
one family owned dog. What is, in any case,
already clear is that these early authors fostered a Tibetan ized culture of the numerous peril dinner chapters found especially in Mahayana secrets,
which, inter alia, describe a non-material mind to mind transmission.
Indiana is part of the process described by Mahayana sutra scholars as the standard claim of Mahayana sequence regarding their transmission,
and hence occurs in a very large number of citrus and also countries.
Since Paul Harrison informs me that, despite its obvious ubiquity, no academic study has yet been made of per Indiana.
I've had to begin one on my own.
So far, I've downloaded 17 separate chapters or sections on parenting from 17 separate Indian Buddhist sutras and temples,
which I hope will prove to be a representative sample. My impression so far is that the Tibetan authors who did closely study this topic,
including Gouri Chohan and daughter of Campi Nyima, probably had a pretty clear grasp of what the Indian texts were saying.
The Tibetan for per Indian is tapa, which talk it renders as mind mandate transmission.
But that is for future presentations. Today, I want to question a more basic misapprehension,
namely the widespread academic oversimplification of the Tibetan category of terror as something essentially or exclusively spiritual.
On the contrary, I will argue that the category of terror or unity can more fruitfully be seen as a
pre-existing cultural category pertaining to mundane terrestrial deity cosmologies,
both Tibetan and Indian, that subsequently gets used as a vehicle for Buddhist scriptural transmission.
In response to a specific request.
I shall approach my topic today through the lens of the treasured protectors or keristen, the powerful and potentially dangerous territorial deities.
You stand guard over Goddess Karma. Yet, as we heard from an arsenal over some weeks ago,
these very same fears territorial deities simultaneously stand guard over a much greater number of mundane riches hidden in the Tibetan landscape.
Groucho on Glick from 1212 to 1217.
Groucho on Steroids, or Great History of Treasure seems to have been the first and most influential effort describing and characterising terror.
It has recently been included in the in the empecher or supporting literature of the in Toronto, or the Precious Collection of Treasured Texts,
the definitive collection of Turner literature compiled in the 19th century, which underlines the canonical status of this work.
It is noteworthy that throughout his more than 700 pages showing,
as far as we can see, never uses the long form kama, the only uses a short form term.
It's beyond today's scope to enlarge upon why this is significant.
But in a nutshell, if not purely a matter of language and dialect,
it might also reflect someone's consistent refusal to recognise any absolute boundaries
between a mundane category of ten and the religious category of a national opus.
Recent ethnography report such a difference of usage between a religious long form and a mundane short form in the contemporary vernacular,
but one writing in 13th century logic recognised no such distinction.
And indeed, Groucho Barnes conception of terror has greatly baffled Western scholars.
Many of us have barely acknowledged the chair had any mundane aspect at all.
We have become accustomed to envisaging terma as the purported transcripts of Padma.
Some of us, or some of the Great Master's teachings, prudently concealed in past centuries for recovery in later times,
most often by reincarnations of Padma, some of his closest disciples.
Along with such sacred texts, we understood the tantra might also include a few religious objects.
But children's understanding of that was completely and utterly at variance with this.
In the opening section of his work, where he presents his overall understanding of what there is.
He does not even mention some of a new any other great Buddhist master.
And this despite Chauvin counting amongst the most effective partner, some of the advocates in all of Tibetan history.
To make things worse. So I'm included amongst these classifications of treasure.
All kinds of apparently random and often mundane things that would seem to have no connection at all with sacred text or even Buddhism,
let alone some of a. Setting out a stall near the beginning of the great history of treasure he tells us have taken include the following.
All the various kinds of valuable items, hidden or latent in the natural environment.
Previously unknown lands and valleys. Previously undiscovered water sources.
Compressible earth suitable for building lime deposits that can be used as plaster.
Supplies of wood. Useful for building hidden caches of money or material wealth.
All kinds of astrology and medicine. All the skills of this Carmen crossed into the gods in Indian mythology, including skilled in weaving cloth,
in tailoring and in sewing, architectural skills, carving and relief, painting of murals,
methods for making statues, calligraphy and scribal skills, the skills of making seats and thrones,
the skills of making elephants, clothing and elephants, ornaments, horses, clothing and horses, ornaments, and so on.
Then, as well as that, all manners of magic, all the various forms in which the Buddhas might appear,
all Buddhist texts from all the nine Buddhist vehicles or planets. In other words, the entire gamut of Buddhist teachings and even human progeny.
Clearly, Groucho's category of terror is very much wider than the hidden teachings of Padma Samovar or any other guru.
Although such teachings are implicitly included in the penultimate item,
all Buddhist texts from all the nine Buddhist vehicles noise guru, children's understanding, idiosyncratic and listener.
Lobos recent ethnography among the nomads of Kolak confirms a pattern with striking similarities as the reports from Bhutan.
Likewise, other classical authors can describe such items as iron ore, herds of yak, gold or water sources as terror.
On the contrary, the only idiosyncrasy seems to be our commonplace idea that the category ten is essentially religious.
To draw an analogy,
imagine if Tibetan scholars had the notion that the term sport was coterminous with and restricted to elite professional men's football.
The category sport would then signify Real Madrid, Manchester City or Bayern Munich.
But no tennis, no golf, no baseball, and most certainly not the amateur recreation of ordinary people in their free time.
In a similar way, we have restricted the word tear to just one admittedly prominent part of its full range of meanings.
Guru Chang was an elite author who drew substantially on some gritty categories.
His account of the term terror closely reflects, albeit silently, lexical definitions of the parallel Indian term nity,
which to current knowledge appears invariably to have been translated by Tibetans as terror.
Thus, stirring up dialect has tentatively suggested that the word terror might have been a
translation or neologism of the ninth century newly coins to render the Sanskrit term lidy.
She arrived at this hypothesis because after a thorough search, he could identify no non Buddhist usages of the word.
In early Buddhist. In early Tibetan sources. Although not explicitly mentioning the Sanskrit words for ten children,
does nevertheless appear to have homed in on a particular nuance of the Sanskrit terms needy.
Needy, not only the nominally needy often signifies something like a store, a hold, or a treasury.
Which meanings children does indeed adopt, but verbally the red can also signify to bury, to conceal, to hide, or to put away into a safe place.
These latter nuances seem to have appealed most at showing.
Thus, he sees tell the Sanskrit equivalent nity as anything of value that is first hidden, but later becomes apparent.
This is just overall definition. Which is perfectly acceptable interpretation of the Sanskrit.
It. It also coincides very closely with a parallel indigenous category,
recently described by an interloper that I suspect was already prominent and important in Tibetan culture before the advent of Buddhism,
and which by Turing's time at least and perhaps earlier, already had the name actor.
Within that enveloping outer definition. Turing also appears to have drawn on a large range of more particular meanings,
possibly culled from Indian amygdala ninja literature relating to the famous amateur kosher lexicon,
which by then existed in Tibetan translation, or perhaps from some other similar but as yet unidentified source.
The Americas is an important source for a ubiquitous classification of nine cities still prevalent across India until the present day.
These nine cities can be variously interpreted to suit the requirements of specific audiences and communities,
so that a great number of variant explanations can be found.
But however they might be described, and it is widely understood as being the property of or in the gift of territorial deities,
and especially of the king of the axis, Kibera.
To give a concrete example of the kind of popular Indian thinking about needs that children might have been exposed to,
the Jain author Hemmer Chandra, who lived in the century before Tübingen,
interpreted the nine fold Imre crucial list for his Jain and apparently commerce oriented audience as follows one.
Camps, cities, villages, mines, towns approached by land or sea,
and isolated towns to all bulk, weight and height, all numbers and grains and seeds three.
The whole business of ornaments for both humans and animals for the checkerboard towns.
Jewels five. All clothing. Six. Knowledge of past, present and future.
Also skills such as agriculture and the arts. Seven coral, silver, gold, pearls, iron, etc. and then mines.
Eggs, soldiers, weapons, armour, the science of sciences,
of fighting and administration of justice and poetry, concerts, dramatic arts and musical instruments.
Other influential Indian interpretations of the 90s, such as those of Guru Nanak.
More closely resemble chipmunks, but more equally balancing religious and mundane categories.
But although such an influential author, Shabangu did not seem to have wanted to restrict his readership to a scholarly elite.
Many of his colourful, often first person narratives remain accessible to a wider audience.
Above all, he certainly did not want to characterise terror as something entirely foreign and Indian.
On the contrary, and this becomes apparent in his autobiographical concepto discovery, he roots the phenomenon firmly within the Tibetan landscape,
perturbing the Indian categories with which he sometimes presents to do not contradict its primordial natural existence within the Tibetan landscape,
nor its prominent role in indigenous Tibetan culture. When it comes to terror.
His alternative vocabularies, Indian and Tibetan, seem to be scholarly and vernacular registers,
with describing the same matter of fact truth about the world around us.
Let's consider the first of those ideas that I've mentioned above.
The terrace, all the various kinds of valuable items, hidden or latent in the natural environment.
But but this notion is simultaneously legible in two ways that largely amount to the same thing.
We can approach it through indigenous Tibetan perspectives and through Indian Buddhist literature.
Because he lived in Tibet, indigenous Tibetan perspectives were for him the more immediate, even if the Indian narratives were the more prestigious.
The Tibetan category, which has been known as terror at least since the Buddhist period, but which might have existed by another name before.
Buddhism is highly complex and very important. It is also insufficiently studied, although on a similar but it's not.
Making a start is deeply interconnected with Tibetan territorial deities.
We, very much like the Indian naga and yakuza counterparts, often understood as ancestors of prominent clan leaders or kings.
More specifically, and again broadly resembling its Indian equivalent nity.
The Tibetan idea of terror offers an explanation of the capacity of the natural environment to be fruitful.
As we heard a few weeks ago from an arsenal over, one of the most important senses is the wealth or treasury of the territorial deity.
If the territorial deity has insufficient wealth or terror in their territory, the local environment will become correspondingly impoverished.
This is because the local authority needs sufficient care in the Treasury to facilitate the production of cue the subtle,
subtle, vital essence that makes the Earth fruitful.
Without chew, the grass will be too poor to nourish the livestock and the soil be too poor to support the growth of crops.
By contrast. When chew is abundant, the grass becomes rich and nourishing and the soil becomes fertile.
Preserving the true in the local earth is therefore crucial to human survival.
For a planet hangs the difference between prosperity and destitution.
Again, this bears comparison to the equivalent Indian term rasa.
Just as nitya is normally translated as ten, so also is rather normally translated as two.
In Indian thinking,
rasa can be understood as the sap of life by means of which Yakutia territorial nature spirits were able to render a local environment fruitful.
As Kimura Swami puts it, the extraterritorial deities control agricultural and biological fertility precisely because they control Russia,
which is not so much the waters as mere waters. But that essence in the waters, which is one with the sap in the trees and the seed in living beings.
As the life giving essence that pervades whatever is fruitful in the context of territorial deities.
Indian rasa is therefore close in conception to Tibetan Chu.
Because true is so fundamental to the local ecology and economy.
It is essential that no one deplete the tree by removing or stealing any of the terror belonging to the territorial deities.
Hence, Tibet's famously severe restrictions on the removal of any kind of naturally or previously concealed natural resources,
whether it be metal ores, nuggets of gold coloured minerals or paint making gemstones or whatever.
Again, this is a pattern reported in some South Asian ethnographies, for example from Sri Lanka.
Similar to how Guru Charron defined it in the 13th century in contemporary Tibet too, as Amazon logo reports from her fieldwork in Colac.
Whatever is hidden or was previously unknown in the ground or in a cave, in water, or just sitting on the land and is you can come to us ten.
Resembling the old Indian classifications of cities. See if you recall the first image.
Understand that I described above.
Tibetan terror can even include entire valleys or lands previously unrecognised, but later deemed suitable for settlement.
These are the famous veil or hidden lands of Tibet.
Since all such items belong to the territorial deities as a critters, appropriating or removing them might not only lessen the death,
its ability to facilitate the production of Chu, but could also infuriated deities, inviting swift, violent, and potentially fatal retribution.
Conversely, making regular offerings of human made ten provides an excellent method for augmenting the dirty stock of naturally existing talent,
pleasing them and thereby hopefully increasing the supply of two.
I think human made gifts of terror into the environment is therefore a regular and ubiquitous practice among many Tibetan communities.
A senior lawyer describes such offer terrace. Ordinarily, a of wool was filled with auspicious substances buried in the earth,
or laid beside a deities cairn, or for aquatic or territorial deities, or put into a lake or stream.
Other items can also count as ten offerings, for example, the buried remains of important persons,
or indeed almost anything auspicious and valuable according to legend.
Some years ago, the modern Tibetan poet Jungwoo and his colleagues made an offering of their fine verses at Koko,
near the home of a particularly famous territorial deity,
a vast dominion with aspirations that this offering might renew and re-energize the Tibetan literary tradition.
Lambchop adds they had a further plan to bury at treasure a tear of poetry at a very sacred mountain.
But they couldn't carry out their plan to completion because of many obstacles.
In other cases, offerings of terror into the environment are apparently not directed at particular territorial deities, but may need to auspiciously,
mainly to auspiciously activate tendril, a term which in everyday Tibetan parlance signifies a cosmic principle of causation and interconnectivity.
Loosely identifiable with a Buddhist technical term. Petite, somewhat polar.
First Lamar Jobs uncle offered a tear to a line shaped mountain slope near his home in the hope of increasing his own heroism.
But this is complicated by the animistic modality in Tibetan territorial deity cosmology.
The deity can be understood as a landscape feature itself. What can be understood as a deity inhabiting the landscape feature.
One such humanly made chair have been offered to territorial deities, just like the naturally occurring terror.
They should never be removed and for identical reasons.
Removal would be a form of theft. Anger angered the deities and reduce the tune upon which the entire community depends.
And with this we come to my main point. The sacred textual tear famously hidden by pediment.
Some of us seems to write upon this very same cosmology.
Lima tells us that back in the eighth century, when he was visiting Tibet as a guest of emperor treason,
that's an idea symbol for sore difficulties in the transmission of his teachings in future centuries,
and thus understood the need for very many sacred texts. The intention that they should be discovered.
By future reincarnations of his closest students for the invocation of future generations.
Accordingly,
having a sum of attained numerous territorial deities across Tibet and entrusted caskets containing sacred text for them to God in general.
Many hundreds of years intervened between the burial of these two bipedalism, and they rediscovery by the reincarnated students who known as Tenten,
literally revealing so excavated of terror for all that time,
these sacred terror caskets not only bless the Tibetan landscape through the generalised power of tendril.
In addition, they continuously enriched the domains of the local deities who protected them,
who in turn were further empowered to facilitate facilitate the local supply of two.
Pen with some of a pleasing.
The territorial deities with such extraordinary terror offerings might in itself have been understood as a means of taming them.
In short, the Buddhist terror buried by Padma.
Some of her behaved in many ways, much like any other terror, although with additional spiritual benefits.
This is explicitly recognised by the name of tradition. The function of environmental enrichment is considered such an important aspect of Padma.
So it was ten burials. That is believed she hid something solely for this purpose, with no intention of it ever being recovered by intention.
As talk, he turned up explains. It is not necessary that all the concealed terminals are destined for discovery,
but it is said that there are some that were concealed for the suspicious of the land, and these are not for discovery.
But most of the Buddhist buried by Padma Samura were destined for eventual recovery by Professor Turton.
And here we see an interesting divergence of interest between Buddhism and local communities.
As I've just described, removal of terror greatly upsets the territorial deities and can provoke them to violence.
Sometimes even innocent bystanders might become collateral damage.
Unwitting victims of a he made mad by the removal of it and lashing out at the local human community in fury.
Accordingly across all of Tibet and across many centuries.
We repeatedly read of local populations desperately opposing attempts on this country with his or her distant third.
In Groucho Wong's poetry, for example, a whole village turns out to dissuade him from extracting an important textual care from their local landscape.
They complain that if he does remove it, the two or the neighbourhood will be reduced and their livelihood threatened.
And in fact some villages are subsequently harmed, both by the disturbances caused by children's tear removal and by their attempted interventions.
We find similar accounts in the biographies of permalink. But in 15th century Bhutan, where a villager actually died, according to Michael Error's.
As a biography. Jackson Nepo in 16th century Congo had to evade armed local men who tried to prevent him from extracting history and detailing,
but in 19th century Gerlach had to overcome a posse of armed locals who demanded he replace it.
It already removed. This is a stock theme which neatly illustrates the potential for conflict between the universal salvific goals of most Buddhist.
And then narrow. More material interests are better for the local community.
These stories occur across Tibetan literature. Again and again.
To mitigate this eventuality. It is therefore mandatory for a third time to immediately offer a worthy substitute known as a top.
But the treasure he has just removed. As soon as he takes out the scripture buried by pragmatism work,
he must replace it with an alternative terror offering that is hopefully of equal value to the territorial deity.
In this way, the fury of a deity should be appeased, their stock of terror maintained in the production of two undiminished.
Children contributes a lengthy and extremely graphic autobiographical cautionary tale of what happens if a substitute is not offered.
It reads like a horror movie. When discovering his first her children was naive enough not to bother with a substitute treasure.
As a result, an infuriated territorial deity laid siege to his home, terrorising and very nearly killing everyone in it.
For several days, it seemed that no amount of mantra or ritual could placate or overcome the increasingly furious spirit and everyone expected to die.
The situation was only resolved and Shabangu recalled, quote, Buddhist values of selflessness and altruism.
And offered to take his own life with a prayer that his family and the innocent guests and retainers might be spared.
It was only this act of supreme Buddhist selflessness that finally satisfy the deity, causing it to lift the siege.
This introduces another important aspect of children's understanding of the territorial deity.
It is not unique to Japan. It's not unique to Tibet and has already been excellent.
Described by Robert currently in the context of Indian Buddhist monastic relationships with India's territorial deities,
I'm referring to children's understanding that a proportion of the potentially dangerous territorial deities,
especially some of their leaders, were to varying degrees, timber on to become Buddhist protectors,
and that these converted deities could sometimes act to moderate the behaviour of the unconverted kin.
As the currently explained in Indian Buddhism, Nargis annexes with the most important Indian territorial deities,
control of the weather and rainfall of utility and ultimate owners of all environmental wealth.
As such, they were a major concern for all Indian Buddhist monastic establishments.
Those among the Nargis, anxious who had been converted to Buddhism, were propitiate regularly by the monks at shrines within their monasteries.
They acted as Buddhist protectors, and more than that,
as crucial and source of wealth for the local communities who supported the monks with their offerings.
Buddhism.
Success in India will have depended on the perceived ability of monks to mediate between human communities and their local reactions in August,
in such a way as to promote wealth and avert destitution. However, Nargis infectious also had the power of reading the thoughts of humans.
The more vicious among them were prone to abuse this ability to attack any monks they might come
across who had impure thoughts or behaviour they could not so easily attack monks with pure morality,
since a sufficiently virtuous thought, speech, and conduct rendered a monk and least a saleable to their attacks.
But monks with impure morality were vulnerable and tended to be attacked.
In such circumstances, those in August, anxious, who had been converted to Buddhism and were shaken by the monks,
might eventually intervene, dissuading the aggressors so as to protect the bad monks from being excessively damaged.
In this way,
the Naga and Yorkshire populations as a whole acted towards promoting good monastic morality to the currently described as domestic police forces.
Likewise in Tibet, fears territorial deities, including critter protectors, can have a more generalised role as Buddhist protectors.
And there is a widespread idea.
That once the leaders of the local deities are converted, they will act to moderate the dangerous behaviours of their followers.
I have not studied children's autobiography closely enough to know if a deity who attacked his home was envisaged as already a Buddhist,
protected to some degree. This is not impossible because the angry deity eventually responded positively to Jones,
but his epic gesture of self-sacrifice and even forgave during his brazen theft of the deities ten by not leaving a substitute.
Alternatively, the deity's eventual pacification might have been the result of an authoritative command from another,
more senior deity of his clan, or simply a paralysis caused by the intensity of one selfless virtue.
It's all contingent, Rinpoche told me. Such entities might behave like territorial deities, might look like territorial deities,
and will certainly have the nature and appetites of territorial deities.
And so we undoubtedly have to propitiate them exactly as we would propitiate territorial deities,
possibly with alcohol or red offerings and any non Buddhist rites to which they are accustomed.
Yet in truth they might be the Buddha manifesting as territorial deities.
Like many other tetrapods in future centuries, Chong alludes to the Indian category of Nagas in his narrative about the first great care discovery.
The terror came to him in a casket shaped like a nine headed snake with voyager crest,
an unmistakeable reference to the new decoding Nagas so famed in Indian texts.
Such symbolism serve to connect Tibetan totems with Indian precedents.
For example, Nagarjuna, the deified Indian sage who is believed to have received numerous scriptural traces from the custody of the Nagas and who
served as a symbol and role model for an immense quantity of subsequent scriptural revelation across all of Mahayana Asia.
More broadly, Christine Scheiber has argued that the prime function of analogous in the Pali Buddhism of Sri Lanka was gorging in the Naga lucre,
various categories of sacred relics of the Buddha.
It was believed these relics had mainly been hidden, inaugurated during the Buddha's own time on earth,
to be guarded by the novice until they were needed by humans, at which point a suitably qualified human would have to visit locally to retrieve them.
She suggests this credit card function was the main reason for the great prominence of Nargis in early politics from Sri Lanka.
In Mahayana sutras, the role of Nagas is similar, except that otherwise forgotten Mahayana sacred texts could also count among such relics.
For example, the prelude has some capacity to samadhi that was translated into Chinese in 179 C.E.
Talks of the Buddha causing his Mahayana sermons,
including that very secret self to be hidden with the Nagas as a protection that would enable their future recovery.
By spirit he authorised and prophesied humans.
This is necessary because the Buddha could foresee that many of his sermons would otherwise become lost to the careless human race.
Again, children's use of the nog or do symbolism can be read in two ways, neither of which contradict one another.
In Indian text novels were understood to be highly varied, for example in size and colour or according to caste.
They were also quite often classified by Buddhist scholasticism as a species of animal,
presumably in relation to the age old identification of Nagas with actual physical reptilian snakes, which of course come in many different species.
Such an acceptance of diversity could also explain why invisible spirits took such a variety of forms in the different regions,
not only of India, but also across much of Asia, for example in Southeast Asia, Indonesia and China.
Interpret the category naga as described in Buddhist texts, was very early on assimilated with the equivalent indigenous Tibetan category of blue.
We can see such an assimilation already apparent in such early texts as the pre 11th century born album.
For children.
Blue were therefore easily understood as the native Tibetan version of a creature that was known to exist in various forms over much of Asia.
Hence, Cherokee describes the nine headed snake with to Christ as a new dude.
Perhaps understanding this is one of the several species of Naga specific to Tibet.
If the association of largely aquatic Tibetan blue with Indian August is already well known,
intriguing indications of the association of terrestrial Tibetan Sheepdog with Indian spiritual reactions has not so far been considered.
It is striking that the Buddhist terror offering rituals as a type described by
anything a little bit to the seminar last month and in a publication in Vienna,
very prominently reference Indian territorial deities and their cosmology.
These offerings to the Tibetan territorial deities make frequent reference to vice
revenue to Loki or this worldly Indian extraterritorial deity who serves Buddhism.
Also to jambalaya,
the Lakota Indian or transcendent Indian wealth bodhisattva who takes the form of a yakuza when he sits on the two needles or care of lotus and conch.
What we find the 12 yakuza generals of the Medicine Buddha mandala.
Who are this worldly, territorial spirits? And even Padma Samara can take the form of Nora in these contexts.
Additionally, Indian Buddhist meditational deities who control Indian territorial deities and their wealth can be referenced, such as the Yellow Tara,
who dispenses wealth by controlling the territorial deities of India or other awakened Dharma polar deities,
whose role was likewise to control India's territorial deities Mama Kala, Sri David, and so on.
So Tibetan lamas clearly believed India to have had a cosmology of territorial deities who controlled treasure similar to their own,
with which they sought to identify. How accurate was this belief?
Well, there's no time to really go into it today, but I think the Tibetans were not so far from the truth.
In general, academic studies are woefully thin, but we have already learned from Kristin Sigler about the role of noggins in guiding creators.
Other scholars have looked at the parallel role as roles of reactions.
While textual scholarship has barely begun, art historians have opened some doors.
Notably, John Guy has a good article on it.
He's coming up. And Tesla's influence, actions and actions in Brill's Encyclopaedia of Hinduism at least gives us a pointer.
She begins her article by saying that. Actions are a source of demigods regarded as attendants of Cobra, the Lord of wealth.
The widely documented association of actions and actions with water and trees,
and wealth in general points to their significance for concepts of prosperity.
They are most often associated with a specific territory that they guard as local gods or goddesses.
They are assigned the role of gatekeepers for a whole region, or guardians of a pond or lake, and particularly of Kerberos treasure.
Even today, some villages, for example in the region of Matura, bear the name of, or actually an August designation of a certain territory.
Elsewhere, we often read of Indian territorial deities as ancestors reminiscent of the ancestral galaxy.
Doug mentioned biting a cylinder similar to this seminar on May the 12th.
As Laurie Ann Cozadd puts it in a, uh, you know, article on the next please.
The matrimonial. The matrimonial union between a mortal and a nagi crosses the line from the mythological.
Historical, as a large number of royal dynasties claim that there is a Nogi ancestor somewhere in their lineage,
having a nagi in one's genealogy in one's genealogical history is seen as exceptionally desirable.
It conveys not only a sense of sovereignty, but also a promise of perpetual progeny.
Thus, as chronicled by J.P. Vogel, the kings of the Swat Valley, Indiana, Kashmir, Padova, Soto, Nagpur and Manipur all the icons the Bastar,
the Toulouse,
the pelvis and also kings from as far afield as Cambodia and China all claim that there is a Nagi princess somewhere in their family tree.
In fact, as noted by Julia Shaw, evidence of various clan affiliations and organs can be found on coins.
A huge amount of work remains to be done in this neglected field,
but I believe that Tibetan claims of a parallel territorial deity cosmology existing in India were not wholly imaginary.
I mentioned in the abstract to this talk, the children wrote not a word about any origins of traditions in ancient tombs,
and it ancient tombs don't seem to be mentioned in intelligent general, nor,
as far as I know, to any similar works, such as the writings of Rhett and Link.
Or do you think indicate ancient funerary cults as a source for the Ten Traditions?
Many academic scholars might ask, is this simply because these Buddhist authors are in denial,
attempting to conceal a pagan origins of terror in a burial cult that had been widely prescribed Buddhism because of its associated animal sacrifices.
Quantum hazards. Meticulous documenting of ancient burial tumulus in central Tibet has shown us beyond doubt
that the banks were typically located in close relation to territorial deity shrines,
with which they sometimes shared ancestral themes.
Quite likely, as we can nowadays see from the ritual burials of the bones of prominent persons in contemporary Colac.
As I mentioned, a little bit has published in Vienna the grave goods in the bungalow and the buried
persons themselves were understood as a kind of terror of value to the territorial deity,
who was often an ancestor themself, thus doubly connected to the persons purging the accumulated.
While I wholly agree that the role of the widespread opening up the non Buddhist burial
tumour after the collapse of the imperial order is much as good as it has presented it,
a major socio historical catalyst. I don't see the burial traditions as a primary cause of turmoil, as other scholars have suggested.
And my current impression is that an attempted denial of any connection with pagan sacrificial burials need not be the sole,
even main reason why children and the other Buddhist altars fail to mention tombs.
For in their eyes the grave goods, the tombs,
and the buried vipers themselves were probably not the primary source of terror, as so many Western authors have supposed.
On the contrary, they more likely saw the burial traditions as participating in a wider and more fundamental
territorial density cosmology to which the building of tumulus was understood as a specific response.
Certainly in the eyes of Buddhists. Pagan burial tumour lie was seen as entirely optional and of dubious value.
Get the territorial deity cosmology per se. Always remained as a given.
A naturally occurring reality that no one could deny.
So my current hunch is the chairman believes the terror must be explained in terms of its actual cosmological nature,
not in terms of some subsequent and unnecessary cultural response to that cosmology in the form of burial traditions.
It is this that causes him to ignore Bantu as the origins of the tradition.
They simply weren't that for children. Tear is not simply a cultural tradition, on the contrary.
He saw it as integral to the earth itself, an inherent quality of the world and its soil,
a cosmological given through the lens of his Buddhism burial team.
By contrast, more along the lines of an optional cultural response to that cosmology,
however elaborate, influential and entangled with local deities and emphasis this.
Today, I've only dealt with a small part of the protectors traditions.
For example, there's also another class of powerful and potentially violent.
Protectors who are not territorial deities at all. But we are universal, enlightened Buddhist protectors.
Once a tradition has become established. Its transmission and purity needs to be guarded by special groups of protectors.
These are perhaps most often appointed from among the enlightened Buddhist protectors.
That they can also sometimes include. A territorial date is recorded here in the long centuries of its concealment.
In such cases, the territorial deities are no longer strictly speaking,
territorial because they can become perpetuated by anymore Buddhists all over the world.
But that is for you to talk.