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Great. Well, it's a wonderful opportunity we have today to have with us Professor Michael Moylan, who teaches philosophy at Marymount University.

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And I had a chance to chat him beforehand and we're particularly lucky because I would describe him as a philosopher who's a practical philosopher,

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someone who is really engaged in the policy world in a number of domains.

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So you may have come across his work in bioethics, for example, thinking about ethics as they apply to a variety of aspects of our lives.

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He has most recently written a book called Philosophy, An Innovative Introduction with Charles Johnson and a book Morality and Global Justice,

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which some of you may be familiar with justifications and applications,

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which also had part of it a reader in the morality and global justice reader that involved contributions from a number of scholars around the world.

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He was actually a fellow, interestingly, at the Centre for American Progress in 2007, for two years,

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where he worked on a number of issues in domestic American politics, as well as international issues.

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And he's here to talk to us today with a provocative title, This War Has a Meaning.

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So I will turn it over to Michael and I'm sure have lots of opportunities for questions.

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So there's actually four parts to this this talk.

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And I'm going to talk through the first two because I think that that they probably are less controversial and more people have written on them

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and I'm probably time doesn't get away after I read the last two the first two being on intrastate warfare and non-state sponsored terrorism,

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the third part being on robotic warfare and the last on cyber warfare.

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Okay. Traditionally, talk of war has been explained under the canon of just war theory.

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This paradigm envisions inter-state conflicts amongst sovereign nations.

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Since the end of World War two, this paradigm has stretched considerably until perhaps it is no longer accurate to

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describe intrastate and the new technological warfare of cyber and robotic warfare.

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So if that is the case, you see and meanings get stretched, then that's kind of the genesis of the title.

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That is war. As you know, it may have no meaning.

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So under their traditional paradigm, war is sort of to be this is what I'm going to take to be just for theory, for the purposes of the paper,

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an aggressive act by one state against the territory or sovereignty of another

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state for the purposes of gaining land resources or strategic tactical advantage,

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according to the internationally recognised rules and constraints governing actions.

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I bellum and in bello the attacking the state acts immorally because it caused the conflict.

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This is an important feature of the traditional paradigm respecting at balance.

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Attacking states who act aggressively with their military personnel out of their own interests in a might makes right move.

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I turn to be belligerent. Crowd credit credulous and credit is is a term I use from ancient Greek to espouse

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a theory of justice such that the successful exercise of power is self-justifying.

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So I've termed this, you know how in justice you have it to each according to little a slogan.

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That's how we try to remember theories of justice to each according to his ability to snatch it for himself is the slogan for the coronaries.

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I have argued elsewhere that such a worldview is unethical, but how far do you go with this assessment?

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General Sherman in the United States Civil War believed that once one party violated the bellum provisions that any colour options were open to him.

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But this is to mistake the difference between going to war and and conducting the war.

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Michael Walzer has that famous example where he compares Eisenhower and Rommel.

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And even though Rommel is part of the evil Nazis, he acts better than Eisenhower.

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In this particular instance, he cites. So they are quite distinct and need to be thought of differently.

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Another way we think of in the traditional paradigm is that the war is a go about according to rules and these rules have outcomes.

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Famous argument from Aristotle's politics goes like this war may be just or unjust.

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Premise two and just wars, virtue and excellence make for winning.

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Premise three Virtue and ethics are marks of mass.

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Premise four In just words losers are properly slaves.

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Inference from two and three sets premise an unjust wars,

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virtue and ethics may not account for winning inference for one and two Overall Conclusion In unjust wars.

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Slavery may also be unjust. So this is very controversial.

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It's often brought up as RSL slip up where he seems to be defending slavery.

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But he's thinking of this in terms of a consequence of warfare, which is more like an athletic event than we think of as warfare today.

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People, you know, got into shape. You know, battles can last a long time.

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If you think of, I don't know, rugby matches or American football, it might seem closer to what Aristotle had in mind.

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And in fact, technological advances, even the failings, was very controversial because as a tactical device,

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because of sort of this possibly cheating and giving the Greeks unfair advantage over the Persians.

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So his idea was that, you know, if you won, then you were clearly got some spoils, which for them included our seats over here, too, if you want.

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Don't feel anything. Okay? All right. No problem. So the winning side deserves to win, and they deserve all the spoils there.

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And so so the first part, which I'm talking through inter intrastate.

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So we're moving out of the interstate to the intrastate model.

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And since World War Two and especially since the 1990, the trend has been more towards intrastate warfare away from interstate warfare.

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And the Prio Institute that in Oslo where I've talked before, but not about warfare, actually, about gun control,

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they they've done a lot of statistics on this and they document how we have been moving in the world away from warfare.

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And they have interstate warfare to intrastate warfare and they have various statistical frames to put around this.

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So, for example, since 1946, the most war prone countries in interstate warfare are in order.

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And you might find this odd being it from the United Kingdom.

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The United Kingdom is number one with 21. Each time we went to our war,

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it counts as another episode and even small interventions like the Falkland Islands count as as a war under their statistics.

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France's number two at 19. And some of these also are post-colonial artefacts.

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I might mention the United States had 16 and Russia nine when we when we changed it to adding inter to

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intrastate warfare and those on behalf of supporting an intrastate intervention such as Korea or Vietnam,

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for example, things change. But in a very odd way, Burma comes out number one, 232.

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So obviously some of these interventions are just on bordering territories that that

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sometimes been separate and sometimes their nationality is is not in question.

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But now we're linking the two together that's it's there for any almost military action outside of their own as well,

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actually, any thing that would not come as a police action in their in their country.

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So anytime you bring out the troops and some some countries don't make a distinction between

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using the military for for keeping the peace and using the military in a war situation.

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And they're going to get a lot of ticks on the on the register. So that's probably why Burma is number one.

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India is number two at 156 and United Kingdom sound sounded 77.

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I've skipped a few. The USA is at 49 in Iran, closely behind at 48.

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Okay. So if we accept the statistics as accurate and there are several of these, what do we what do we make of it?

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Well, remember, this is the standard paradigm we start out with.

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One state invades another state of their territory, sovereignty for the purposes of of gain of some sort.

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Now we have instances of violence within the state, and it's it takes on a different character.

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If this is where war is moving and the trends seem to be that way, that traditional paradigm seems to need some alterations.

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Now, the traditional paradigm, when you have full blown civil war are certainly inefficient.

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That certainly envisions something like guerrilla war moving to civil war.

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But what if we're talking about.

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Intrastate violence that doesn't have the taking over of the country as its goal, but has maybe some sort of other social purpose,

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such as ethnic cleansing or a social purpose of of identifying issues with the particular group,

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getting rid of the group so that you can skirt other forms of of sovereignty.

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And, and when you're day by getting rid of the people who are against you,

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these are these are possible images of the interesting future of conventional warfare.

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And what they would probably need for war to maintain its meaning is additions to

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its inclusions of these sorts of realities into the definitions we put forth.

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And so that's that's the first category.

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And second category, which I also talk through, is non-state sponsored terrorism.

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And these are there are several varieties of this. You know, it's we're not so so what we're we're making that out of bounds is,

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you know, the late Moammar Gadhafi, who had a notoriously state sponsored terrorism,

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you know, almost close to home here with the, you know, the Lockerbie bombing and so forth on where those are out of bounds.

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We're not going to talk about those because those could be construed as attacks by a state against another state.

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So instead, what we're looking at are are different group such as well,

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one would be illegal activity in the United States, especially southern United States and Mexico, for example.

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We have a lot of illegal drug activity and terrorism by the these drug cartels against peoples in Mexico and the United States.

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And their purpose is to create a feeling of terror in the population so that they won't turn them in so that they can exist carte blanche.

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This worked earlier in the United States during the Prohibition era by, you know, the Sicilian Mafia and other groups who were involved in terrorism.

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And it worked. Then they they try to work now.

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So we've got criminals who are breaking the law of the country using terroristic tactics so that they can operate with impunity.

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Okay. And so far, that's been fairly successful in the United States.

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The drug trade is greater than ever.

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And despite what various politicians like Rick Perry, governor of Texas, might say, and they don't really have a handle on it much at all.

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Okay, then we have other ones that the groups that seem to have other motivations, some of them are political,

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some of them seem to be just to wreak havoc on the of presiding society back to the red brigade in Europe during the seventies.

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They were very prominent in Central Europe, Germany, and they didn't want to take over Germany.

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They weren't they didn't want to become like a guerrilla outfit. They didn't want to change the government.

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They were interested in creating havoc. They they were angry, disaffected, hard to know what their motivations are.

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We've had lots of different accounts, even even the Baader Meinhof group gave different accounts every time someone would question them in prison.

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I don't really know if they know why they were doing it.

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We had in the United States, the Symbionese Liberation Army and others that were acting in a similar fashion.

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Today we have a lot of splinter groups in the Middle East, such as al Qaeda.

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Why do why do they operate? It's difficult to know.

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It doesn't seem that they want to establish their own government, doesn't seem like they want to create, say, a new government in Afghanistan.

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How do you see al Qaeda being separate from Taliban who obviously do want to establish another government,

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but they seem to be interested in wreaking havoc?

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And let's see, how is it a policy briefing at Georgetown University about two weeks ago?

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And they were talking about, you know, the effects of the Arab Spring and so forth and what would happen.

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And, you know, Tunisia sounded really great because I'm not an expert on the Middle East,

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but people who are giving testimony were and they said that they have lots of family relations,

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that the people they have a lot of cronyism and they thought that they could have stability

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from all these family relations and cronyism in a way that Egypt and Libya might not.

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And Libya be especially problematic because many of the tribes.

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Rival factions didn't like each other. And and this this happens in the post-colonial world, as you know.

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And when we left, we see I'm not the colonialists, but I aligning myself to whatever powers they are for the purposes of this set of comments,

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what left these countries, oftentimes they created artificial boundaries.

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Well, the most notorious was Nigeria. They had many tried to put together that hated each other.

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And they still hate each other. Why? Why?

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When they broke up the country and left, why not leave?

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47 different countries then one country in which everyone hates each other.

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Remember in perpetual peace fight manual card. He said that if you have smaller countries, even if they do make war,

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it's less problematic that you can have less havoc because they don't have the manpower to do it.

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So, you know, and around the world,

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the post-colonial system often left countries that were artificially created just because there were deals between France and Germany and and Britain.

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And they said, well, we'll do it this way. We'll take this, you take that.

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And they're kind of artificial constructs. Sometimes they follow rivers, sometimes they follow mountains.

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Sometimes they just followed whatever the people in the world wanted to do.

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So this may have something to do with the United States supported terrorism in May linked to the first category of the intrastate violence.

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Again, because creating a violent act can be sometimes the only way that some group of people know of of making a statement.

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It's a rather odd statement, especially if you kill yourself in doing it, but it seems to be a reality on the ground.

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And another change or addition to our understanding of what war is now so that war can have meaning as we talk about it going forth.

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And you know, Tim McVeigh is one of these cases that you can talk.

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I've talked through that session, so just talk through it. Okay.

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So you're probably more interested here.

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And I think in the last two categories, robotic warfare and cyber warfare, since there's been lots of changes and not much has been done policy wise.

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So let's consider there are many sorts of robots that that perform more duties and

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a lot of them are kind of duties that that you wouldn't think of as offensive,

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like robots that defuse bombs or robots to do reconnaissance work.

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And they have robots sent from the Navy that go out in little tiny ships or SUVs, and they go try to find out who's where.

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And they can even attack if they wanted to. But they rarely are used. The ones that are used most right now are the drones.

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And it's beginning of the Gulf War or Gulf War is, as you saying, the US had really no robotic warfare capability.

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Since the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the number has grown to 7000 unmanned aircraft and 12,000 robotic drone vehicles.

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So if we a singer has written quite a bit about this so far, except his connection to robotic warfare,

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to Moore's Law and in computer science, that is, every 18 months memory will double and computer power just keeps exponentially growing.

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We can imagine, since these robots are run by computers, what the future will bring many, many, many war vets.

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So. Peter Singer that's not a, you know, Australian.

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Peter Singer has written about the origins of robots and he claims and I have nothing to say against it.

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That's Karel Capek, who invented this term.

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And from a Czech word in a play in which you had mechanical servants doing the bidding of their masters.

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So we're thinking of robots from that. And I guess the word is robotics.

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And they were going to lead a peasant revolution, I guess think of this in kind of Stalinist way.

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And we've had spinoffs of this, like, you know, The Terminator and The Matrix, popular movies.

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And people have thought about what happens as these robots develop.

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And, you know, you have the side argument at some point, if the robots have a capacity to reason,

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if, however we define that we have to have a good definition, then they may.

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And if you have a moral theory that grounds respect in ability to reason and should have, say, for Kant and myself,

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then you're going to have a problem because your robots have more respect as well and they become another form of life.

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Okay, so that's down the road and most of my responses are going to be before that.

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So because robots don't make any sense if you think of them as alive,

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because then there's no real great advantage of using robots as opposed to people.

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If robots are considered to have moral status, the big advantage of robots is we think they have no moral status.

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It's just a little machine that you throw in there and it gets crunched off right as a loss.

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Now we're thinking about this in the terms of lowering the bar, about going to war.

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All right. Being from the United States, I've seen this happen by by stages.

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Richard Milhous Nixon, who given the Vietnam War from Lyndon Baines Johnson,

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when Nixon was elected in 1968 on the pledge, just like Eisenhower, I will get you out of Vietnam.

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Well, Nixon felt that one of the problems of the Vietnam War handling it as a policy

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issue was that we had the draft in the United States and anybody could go.

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I mean, had the Vietnam War lasted eight months longer, I would have gone.

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I had number 13 and the draft. And they thankfully for me, for me that the war ended when it did.

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But every son of a millionaire, son of a factory worker,

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everyone was subject to the draft and no one could get out of the draft except for very specific exemptions.

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And there weren't too many of them, really. Okay.

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So that meant that, you know, if everybody sun at that time and still today in the United States, only men can be drafted.

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Males I if you're if your son can be drafted you have an interest in the war.

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Now Nixon create the volunteer army to get rid of that objection.

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Now you say, Oh, everybody. The Army wants to be in the Army.

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Why should I care? They've made a choice, assumed risk. They know the risks that were involved.

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They did it to help their education. Or they did it because they.

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They they like being soldiers or some other reason.

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Therefore, if something happens to them, I don't have an obligation for empathy for them because they chose this as their career.

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Knowing what could happen to them, that lowered the bar significantly and made it possible for the certainly the two Bush wars,

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Afghanistan War and the Iraq war to be a push with very little opposition in the United States.

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It would have been a far different thing if the draft had still existed.

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The second thing is paying for your wars since the Vietnam War.

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Lyndon Johnson famously talked about guns and butter. That is, we can fight the war and we can have economic growth at the same time.

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We can have a war and not pay for it. This was also famous at the same time, George W Bush.

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He cut taxes at the same time he was going to war.

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So instead of levying taxes, which had been American history, the income tax, for example, was developed to pay for the Civil War.

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World War One, World War Two, and so forth. We had special taxes were going to war and higher expenditure.

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We need to all suffer everybody, even if you don't have a son or daughter going to war.

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Everybody has to pay for it. That was another bar to make it harder to go to war.

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If you know you're going to have to pay for it, you'll be less likely to go to war.

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So we have the draft and we have no taxes. These are examples of lowering the bar.

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Now, if you don't have to eat the same people, that's lowering the bar even more.

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Right? If you only have to send robots to war,

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it makes it much easier to go to war because you're probably less concerned about the death of a robot or the destruction of oil.

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But we don't even like to use the word death of robots. Right?

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If someone said to you, Oh, I got mad and broke my singer sewing machine or my Hoover vacuum cleaner,

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would you say, Oh, you terrible person, you broke your vacuum cleaner.

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My, I'm going to shun you. I'm not going to talk to you anymore. And to show my moral displeasure at your conduct.

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That'd be a highly unusual response when we have very little since we're not even talking about those smart machines I mentioned a moment ago.

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We assume that there's no moral respect at all given to machines.

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Therefore, if only machines are fighting or doing a great deal of fighting, the bar drops down.

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When when Americans were flying manned missions against al Qaeda,

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there was some concern that that's occasionally if a pilot might be shot down and killed, even worse,

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shot down and not killed, because then they would show on the Internet pictures of them being tortured and and saying,

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you know, I don't like Mickey Mouse or something. You know, that's probably the worst thing you can say in America.

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Okay. So this is this is this is a the first change of just war theory is that the idea of going to war becomes different because of this lower bar.

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The second is reliability and civilian casualties.

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This becomes a more complicated question because it gets mixed up with the drones already in service in the United States.

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In 2009, as many as 709 deaths were attributed to drone strikes in Pakistan, and at least one third of these were civilian.

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That's a pretty high collateral damage rate, isn't it?

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This track record is when systems were operating well, but there have been cases where technology did not perform as promised.

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For example, in 1988, a Navy cruiser using automatic detection system in the Persian Gulf shot down an Iranian passenger plane, killing 200 people.

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In 2007, the first batch of armed tank robots called Swords fired their guns on friendly forces.

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A crime in Iran did target a U.S. helicopter, incorrectly identifying it as an enemy rocket fire.

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Singer also reports that swords and fields inexplicably began whirling around chaotically during a demonstrate field demonstration,

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firing all over the place instead of an attractive target. On the other side, there are clear advantages.

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For example, a drone can accelerate past the speed that a human operator can in an aeroplane because a human operator would pass out.

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In other words, it can accelerate and get these speeds that a human couldn't.

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That makes it more effective in the field. It can also execute evasive manoeuvres that humans can't.

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These planes are also more ecological because they can be programmed to fly at maximum fuel efficiency.

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So these are advantages, balance to the disadvantages I just mentioned.

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Okay, then. Then we never say who is.

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Who are operating the systems. Traditionally we have warriors fighting warriors and just war theory that drones are

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often and almost actually always operated by the CIA who are civilian employees.

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So we have civilians out of the theatre of a battle.

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Sometimes there's a big place in Nevada where they operate.

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Nevada is a western state in the United States, and they're in Nevada controlling planes that are going to Pakistan.

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So you have civilians running planes that are in Pakistan.

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Again, you can either change your idea that that that warfare makes a sharp distinction between civilians and military.

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You can change the CIA and only have military people flying these.

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If you if you care about the theatre of engagement, you can make them right off the Pakistan in like an aircraft carrier or something.

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I mean, there are ways you could fix it,

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but at present there there seems to be a kind of a divergence from traditional understanding of how warfare is conducted.

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So who's operating the systems is another challenge to robotic warfare now.

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Somewhat demur and say that that only those civilians who are engaged in the warfare is lose their immunity because we're concerned,

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you know, if it's civilians are engaged in the conflict. Have we given up civilian immunity for all our civilians?

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Some would say, you know, the traditionally thought of people working in munitions factory.

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Only those civilians lose their immunity and the rest of the civilians retain their immunity.

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You could say that only those civilians who are operating the drones lose their immunity and all the rest don't.

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Yeah, that's maybe a patch, but there might be a real conceptual problem here by bringing in computer operators.

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And that's why they're using the civilians, because I guess that's our art and our intelligence agency.

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We have some of the best computer people. They're they're brought in and they're brought in sometimes at very low oversight level.

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There's one operator is looking at maybe 30 aircraft at once,

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and then they have a way to get their attention and they can quickly divert to

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another operator and put all this attention on plane number 32 or something.

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This is this is certainly possible, but it really it has been done kind of haphazardly.

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We haven't really thought about the ethics of war and how we're creating arranging this robotic warfare with the drones.

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Okay. The last subsection in our trouble on the drones here is fairness.

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Sometimes people think, like General Sherman, that fairness isn't something we talk about with war.

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But there might be an issue that's at the moment in this essay,

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there are 40 countries that have some level of robotic warfare, including Iran and China.

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But the United States has the most developed drones in the world and land tanks

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devouring robots and unmanned vessels for naval reconnaissance and attack.

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So what do you have if if you have a warfare situation, you have you think you can fight and have a response.

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And the traditional theory,

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what if there's no longer any response capability because you have such a technological advantage that that you cease to be able to properly respond.

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Does this change the traditional paradigm of what war should be?

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For example, say say you had troops, even if the troops were very strong coming in, say, like the Nazis coming in to Belgium or something,

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you still had the theoretical possibility of acting against them, fighting against them.

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You might choose not to because you think of a senseless loss of life.

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But if you have these drones, you have a machine and that the humans involved in Nevada,

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how could you possibly unless you sent a sleuth group into Nevada to try to blow up their their system, how could you fight against them?

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It seems that at least it stretches the conventional understanding of what retaliation is.

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Okay, let's let's move on to the last section.

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I skipped the rest of the robot section, and we'll think about cyber warfare.

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Okay. So the traditional paradigm here is alter because killing, though it may occur, is not primary.

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Attribution is not always clear who commits the acts like the Stuxnet virus, the conceptualisation of attacks in response.

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Again, these further clarification. So alterations first is a change in the normal way we think of an act of war.

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Earlier I suggested that it was an aggressive act by one state against the territory of cyber.

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Another state for the purpose of gaining land resources or strategic advantage according to internationally recognised rules and constraints.

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Well, the traditional understanding requires aggressive act of one state against a territory or sovereignty another and a loss of gain,

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land, resources or strategic advantage. And both of these are called into question by cyber warfare.

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So traditionally you for example, the delivery system is either via the Internet or the agency of a fifth column person who

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has malware on a flash drive and which was the probable launch of the black spider worm.

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So so among the attacks, agents we have, our viruses generally wouldn't be used for warfare.

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It's malware that attaches itself to a file program or email and replicates.

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The only time they use this is when they want to overload a site. They would sometimes attack a site and shut it down because it replicates so much.

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The site can't hold it. And if it's an important site, there are some sites that could really hurt a country if you shut them down.

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As silly as it might seem, if you shut down Amazon.com, you've altered the United States commerce in some significant ways.

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The second or more interesting one is the worm.

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It's a free program that can be more targeted, like the max worm that was used against Iran by either Israel, the United States, or both.

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That's our best guess. This might be the malware of choice in the near term for cyber war arsenals.

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Now, if you have an Internet system, then you need an insider.

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That's what I call fifth column person,

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somebody who's going to come in and infect the system from the inside because it's not available from the outside.

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And this is, of course, the what they did for the nuclear system in Iran.

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Okay. So a third would be the Trojan horse.

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So like the worm, it's not self-replicating, though.

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It's not as easily detectable because it kind of comes in on a time delay and it can be a slip

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under firewall protections because of this and can be also delivered into Internet systems.

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So and sometimes you mix the two. So, for example, in 2000, Israel disabled the public websites of Hezbollah and the Palestinian National Authority.

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In 2001, because of a maritime dispute dispute, China launched an attack against a California electric plant that caused the grid to shut down.

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In the case instead. Next, the worm target was a nuclear power plant that intelligence said was being converted to create nuclear weapons.

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And the goal was to disable. And it's worked. However, in other cases, we sometimes mixed the two warfare's.

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And September 1927, Israel launched a cyber attack against the radar and anti-aircraft devices in Syria.

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Then this manoeuvre was followed by the Israelis successfully bombing a nuclear

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facility that might have been on the verge of creating nuclear weapons.

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So they first got rid of the anti aircraft radar and then they sent their planes in so they wouldn't be shot down or detected.

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And one could imagine the air traffic systems that could be attacked and civilian loss of life occurring,

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because many times you have dual use radar systems and because you may have the intent of of of hurting military anti aircraft,

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but because they can't protect civilian planes, civilian planes go down and there's civilian loss of life.

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Electric grids could disrupt fire, police and hospitals and create domestic havoc.

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Again, civilian repercussions, food stores, sewage plants, water purification could all be affected.

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Or what if there was a cyber attack on the New York Stock Exchange, forcing it to, you know, go down to whatever the break neck levels?

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They do have automatic levels. They stopped trading at a certain point.

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But you can imagine a concerted attack in which you could cause significant economic havoc no matter what's a delivery device,

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attacks on electric grids where the stock market would have wide ranging effects that would blur military and civilian non-combatant targets.

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Okay, how about attribution and target distinction?

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Attribution is one of the toughest things because of the Internet and because internet is is devoted to privacy,

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we don't really know who is starting the attack.

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That's why we even with that the worm, with the flash drive, they have no idea for sure who did that.

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This is maybe one of the worst things about cyber warfare is that we we wouldn't be able to attribute who is committing the aggression.

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And because the world over is is a grid,

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your ability to be neutral in war can be violated because we could go right across your country and without your permission.

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So there's a number of great challenges in cyber warfare that that need to be addressed.

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One way that we can do it, make a great change would be to change the way in which computer war computers operate.

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If computers had a device that would signal who they are and where they are.

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The privacy would be lost in the Internet.

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And I know a lot of people love the privacy on the Internet, and it's one of the things that they think is most valuable,

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but it's also that which can create the biggest problems and we can connect this to cyber warfare.

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In my Blackwell series, Public Philosophy,

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I've got a guy over two in a book on this very topic of evil and the Internet and what privacy has to do with bad things that occur on the Internet.

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A way to, again, to solve this sense technologically possible, I've been told, is to identify, give up Internet privacy and identify it.

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Whatever you do can be tracked back to you or your computer at least.

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Okay. So we can see that the target distinction we don't know.

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You know, we can't say we're necessarily attacking military targets.

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Attribution of who did it. Territory, neutrality.

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These are all ways in which we have a problem with the traditional theory.

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It renders meaningless the traditional understanding of war.

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So in our search, in this paper to find a meaning to war, we can look at one more problem in cyber warfare, and that's attack and response.

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There's certainly two ways we can imagine this in cyber warfare, cyber attack, cyber response, if we knew who did it and we attack back in kind.

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But it becomes more complicated if we think of this, say you don't have the capability of a cyber response.

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What if you have a conventional response to a cyber attack? What if we could say attribution?

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You make a mistake and you kill lots of people in a country that really didn't do it because you had prejudice,

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you said, Oh, yes, I'm sure they did it. I'm sure it was the Iranians.

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They did it right. They they they committed this cyber attack and and so forth.

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Or if you're in the Middle East and you might say Israel did it to us and we know Israel had to do it because we're enemies.

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The state of Israel, you can imagine great problems with the cyber attack, conventional response scenario.

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It again creates great challenges to the way we understand war.

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So what can we do? Policy thing? Sorry, this is end of the paper.

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So you get to your questions. Ready now to address the new reality of intrastate war.

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Major Armies. The world should prepare for multilateral action in the role of nation building.

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Soldiers in the future should be trained more in the skills of policing than in traditional combat roles reserved for national defence.

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non-State sponsored terrorism is best handled by a cooperative international intelligence network.

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Where possible, the suspects should be captured and tried under the existing laws of state from which they reside,

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or when there's a failed plot or when there's a failed plot, or after the terrorist incident in the state where the terrorist action took place.

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Second, regarding robotic and cyber warfare, new rules must be drawn up.

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These rules governing anything will only work when participating parties agree to the rules and the mechanisms for enforcement.

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In two years at the Centre for American Progress, it became apparent to me that both of these proposals will not be easy to accomplish.

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Some suggestions. One In the case of cyber warfare, move away from at fault liability mindset, the traditional mindset.

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Move away from that and move into a strict liability mindset.

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This new mindset would look at damage caused by some actor and move it to international civil law.

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Since the attribution problem is so high, the new mindset would look at damage caused by some actor and move it to the civil law.

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We'd have to have agreeable penalties and so forth because the top 75 economies have most of the assets in the world in their banks.

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Or it's probably easy to enforce fines in the case of robotic and cyber warfare.

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There needs to be a set of internationally recognised compensation for when we do kill civilians, hurt civilians, injure them.

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International insurance companies already have these who's a great problem after 911 having compensation for the families that died or were injured.

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That's that proved to be a great problem. It took a number of years for it to be resolved.

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Time to do it is not after incidents, but before. So we should have a new international tribunal for that.

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A fifth fourth is a fifth Geneva Convention.

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And we would talk about issues of robotic and cyber warfare and restrict unjust actors in intrastate warfare and non-state sponsored terrorism.

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So these are these are four policy suggestions.

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Wouldn't it be a blessing in disguise if the contemporary challenges to just war theory of international conflict.

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Actually resulted in a new mechanism rooted in recognised law and backed up by global banking system that was actually able to find

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an original way to settle acts of aggression on territorial sovereignty of another nation through recognised legal protocols,

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instead of the sharing of blood in the traditional wave or via robots or cyber destruction.

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The integration of an updated rule of international law that an enforceable

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would bring just war theory up to date and give a new positive meaning to war.

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That's a.