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Gives me great pleasure today to introduce an event who's come away in Geneva, especially for for us.

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It's a great pleasure because I may use an NGO personality of one of the charismatic people in

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the NGO community is fine with an NGO with a very specific mission and made great successes.

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Geneva Cool started several years ago and it really did fill a gap and set out to fill the gap,

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which is about to talk about and a very courageous and inspired way to try and engage armed groups about humanitarian norms.

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And of course, this is in the context of a profoundly statist approach to international humanitarian law.

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And those of you who know the Geneva Conventions will make common Article three common to each convention,

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which in a very general way tries to call on all parties to cooperate, to abide by the Geneva Conventions.

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And that's really the gap in which Geneva call picked up this particular mandate and went out of to reach out to armed groups to try to,

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if you like, put flesh on the very small skeleton and that part of international.

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So it's a great pleasure to have you here. Thank you for coming.

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And of course, that process got more difficult after 911 in 2001, when a lot of armed groups,

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what we were calling armed groups, were relabelled as terrorist groups.

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And very often any kind of interaction with them was and still is for some of them heavily prescribed.

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So Geneva calls mission. The mandate became more complicated still.

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But for us, it's a great pleasure to have you with us because it is our focus on ethics,

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law and norms brings us to the heart of Geneva, Paul's work and mission.

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So thank you very much for coming in as we look forward to. Thank you.

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And thank you for giving me this opportunity to be here today and to explain our work.

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I have to say immediately, I am not a lawyer and I am not an English native speaker.

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So you have to be and you have to understand that sometimes I will make some some mistakes.

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So the proposal was to present the work of Geneva called some challenge and difficulties and then to have question.

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But if you have really a burning question, don't hesitate.

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I can reply during the presentation and I also brought several pictures.

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So it's the presentation will be less boring.

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So let's start with a quote of a former member of the Colombian guerrilla.

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And he said, Every one of us went to war on the premise of fighting for humanity, but in the process, we have ended up destroying it.

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And I think this is something important for us to do to understand the groups.

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And I will come back to to to this quote, leader.

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And what Mr. Guillen is essentially referring to is the separation of use and venom from use in the law.

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And this distinction may be very clear for most of you, if not all of you,

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but it is certainly far less so for a young man or woman joining an armed group in order to fight against real or perceived injustice,

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against persecution on religious or ethnic grounds, against incessant poverty, resource scarcity, or a combination thereof.

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From the standpoint of such fighters, armed groups, does the separation of youth that Belen from Youth in Bello seem quite so natural?

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If you want to enhance the protection of civilians from the effects from the effects of the armed conflict,

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you must ask ourselves whether we are doing a good job.

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Enough of just understanding there and incentive to respect humanitarian norms,

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the challenge they face in trying to do so and then to find a solution to address that.

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And this is what generico does or is trying to do.

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And let me explain a little bit. Our concept Geneva Call is a Swiss based, neutral, impartial humanitarian organisation.

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So you see a real Swiss project, neutral compassion, humanitarian,

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dedicating to engaging on non-state actors for better compliance with humanitarian norms.

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Geneva calls Team-mates objectives is to improve the protection of civilians from

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the effects of armed conflict through such compliance by armed groups in practice.

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Geneva call not only engage with traditional rebel groups, militia or insurgents,

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but also with the National Liberation Movement in non or partially internationally recognised states like Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Somaliland.

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As long as they cannot sign into a treaty to enter into international treaties, we engage them.

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As some of you may know,

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the initial focus in Geneva was on the ban of anti-personnel mines when the Doha convention banning anti-personnel mines was signed,

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Geneva calls started because it was realised that anti-personnel mines would not be eradicated unless armed groups also renounce their use.

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They are to be the main use of anti-personnel mines.

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They do their own weapons, their own interpersonal mind.

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Here you have an example of then with peace of medicines and fertilisers,

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or here with explosives and batteries and wave accusing initially on the landmine burned.

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Geneva Court has recently expanded its activities to the prohibition of sexual violence and discrimination against women.

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And the prohibition of the use of children in armed conflict as well as their

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protection in Geneva is also envisage envisages e.g. initiating a new theme question.

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On the question of IDPs, it is general is also increasingly responding to armed groups demands to help build their

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knowledge and enforcement capacities in international humanitarian law through training courses.

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So many organisations have regular contact, contact with armed groups and negotiate humanitarian agreements every day on access,

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for instance, to be able to deliver humanitarian assistance in the field.

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These are usually specific short agreements.

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And Geneva actually has a different approach based on norms and on the longer term.

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The work of ginning up coal can be corrected, characterised by four main process.

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The first one is the establishment of a sustained and constructive dialogue

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aimed at sensitising armed groups on international standards and their respect.

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It could be in the field or in the headquarters of the of the armed groups.

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Here you have even, you know, the seats into too neat camouflage.

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How do you call this unit? You see, even the seats are like in military time.

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This is a long and fashion project process. The decision to engage one group rather than another one is taken on the basis of values criteria.

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I can come back on these criteria later, but never whether the group is listed or not.

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As a terrorist organisation, we like or we don't like these groups and they are part of the problem and they will be part of the solution.

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The second the second process in Geneva call after having established contact is the sign of two of what we call the deed of commitment in Geneva.

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It's a mechanism whereby armed groups have the opportunity,

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but they cannot sign international treaties to take the engagement through a formal document to respect different humanity in animals.

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Today, Geneva Merkel has developed three such instruments the deed of commitment building anti-personnel mines,

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the deed of commitment protecting children from the effects of armed conflict,

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and the deed of commitment prohibiting sexual violence and gender discrimination.

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And as I said, we are thinking of launching perhaps a new one on the question of the deeds of commitment,

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mutual international standards, and are signed by the armed groups.

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But not only.

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They are also countersigned by Geneva Accords and by the government of the Republic and Canton of Geneva, which serve as custodians of these deeds.

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The signing ceremony usually takes place in the Alabama dorm in Geneva, where Mr. Mr. Wickham was signed, the first Geneva Convention.

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We can see here the signing ceremony with an armed group with the government of Geneva.

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Under the deeds of commitment, armed groups have to respect different obligation mirroring.

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As I said before, the corresponding convention or treaty.

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This specific obligation formed the first part of the deed of commitment of each deed of commitment,

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and then each of the deeds have similar has similar articles which mention important points

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to allow and cooperate in monitoring and verification of their commitment by Geneva Court.

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They have to agree with monitoring and verification mission if necessary.

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They have another obligation.

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They have to issue orders and directives to their commanders and fighters for the implementation and enforcement of the common commitments,

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including measures for dissemination as well as disciplinary sanction in case of non-compliance.

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Meaning they have to think about sanction if the combatants do not respect their obligations.

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The third obligation is to treat this commitment as one step or part of a broader commitment in principle to the ideal of humanitarian norms,

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meaning they cannot sign the deed of commitment and the date two days later to place a bond in a market,

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for instance, and two, to start to do an indiscriminate attacks.

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So we have to consider this as part of a broader commitment to the ideal of humanity.

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And finally, they have to also to recognise that the deed of commitment will not affect

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their legal statutes pursuant to the relevant clause in Common Article three,

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which was just mention of the Geneva Convention, meaning they understand that in signing these leaders commitment,

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it will not give them any recognition or any legitimacy to the third process of the building confers confidence and negotiating and then

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signing the deed of commitment is a support to by Geneva call to the armed non-state actors for the implementation of the deeds of commitment,

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obligation and to do monitoring compliance of the engagement, including, as I said,

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field verification mission, because the signing of this engagement is far from the end of the process.

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On the contrary. Jenny Macklin tries hard to contribute to the implementation of their obligation and monitors compliance.

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Supporting implementation firmly takes the form of organise organising training workshops to the commanders, to the combatants in the field.

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But it could be also facilitating a system for some concrete steps,

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fines and helping them to destroy their stockpiles or to take measures to protect the children.

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The second aspect is, is the monitoring first in support to implementation, then as a monitoring.

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And this activity is not only carried out by Geneva call, but also by local partners and other organisations and their armed non-state actors.

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Hence also to do self reporting, armed groups have to move from the beginning that they will be held accountable and finally feel very fumigation.

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Mission can be organised in case of serious. Allegation of criminal complaint, which was in fact not.

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We faced only three case of non-compliance or allegation of non-compliance.

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So we do field mission verification mission in the field.

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We interview the regular armed forces, the armed groups, witnesses.

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So we really view an important verification.

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And Geneva call dedicates a lot of effort on that process because finally all the credibility of Geneva call needs on this capacity.

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To be sure, the engagement taken by the armed groups are respected.

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If you have only a nice signing ceremony in a piece of paper somewhere in a room in Geneva,

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it will not change the behaviour of the armed groups and you have really to contribute to the implementation and to verify.

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And the fourth aspect we work with for male combatants in many situation.

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You have an important part of the armed groups.

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You have female combatants and in many situations one can work specifically with

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these women on humanitarian norms and encourage them then to advocate in the groups.

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We work also with this female combatants about skin negotiation treatment between them because it's important to have women involved in peace talks,

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in peace negotiation, to have women around the table.

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When you have this negotiation and they have requested us very often to train them on negotiation,

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you cannot spend 20 years in the bush and then to be able to negotiate around the table and having,

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you know, people representing government in front of you.

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So what are the achievements to date? Geneva has engaged with about 70 armed groups in different parts of the world.

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You have here the different region.

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And as of today, 42 have signed the deed of commitment banning anti-personnel mines in Africa, in Middle East, Europe.

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Not all these group are still active. Some of them disappeared and some of them are today your government.

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So 42 have signed,

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but that doesn't mean that 42 are still active and these groups have complied with their pledge and most of them have destroyed their stock price.

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More than 20,000 mines and thousands of you unexploded ordnance had to be destroyed.

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In this case, also, we attend the the kind of activities to be sure it is done, we verify the number of mines destroyed.

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So we really monitor also each step of the implementation, saying your troops have also cooperated in mine action.

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Are the groups still reluctant, for instance, to sign the deed of commitment?

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Have taken concrete steps to reduce the impact on this weapon of this weapon on civilian the civilian population.

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This is what we call a step by step approach. We face some groups saying we will not ban anti-personnel mines when we need this kind of weapon.

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We have only Kalashnikov and anti-personnel mine. So armed forces, they haven't equipped our tank and so we will not burn anti-personnel mines.

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So in this case, we work on what we call step by step approach, trying first to reduce the impact on civilians.

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You have an example here, a Colombian guerrilla who said we will not volunteer an element.

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So we have started to work with them how to reduce the impact so somehow they could sign in the trees.

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So at least the population knows where they are.

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Danger is area. So it's still not good because they are still using mines, but at least the impact on the population can be a little bit.

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So this is on on the question of anti-personnel mines.

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Seven groups have signed the deed of commitment protecting children from the effects of armed conflict,

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and five group have signed the deed of commitment prohibiting sexual violence in armed conflict and gender discrimination.

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This Deed of commitment was launched only last year at the beginning of its activities.

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Geneva was named the U.N. for all of the humanitarian world.

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You know, kind of strange device flying after seven, 13 years.

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It has been recognised that this deed of commitment processes is sexist and very well respected.

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It demonstrated that through a pragmatic approach based on dialogue and persuasion,

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can be effective in increasing compliance by armed non-state actors with at least some humanitarian norms.

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And finally, the kind of collateral damage damage.

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So Geneva calls mission is exclusively humanitarian.

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It has been noted that in some cases the engagement with armed groups may invasion of our call has contributed to confidence or peacebuilding.

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I give you an example. We have worked several years with the Tuareg rebellion in Niger, and the rebellion has decided to lay down the weapon.

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But no new peace agreement was signed.

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And the problem with mine field is very important in the north of Niger and also creates problems for humanitarian assistance.

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So we decided to propose the armed forces and the for the rebels to have a workshop during

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today to discuss how the question of demining could be addressed by by the sponsors.

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So on this picture, you can see this is the first time they are all together in the same room.

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It's difficult to invite people around the table to speak about peace, which is peace.

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It's very difficult. But when you invite them to speak on something very concrete, like demining operation, for instance, it can work.

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So they spend two days together and with Geneva call, they shared maps where they had led and then mines, anti-personnel and interesting mines.

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And finally, we could convince the armed forces to train rebels who are ready to become demining.

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So now they work together on demining operation. So it's kind of confidence building activities which can lead to other negotiation.

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So as I said before, our has also increasingly responded to armed groups demands to help field their

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knowledge on and enforcement capacities in international humanitarian law.

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Many of them have highlighted a number of difficulties in the communication of note to their ranks.

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Such difficulties are not confined to dissemination of the deed of commitment alone,

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but relate to humanitarian law dissemination in general and non-state actors controlling huge territories.

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You have sometimes really like the former Sudan People's Liberation Army, the territory under the control of the BLM is as big as France.

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So it's really they can control huge territory when they have military type of command centres which may operate out of several countries.

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Report The Israeli armed groups report that it is difficult to get new policies out to their political and military leaders.

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In after discussion with Geneva call and having raised this challenge,

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some of them propose concrete solution that might help them to address and Geneva

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call has been decided to dedicate also a lot of efforts to reply to these demands.

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The first demand. They express the needs to develop simple,

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culturally appropriate educational skills that might be easily understood in local languages that would enable

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all fighters to assimilate and apply the norms they have decided to adhere or other humanitarian norms.

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So we printed very small booklets.

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All you have sometimes fighters, totally uneducated, unable to read.

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So we had to new to to find new ways to disseminate this news.

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For, that's for for you. H.A. Generico has also developed specific material for the training of armed non-state actors.

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It was a specific program funded by EKU and has conducted actual training already for several armed groups in the field.

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And this is done in complementarity with ICAC or other other groups.

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For instance, we did it with the fishes in the South Philippine.

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Some training on it and how to treat one of the combat arrows.

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And we did also in the field to train fighters with small booklets of medicine.

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And in order to overcome challenge to dissemination,

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I'm non-state actors should request training session not only for the military commanders, but also for their political union.

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We discovered it's very important to have the military wing and the political wing train all these norms.

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The sort of aspect or the sales thing the the have requested us is to commence and

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to give recommendation on the basis of their already existing codes of conduct.

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Most of these groups do they have codes of conduct, but they don't know if these codes correspond to principles of humanitarian norms.

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How can they improve their own code and how if they don't have.

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How can they start with with some rules for this is, for instance, what we did in the in the Philippines.

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They adopted what they call a generalised order number three, and they have requested us, we help them to draft this, this general order.

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And then we the requested us to train to do a training of trainers, to be sure.

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Then the commanders will be able to disseminate to the people in the field.

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So the challenge, as you can imagine, such work does not exist without facing some challenge and even sometimes serious ones.

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So the first one I would like to mention is, as we see certain states, some non-state actors are reluctant to abide by international standards.

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Either they reject action in general by ideology or they reject some specific norms.

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And in this case, as I mentioned before, we try we don't give up.

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We don't say, okay, you are not ready to, to, to improve your behaviour.

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So we try to work on a step by step approach and starting from the rules.

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For instance, here it was on the protection of children, so they had still children with them.

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So we said in case of attack, at least don't use them in the in the hostilities and build a cave or bunker so they can go there and be protected.

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So this is the kind of things which is not 100% perfect, but to please the children are trained to go there in case of attack.

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The next challenge that General has been facing is how to deal with armed

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groups that have reached common structures or have split into several factions,

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as in Syria is a concrete example now.

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It is a very complex situation because you don't have a leader with a chain of command,

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you have hundreds of different groups and so-called commanders.

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And the official leader of the Free Syrian Army, in fact, armies outside of Turkey and inside the combat.

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And we see they told us, you know, these are the combatants of the five stars hotel spending their time in in dine, in cable and in Geneva.

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So that the when you have these kind of groups with several faction, it's much more difficult to engage them.

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And in this case, we have really to to to invent totally new approach in Syria for instance to train commanders we have done this a little bit,

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but we never knew then if this under the control of the orders of this commander, you will have three fighters or 50.

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So we have decided also to start with TV spots in Syria with basic norms on humanity and a third.

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The third challenge is the lack of technical capacity for the implementation of the obligation.

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Like I said before, struck by this question, you can just imagine.

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And then external support is needed. But it's not always easy to raise the money to bring a specialised organisation to do the work.

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And in such a situation, a delay can bring in new problems like it was in Somaliland, for instance.

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I know it was in Somalia, for instance. General was trying to raise money to help an armed group to destroy 3000 3500 personnel.

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Months since no donor was fund and time went on.

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These e-payments have been stolen by some groups.

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So we have really to to find a way to raise money when it's urgent.

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But it's difficult because we have also to be cautious because this kind of support could be considered as military support.

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So this is not easy. The force challenge.

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In a few cases, Geneva has faced difficulties in getting access to armed groups for security reason,

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as you can imagine, but also for political reasons. In some situation, the government has restricted or even prohibited access to the groups.

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And at this point, I would like to mention, because it's important in Geneva calls work is always done in total transparency,

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meaning we always inform the concerned government that we will start to engage the armed groups in defensive.

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In some countries you have several. We don't explain when, where, with whom, but we say we will start to engage with this group active in you tend to.

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Finally, the fifth challenge is the war on terror.

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When listed as terrorists, some groups often become more radical and extremists and their internal hardliners are reinforced.

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This kind of radical behaviour will for sure have consequences on the war on civilians.

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But the consequences can also reach the humanitarian community.

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Some counter-terrorism measures have initiated a process of criminally criminal, like criminalisation of humanitarian workers.

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The decision of the Supreme Court in U.S. case is clearly the criminalisation of humanitarian workers and humanitarian actors.

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Actors are afraid of being sanctioned or prosecuted. Civilians are left behind without any support.

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So this is now becoming a very big challenge.

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Every colleague in Geneva I call could be arrested in the US and spend 15 years in jail.

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Just because we released child soldiers or destroyed anti-personnel mines.

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You have just here a summary of the challenge that I just just mentioned.

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So what are the the why what are the motivation of the armed groups?

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There may be different factors that influence the decision of a group to commit to humanitarian office.

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And a few years ago, Geneva conducted a research into the involvement of armed non-state actors.

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And this time it was in the landmine problem,

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both in its negative aspect for use and landmines and positive aspects of contribution to promote action.

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And the report argues for a holistic views of armed non-state actors considering both their capacity as spoilers in the conflict,

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as well as the potential to contribute to the solution of human human security problem.

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The results of this research show that, generally speaking,

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the factors influencing non-state actors openness to engagement with humanitarian norms

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can be divided into political will and willingness on one side and ability to implement.

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So the political willingness on a few points.

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First, the question of participation ownership.

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Many armed non-state actors do not recognise international treaties signed by the states.

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They are fighting sky views. They do not want to recognise the treaty signed by the Government when they are fighting against this government.

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And as with states, it will be more difficult for non-state actors to deny the legitimacy of a norm they have themselves decided to adhere to,

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since it's important to give them responsibility.

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Second point the reciprocity to correct behaviour by opponents increase their will to take on and respect them commitments.

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The third one political conflict situation and improve situation between the armed non-state

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actor and the opponent and increase the will to take on and respect humanitarian norms.

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And the opposite the deterioration of the situation or the due duration like we could read on the first slide,

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the cruelty of the rebellion of the guerrilla, Colombian guerrilla of the war can have the opposite consequence.

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The repetition, striving to actively improve, improve its internal and external reputation, humanitarian and development,

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development and consideration expected short and long term beneficial impact on civilians in

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the territory of potential incentives to take in respect commitments expected peacebuilding,

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peace gains, greater probability of dialogue, dialogue with the states.

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You could see, for instance, in Colombia, the FA has decided to give up with the hostage taking and some months ago, some months later,

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peace talks have started with the Norwegian government and with the agreement of the Colombian

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government because until now the goal in the Colombian government never agreed on the new peace talks.

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And finally, the use of violence against civilians when non-state actors use means or have aims that contradict humanitarian norms.

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We can understand that such factors can clearly be an hindrance to negotiation and reconstruction in the future.

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They understand that finally, peace will never be built on atrocities.

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And then the other factor, the ability, the three, the chain of command.

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As I said before, this is a challenge for general court, but it is also a challenge for the group.

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Secondly, the territorial control, the control of territory increase the non-state actors ability to respect or implement commitments.

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And finally, there exists the capacity in internal of capacity,

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expertise or resource increase the ability of their on a monthly basis to respect and implement compliance.

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And all the work of Geneva call understanding the motivation forces that encourage

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armed non-state actors to respect humanitarian norms as well as of the chain.

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So we did this research, but as it is important, we started to do what we call our meeting of signatories to the deed of commitment,

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you know, that states have of the states parties meeting of its wide convention.

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So we started to have our own non-state actors parties meeting.

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And the second we organised two or we did the second one took place in Geneva.

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On this picture you have 44 senior political and military representatives from 28 armed groups coming from all over the world.

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So this was in Geneva and we are lucky because in Geneva we don't have in Switzerland

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we don't have list of terrorists and the authorities allow or provide visa.

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So this representative of armed groups can come to Geneva.

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And it was it was funny because we used to meet them in the middle of the mountains or in the bush, in the military, to us dressed.

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And they were very well dressed here. So two third of them were signing up to resort to Geneva call and others were invited as observers.

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And I'm this representative from around the world met to exchange views, especially on two points.

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First, the challenge they faced in implementing the Geneva call did of commitment,

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all in trying to respect humanitarian norms and how to address them.

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Sometimes they can exchange how they have faced this challenge.

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And the second discussion of important part of the discussion where on existing norms relating

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to the protection of two groups of particularly vulnerable and specifically protected people,

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women and children. So this representative were very well prepared.

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And finally, they have worked on on recommendation.

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And I would like to underline two of these recommendations.

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They, again, clearly expressed their willingness to enhance their CAS versity to respect humanity,

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announce by receiving training and technical support by expert organisation.

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This is clearly something which is needed and always requested.

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And the second recommendation I would like to mention is generally speaking on non-state actors

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field prejudice by differential differential treatments towards states and non-state actors.

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The mechanism to enforce humanitarian norms and sometimes even in the norms themselves.

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And I will just develop a little bit this second common because it's it's interesting.

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On the differential treatment. The equality of belligerent is a fundamental underpinning of traditional humanitarian law between states.

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However, its transition to the law of non international armed conflict has not necessarily been smooth.

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This is because under international law, non-state actors do not have the same legal status or capacities as these,

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even though they are deemed to be bound by humanitarian law, regardless of whether the substance of the law applies equally.

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Disparities of status arise in many cases.

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non-State actors feel that international mechanisms or processes are biased

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as they are developed and controlled by states or interstate organisations.

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And they consider that this tool, this instrument, the Geneva Accords,

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need of commitment is important because it will the deeds of commitment belong to armed non-state actors and not to the UN.

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And they consider that under the UN system, UN non-state actors are usually only tuning into these in Geneva call experience.

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I would like to added at this point that the key to success after more than 30 years in this field,

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the key to success is in the world self appropriation or ownership.

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It is essential not to promote impulse,

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but to generate enough interest so that the armed non-state actors will take their own decision to add in respect humanitarian.

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And even if the signing ceremony takes place in Geneva sometime there is another ceremony in the field.

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So really the combatants can be part of this national kind of celebration,

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saying now we have decided to respect these norms or several norms and to respect this norms.

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In the same vein, I want to emphasise the importance of avoiding only the don't don't do it, but also to insist on the do.

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This is a key aspect for I'm non-state actors to understand.

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We are not only on the prohibition page but also waiting from them for constructive measures.

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They have to understand they have responsibilities.

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Then, in all three Geneva calls division of commitment, there is a mix of prohibition as well as positive and constructive obligation,

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and they have to provide education to that to the children in areas under their control.

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On the question of differential treatment, they have mentioned in some case on non-state actors implicates also the substantive law itself.

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For instance, they object to the differing differentiation between states and armed groups in the Optional Protocol on children and armed conflict,

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as well as objecting to is an equal standards on age and scope of prohibition.

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I wish I will show you how it can be first complex for armed groups to understand

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the law and how the norms are not the same for states or for armed groups.

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So you have here different treaties, convention only on children and the Age to be forced to take part in hostilities.

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So you can see that this is really difficult for them to understand and why, for instance, it is 16 four states that achieve in the optional protocol.

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Children can be part of armed forces already at 16, but for other armed groups in states,

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you can see how it is complex and why they have the feeling some time this is not really equal.

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This is the kind of same thing table but different.

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The and the underlying that the UN listing process forests and on violation of

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recruitment and use obligation makes due process including the right to be heard.

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For instance, you have the monitoring process in the U.N. on the use of children to the states,

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are consulted on the reports that the non-state actors, the armed groups are never consulted.

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So again, they want to express their view and to explain the situation.

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And as a final point on differential quantum of treatment of non-state actors

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expressed concern about the lack of input they have into the substance of the law.

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They request more consultation could be done through intermediaries these on non-state actors on

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the ground so that legal standards take into account the September realities of field condition.

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The international community has to accept that the concrete realities in the field faced by non-state actors need to be understood and addressed.

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I give you an example. It is said that it is not allowed to have children associated with armed groups,

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but for some or for many children, their parents have decided to be robbers.

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And this is a basic right of a child to live with his parents.

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So we live all together and they are under in the international community, they are considered as child soldiers because associated with armed groups.

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So there was an attempt in in Mindanao to release all these children associated with groups.

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And the final, when they had to finalise the resurge, would have meant that 108,000 children would have.

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Being obliged to leave their presence, which is totally crazy. So I think the international community has to understand the reality in the future.

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This is not black and white like for states, but in this case, for instance, the right of a child to with his parents is a basic right.

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But he's living everyday with people, with carrying weapons.

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And so we have to explain to these troops how they have to protect the children in case of attack,

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how this is not allowed to take them on the frontline and they don't have the right to use them of spies or bringing food to the combatants.

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But. They can see positive measures seen.

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They armed groups affirm that it is finally on the question of terrorism.

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They affirm that it is counterproductive to label amnesty fighters as terrorists organisation, prohibiting access to them and still expel them.

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At the same time to respect humanitarian and human rights engagement.

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But engagement doesn't mean impunity. Even when non-state actors don't protect or deliberately targeted civilians.

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It is without any doubt necessary to report to use also the naming and shaming process to condemn, but not only.

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It is also essential, as I said, to try to engage them for their respective humanitarian needs.

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So my conclusion is I just mentioned the question of access.

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Governments and the international community have to accept the engagement of all non-state actors will not reinforce them,

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but is a precondition to the protection of civilians. In this sense,

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concerned states have to recognise that the abstraction to access for humanitarian

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organisation is the wrong approach and will have a negative impact on civilians.

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And I would like to conclude the UN Secretary General, Ban Ki moon, who now really insists on this aspect, asking Member States not taking.

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Or adopting national legislation or measures that will prohibit access to armed groups.

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And I think what says Ban Ki moon is is clear, he say.

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He says, as you can read, while engagement with non-state armed groups will not always result in improved protection,

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the emphasis and systematic engagement will almost certainly mean more, not fewer, civilian casualties in current conflict.

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So things are moving on.

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And even last week, the Security Council insisted or said for the first time, it is important to engage armed groups on humanity.

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So in most of them, no. And finally, I would like to insist also on the importance to engage everybody.

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The listing of terrorist organisations, as I said, is a political process and must not impact humanitarian action.

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And the criminalisation of the humanitarian actors will at the end affect the civilians more than their own lives.

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And it's important to say and to see again that the war on terror should not affect their humanity in.

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In most of the discussion that Geneva Cole has had with our non-state actors,

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they have made it clear that they want to take ownership of their humanitarian obligation.

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And supporting such a request does not mean being an advocate of all non-state actors,

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but rather an advocate for those who suffer as a result of violation of international humanitarian norms.

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And certainly, like states, not all armed non-state actors will be seriously committed to respecting humanitarian law.

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But for those who are willing to consider humanitarian norms, what they are the incentive.

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Maybe we can ask our self whether we are doing our best to enable them to contract.

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And in closing, we must not lose sight of the probability that international mechanisms controlled by states will

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tend towards supporting their own interests in a world where conflicts are primarily between states.

402
00:49:02,090 --> 00:49:07,720
This did not pose a problem. However, we know that this is not the case today.

403
00:49:07,730 --> 00:49:13,040
Conflicts are internal conflicts, and we want to be able to justify the separate.

404
00:49:13,040 --> 00:49:20,119
If we want to be able to justify the separation of usable from use in value to

405
00:49:20,120 --> 00:49:25,010
the most numerous actors in today's armed conflict that are non-state actors,

406
00:49:25,370 --> 00:49:37,400
then it is our responsibility to ensure that they do not feel prejudiced either by the separation itself or by the way in which it is enforced.

407
00:49:37,700 --> 00:49:41,930
So I thank you for your information and if you have questions.

408
00:49:42,650 --> 00:49:43,510
Thank you very much.