Thank you, Faisal, thank you for inviting me to this, thank you to Pamela and also and really enjoyed last yesterday.
I don't know how much of my publication in four has actually got into the booklet that you have.
So just wanted to say this is from a book I'm finishing. It's called Unseen City, the psychic life of Poverty in Mumbai, London and New York,
and my interest in psychoanalysis goes back to like studies to my doctoral dissertation
where I wrote about the history of hysteria in Victorian literature and culture.
And I kind of, you know, just kind of like you really ran away from it in between.
I wrote a book in 2014 which had not a line of psychoanalysis in it.
And this book is kind of, in a way, trying to figure out why I ran away from psychoanalysis and what would kind of, in a way, make me stay.
So this is kind of this is it. I'll read from a paper just in the interest of time.
Otherwise I'll really go over. You know, when you're finishing a book, this is kind of really trying to you 100000 words in 20 minutes.
So, yes. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, first published in Portuguese in 1968,
the Brazilian educationist frame rate turns his attention to what he calls the culture of silence of the dispossessed in the years immediately before,
Freddy, who is professor of history and philosophy of education at the University of Helsinki,
had conducted his early experiments with the teaching of illiterate populations,
an initiative that was considered so radical that he was imprisoned for 70 days after the military coup of 1964.
So Freddy left for Chile soon after his release, working with UNESCO's and the Chilean Institute of Agrarian Reform and Pedagogy of the
Oppressed was published during his this time this decade long exile from Brazil for free.
The world is not a given reality, but a problem to be worked on.
The human inhabitants of this world have the ontological vocation, he says, to be a subject.
Education can either be coercive, forcing younger generations to conform to the status quo,
or it can be the practise of freedom, fostering creativity, criticality and liberation.
Archaeological definitions of humanisation must take into account what Frey records ontological possibility and the
historical reality of dehumanisation and dehumanisation concerns not only those whose humanity has been stolen or stunted,
but also the perpetrators guilty of what Frederick calls the distortion of the vocation of becoming fully human.
It is dehumanisation which leads the oppressed to struggle for the emancipation of labour.
But Freddy sort of, you know, warns against, you know, pressers the oppressed, becoming oppressors of oppressors.
He warns also, and this is again a point about benign paternalism I brought up in my response to Qoo10 Man's talk yesterday.
He warns also against four acts of charity. You know, he sees that can they can.
They can, they can tap into false charity.
So this an interesting quote from the book True generosity lies in striving so that these hands, whether of individuals or entire people's,
need to be extended less and less in supplication, and so that more and more they become human hands, which work and working transform the world.
So there are two sort of, you know, insights that I take away from this study that the lesson an apprenticeship for true generosity
must come from the oppressed themselves and that the oppressed will not gain this by chance,
but through the praxis of their quest for it. So Fred, is you.
Pedagogy of the oppressed is a pedagogy that is forged with not for the oppressed.
The problem, however, is this and really puts those himself.
How can the oppressed as divided inauthentic beings participate in developing the pedagogy of their liberation?
So, you know, how can the depersonalised the colonised the subjugated race, whom Albert said,
you know, had characterised as bearing the mark of the plural, then have a singular?
How can how can these people inaugurate libertarian praxis?
How are the masses to reinstate individual rights and collective freedom, all the while restoring the oppressors humanity?
So the times that Fraidy invokes in this context are critical and liberating dialogue reflective participation of the oppressed.
He insists that this is not merely armchair revolution, but a call to action, one which has trust in the oppressed and in their ability to reason.
Revolutionary leadership mobilised within and across class lines must be dialogic, he says, and quote intentional.
Save for Friday, political action is pedagogical.
My current book ventures another modality the psychoanalytical I mean, I must warn that it begins with psychoanalysis,
but where I end is like, really, you know, talking shop, but talking the talking cure, it's not really psychoanalysis anymore.
So this kind of emancipatory action, not for but with the oppressed.
When we think of psychoanalysis, however, in the race of in the context of race and class, we are likely to be staggered by the lack of intersection.
We are likely to be staggered by the lack of committed involvement and other sort of human freedom.
I'm sorry, I'm really encouraged into quoting Friday because you essentially said, you know, one of his heroes was Freddie and Fannie on it, as I did.
I really found so many of these relevant to my dog today.
So valorise in processes of sovereignty and liberal democracy in the West, Freud himself had written in civilisation and its discontents,
as published in 1930, that in an individual of neurosis, we take as our starting point.
The contrast that distinguishes the patient from his environment,
which is assumed to be normal for a group all of whose members are affected by one and the same disorder.
So let's say poverty, let's say colonisation. No such background could exist.
So this doesn't give give rise to the sort of normal logical claim that the primitive or the socially objected do not have an unconscious,
the other unconscious. In fact, Freud says the content of the unconscious is very controversial.
Statement can be compared with an Aboriginal population of the mind.
So the preferred preferred trajectory of individuation, as we call it in psychoanalysis,
is from group to self, a Salford that is based on the exclusion of the group.
And Dark Continents study of the colonial genealogy of psychoanalysis,
Ranjana Nakano has outlined Freud's use of what she calls the evolutionary progressive model to describe how the anthropological object becomes
the historical subject in psychoanalysis and psychoanalysis is the symptom and mechanism of the creation of the European sovereign subject.
She calls it the calm violence of interpolation by which a social contract is formed,
that both individuals as members of a group at the same time as it confers upon them the culture or civilisation these group entities.
In an article titled Poverty and Psychoanalysis The Poverty of Psychoanalysis,
Manasi Kumar points out that there is an abundance of metaphoric appropriations of poverty in psychoanalytic literature.
So you have poverty of ego, poverty of symptomatology, poverty of experience,
the psychological poverty of groups of very famous quote from civilisation and discontents,
voluntary poverty, disease and Freud's concept, the psychological poverty of philosophy.
So these are reflexive figuration, the distance, the real thing.
And, of course, imply that to be poor is to have an impoverished inner life.
Kumar, however, does not mention Freud's technique papers where he, especially his father, recommendation on the technique of psychoanalysis,
where he frets on the investment of time and money in therapy,
and the impossibility of delivering what he calls a short, convenient outpatient treatment for obsessional neurosis.
Arguing against gratuitous treatments, you know, a therapy session,
Freud says in an is an investment of time equivalent of a seventh or eighth part of the psychoanalysts monthly stint,
Freud's let slip so he's against free treatment. But he let slip that he had offered free psychoanalysis as an experiment,
only to realise that removing the transactional and regulatory element vastly increased instead of alleviating the neurotic resistances.
Kumar also does not touch on the free clinic phenomenon, which is kind of the starting point of my.
Project. So two months before the armistice at the 5th International Congress of Psychoanalysis in Budapest,
Sigmund Freud famously declared that the poor man should have just as much right to
assistance for his mind as he now has to the life saving help offered by surgery.
There necessary aim to be a de facto science Freud's clinical practise embraced
the social democratic ideology of post-World War One Vienna between 1918 and 1938.
His pronouncements on free clinics helped create a dozen of cooperative mental health clinics from Zagreb to London.
I was very feel very fortunate that I've been able to work at some of these for this book.
There were free clinics, literally and metaphorically a and done two states.
The freed people of their destructive neuroses. And like the municipal schools and universities of Europe, they were free of charge.
I mean, I really have to sort of rush through this bit because I want to show you my casework.
But just like. Sorry, just this bit.
The free clinics and kind of sick Europe, you know, what did the free clinic do to not just free treatment,
but connecting psychoanalysis with public health, clinical research, free outpatient clinics and a voluntary free fee structure?
So not just low fee, but a sliding fee, which is much more sustainable.
A voucher system, you're afraid, very bloody minded thinker.
He's too busy, but he has a voucher system where he can actually say that this person can actually,
you know, sort of see you on my behalf and I'll reimburse a colleague. Question of gender, sex and sexuality So they became very, very interesting.
Research centres for women's health and children's health, social welfare, you know, pioneering work in the field of child and adolescent development.
I am going to kind of like maybe linger there and then come back to come back to it.
So. In the sorry yes, and the frequent phenomenon did not last long.
Very short lived. In 1933, Freud's books were banned in Berlin, and the frequent phenomenon ended when,
on March 12, 1938, thousands of men to German troops marched the Nazi flag into Vienna.
So in the chapter from which it was drawn,
I examined the evolution of psychoanalysis in India as accidentally coinciding with the free clinic movement.
And just want to kind of like you've already mentioned, getting the Chicago Bulls just wanted to kind of mention the founding of Lumbini Park,
the image you first saw of the Bengali bubble receiving therapy. It's actually from the 1940s units in Lumbini Park.
Just dwell on this slide a little bit similarities between Lumbini Park and the free clinic model,
so equal emphasis on scientific and humanitarian work. The founders aspired to build a teaching and research centre.
Plans included the foundation of a child guidance centre, is a non-profit organisation as well, with a voluntary fee.
And this is the extraordinary thing about the Ngobeni Park and the free clinic model that they're non synchronous in some ways,
not adjacent cultures that just the dates overlap.
But there was no correspondence between both who was very, very instrumental in this or kind of, you know,
the the kind of Indian Socratic that the newly minted Indian psychiatric society, the other kind of, you know,
very interesting thing about Liberty Park is that at a time when thousands of psychotics lived behind prison bars,
the stigmatising word lunacy persisted and Liberty Park offered a systematic psychological as well as physical appraisal of each individual case.
In my chapter, I kind of go through these unintentional but rather sort of uncanny similarities.
And I kind of move up to kind of present times.
As you know, several people have mentioned, psychoanalysis is in disrepute in India.
You know, psychiatry, you know, 70 percent of psychiatrists work in the private sector.
The 2010 study of Michelle by Mr. Girish Word states that there are 3500 psychiatrists in the country to its 600 clinical psychologists.
The number of psychoanalysts has dwindled to 31.
And so in the context of this, I examine a free or low fee initiatives which offer psychologically informed psychotherapy to poor populations.
So before I share my case studies, I want to kind of like mention some of the hurdles.
You know, that I have faced some of the sort of not so I'm trying to work through. The first has to do with the cost of psychoanalysis.
As I mentioned before, the payment for treatment is very crucial to the transference, relation and psychoanalysis.
The transparencies, as at once,
both the obstacle to the talking cure and the means of walking through that is a way of cordoning off the tendency to repeat,
to act out and to run it through the transfer circuit. Through the payment of a fee.
The libidinal economy of the psychoanalytic dyad is set in play, the ANALIZZATO becoming bonded to the analyst connected,
but also invested in a kind of imaginative and financial speculation.
The concept of free clinics, therefore, is not free of contradiction.
The transference as Michel Foucault, one of psychoanalysis, is most, you know, a critical reader's has not,
as is precisely what differentiates psychoanalysis from the ethnological science.
It drew from. It's difficult to sort of let go of it with the payment with with the sort of, you know, entry exemption of of payment.
The second thing the second hurdle is this question is there a connexion between poverty and mental illness?
Can a study of mental illness in poor populations contribute to a fuller understanding of urban poverty?
The third very critical one is how cross-culturally applicable is psychoanalysis cannot cope with race and cultural
difference cannot cope with this disparate paradigms of individual and collective trauma and individuation in extremists.
Psychoanalysis is culturally specific, as we know, traceable not to the beginning of time, but to the end of the 19th century.
And and, you know, the wonderful work by Nicholas Rose, who says that interiority that is the sort of stock in trade of psychoanalysis is,
of course, an inside formed by discourses outside the human being.
Rose says is not an immutable entity, but a latitude and longitude at which different vectors of different speeds intersect.
However, Rose says in the same breath that psychoanalysis is very valuable for its refusal to
celebrate the sovereignty of the autonomous and self-identified subject of self-realisation.
So one of the questions I have is that if we can prove that psychoanalysis is a sort of a non-political discourse,
can it be mobilised to articulate what Emily APTA, in a different context, calls a dispossessing of collectivism?
Can it kind of in a form, a kind of psychotherapeutic public defined by non-proprietary models of language and identity?
I'm now going to take you to South Bangalore. Yes.
So these are these are some of my curse words because, you know, this is, as I said, it's kind of like almost a decade long project.
I have too much. A lot of it is still unprocessed. But I thought I would illustrate some of my points through the case studies.
So this is the sum of Hanaa Counselling Centre in the book,
I kind of write also about the trajectories I've had to kind of in a way carry out to reach these centres.
The formidable Chandrashekhar, a.k.a. CRC,
who was described by some Nieman psychiatrist as the rock star of psychiatry and who in his heyday is treated up to 50 patients a day,
is deeply invested in two causes, raising social awareness around mental health and furthering mental health education.
That's the first one, and the second is counteracting the commodification of mental illness in the lucrative pharmacotherapy Chandrashekhar,
who was a psychiatrist at an enhanced for 44 years, retiring in 2013.
As time has tirelessly translated his vast medical experience in one of India's foremost public sector mental hospitals into public lectures,
public education initiatives, ambulatory care and villages, and finally,
the rehabilitation centres and free clinics he has set up with his private funds in the city.
Sorry, this section of the paper is called abbreviation, so he reaches out to 150 villages around Bangalore.
To those people, he says, who doesn't? Who don't have the 50 percent less than you can offer?
One cent 50, I guess, bus fare to the city and has published over 100 popular books on psychiatry,
some of which have been translated from the original camera to Urdu, English and Gujarat.
He receives letters from patients in Karnataka and the adjoining states, describing various mental problems every day.
So far, I have replied to more than 40000 letters, she tells me.
It was an interest in Canada literature that drove CRC to psychiatry, particularly the way in which human behaviour was an atomised, he said.
In the novels of Triveni and the books of our serum, however, mental health care is not just about delving into the unconscious of individual minds.
It is also about addressing the psychiatric health of society.
The 710A Counselling Centre is run by counsellors trained by CRC and a team of psychiatrists and psychologists over 25 to 50 sessions.
We primarily teach counsellors how to be empathetic. He was really like asking me to train as a counsellor, and it was.
I really wish I could. So he shows me a hand-drawn diagram that outlines the basic tenets of counselling and thought bubbles
arranged around the terms of the term as counselling and the and the terms around it are listening,
understanding, being non-judgmental, being responsive, keeping confidences and finally making a change.
The counsellors are volunteers, mostly white collar professionals, with two or three languages.
One of the counsellors I interviewed, Gottfried Prasad, has degrees in clinical psychology and education and volunteers once a week at the centre.
The counsellors and psychotherapists do not follow any school of treatment as such, and methodology tends to be eclectic.
I would describe it as supportive psychotherapy, a combination of psychodynamic cognitive,
behavioural and interpersonal conceptual models and techniques.
So it's rural and poor populations. The task of the counsellor often begins with removing.
Ignorance and addressing misconceptions, superstitions and scientific belief around mental illness are the worst offenders,
and these are all from the sort of, you know, case studies gathered by alignments of planets of the rule, Saturn defects in the horoscope,
the envious attitude of others spirit possession, blackmagic done by enemies.
Fears around masturbation intercourse outside marriage.
Patients at the Santana Counselling Centre start with an initial psychiatric evaluation carried out by CRC,
and the pathological cases are instantly dispatched to demand, so the nearest government hospital with trained psychiatrists,
the counsellors decide over the course of the sessions whether the patient requires medicine, therapy or both.
The device pragmatic, workable and time driven strategies through rapport building,
we allow the patients to find their own resources got through there, he says.
Unlike psychoanalysis, the course of treatment is short, sometimes lasting for just two to three sessions and outcome oriented.
And we can talk about this in Q&A. I obviously don't have time to can go through all of this.
The goal is the alleviation of symptoms not necessarily helping the patients know themselves or their desires.
In fact, the word desire did not come up once the centre is designed to look not so much like an analyst chamber or a set of doctor's chambers,
but a place of active commerce where messages are received, decoded and recorded.
The hallway is divided into makeshift rooms made by temporary partitions.
Patient decks and Cuba cubicles. One can probably hear a patient white and cubicle two.
It is also not uncommon for sessions to be interrupted by CRC or by a member of
the volunteer group wanting to consult the senior therapists on a matter arising.
Some of the bonus programme to receive people who are not likely to do one to one therapy.
The questionnaire you are handed when you step into the portals of the counselling centre is almost
always filled by family and friends and counsellors said they drew heavily on family background,
as well as relying on leads and feedback from the family members.
The most common forms of mental illness they face are depression, anxiety, learning difficulties, neuroses related to family issues,
pride of place taken by mother and mother in law, daughter in law problems and alcohol addiction.
The duration of each session is 30 minutes. Counsellors try to understand the nature of the problem.
Is it guilt? Does it loss? Is it anxiety? While also addressing immediate physical manifestations such as sleep deprivation, loss of appetite.
Low self-esteem? We don't go to childhood experiences because there is no time that you devises.
The case records of some of the counselling centre as reproduced in kiosks, many do it yourself.
Counselling books seem too good to be true, and I'm talking about hundreds of these in my book.
There is 40 something Mrs. Pratibha who has for 18 long years suffered from incontinence when under stress,
the stresses stresses seem at first to be money related. So job loss, debt, the fear of financial ignominy.
The the problem first started at age at age 14, when she both enjoyed and feared a physical relationship with a male classmate.
The counsellor in charge of this case adopts three key strategies enjoins the patient to treat the urinary problem as psychosomatic.
In this case, it means it's treatable through therapy, working at removing guilt around adolescent sexuality.
And recommending practical, commonsense measures, and this is something I've seen across the board in Indian free clinics,
common sense measures such as consuming less fluids before adjourning or informing colleagues and her boss about her medical condition.
The five counselling sessions are supplemented with a consultation with ICRC.
We are told that he prescribe medications to take for some time and instructed them Pratibha and her husband,
who has attended all the sessions to come for weekly follow up sessions to report on progress.
Three months after the sixth session, Pratibha is rid of the problem altogether,
now she now she comes to now once in two months just to recharge herself.
She stopped taking medicines and the problem has not recurred. The case record states have one more case study.
I won't read it now. If you want, I can discuss it during the Q&A.
I mean, I was sort of sceptical when you know, every case study sort of ended very brightly, and I kind of concluded that they lacked transparency,
especially in delineating the role played by pharmacotherapy or psychotherapy or both,
especially when, you know the delivery of these was integrated in the course of a given treatment.
So while CAC had oversight when it came to counsellors, his own medical practise was not monitored,
and the counsellors say rightly that the centre has 100 percent success rate.
Their urge to reintegrate people with psychosocial disabilities back to the society is admirable.
But in the absence of follow up exercises, the claim seems dubious.
So finally, you know, the sort of, you know, the methodology of counsellors is too eclectic and too ad hoc to set solid precedents.
So, you know, Seattle and difficult is the sort of engine room of some and his other sort of, you know, free clinics such as Prasanna.
But it's very difficult to imagine the centres running at all without or after him.
I remembered after, I'd say, talk about two sort of unique case studies in detail in this chapter.
I remembered afterwards that the two female patients I dwell on in this chapter had both insisted on absolute confidentiality.
There were middle class women struggling to make ends meet, and while none of them were sort of, you know, troubled by hunger,
inequality or the wide gap between financial predicament and the prevailing standards of necessities that we associate with acute poverty,
this too, you know, would be a definition of a free clinic.
I'd have to acknowledge that a free clinic is a safe haven where women could,
under the cover of anonymity and immune from social discrimination or moral sense,
should be allowed to be allowed to talk freely and be hard and liberate themselves from obsessional neuroses.
I will move on to Kolkata to kind of a case study from Calcutta in Kolkata for years, I've worked with Anjali,
which is a mental health rights NGO whose aim is to establish a mental health and mental illness within the mainstream health paradigm in India.
So Anjali works with three public sector mental hospitals in West Bengal.
Pavlov's Lumbini Lumbini comes back again and Balrampur and the aims of the Anjali intervention are as
follows full rehabilitation of psychiatric patients to family and society after the course of treatment.
Removing stigma around psychosocial disability by encouraging encouraging civic participation in this rehabilitation.
Upholding the human rights of each patient by enlisting their participation and consent and decisions impacting their lives.
So I want to kind of talk a little bit about my collaboration with John Romano. It's an Angeles community mental health initiative.
Gentlemen, these are John Manoush, which concerns the training of Lay Counsellors, the very foundation foundation of the free clinic edifice.
So in 2016, I attended a skills training sessions and such as like something like the team building workshop.
They also have that focussed on personal growth and domestic violence.
All six women drawn from poor households had experienced brutalising experiences of physical or psychological torture within the nuclear family.
In half of the cases, the violence was endemic, the perpetrator still in an intimate relationship with the victim.
And while the latter had coping mechanisms in place, there was clear evidence of residual rage and guilt and unresolved trauma.
So the participants were eloquent and presented and consolidated insights.
Common features and causes of domestic violence were recognised, and its debilitating physical and psychological impact dwelt on.
The facilitator then offered ways in which, through introspection and esteem,
building the difficult task of regeneration and self-empowerment could begin.
So the participants of this workshop, all seven of them run the general manager programme.
The five of them here. John Romano, roughly translated as the psyche of the people,
strategically uses the city's extend municipal corporation system to train volunteers and barefoot researchers in therapeutic techniques.
So this is, you know what Sudhir Kakar called the analyst does the vulnerable expert.
The aim is to again disregard the stigmatised, institutionalised mental health and make it accessible to last mile communities.
At the Roger, Larger had global poor kiosks, so this is the kiosk that I shadowed.
Initiated by Anjali in 2007, the all woman team of counsellors engage with the local population in the form of dialogue and counselling,
door-to-door leafleting, home visits, etc. The General Manager Programme believes that for a psychic capability to be secured,
this kind of talk therapy has to play a role alongside sort of general policies in the area of social and economic entitlements.
The seven lay counsellors all related their commitment to mental health as a striving for social equality,
both for their adolescence and for themselves. One of them reminded me that this social work was not a hobby,
but a livelihood and mobility story that lifted them from violent, deprived, precarious living conditions.
It made them feel valued where they had felt valueless before Mulherin came Moldovan for India.
That's the sort of Bengali phrase they used.
And detailed sort of interviews I conducted with them all, the counsellors recounted painful, poverty stricken childhoods.
So Monica and this is Monica, she won a sort of Presidents Award Woman Exemplar programme when it comes to gender.
Monica mentioned 17 years of trauma in her sort of early life.
So domestic violence, a lack of educational opportunities, dead-end, low paying jobs.
They said that this dominant in culture, this quotidian struggle made them the caregivers they were.
They call themselves 40 Cherbourg, which just kind of I guess the closest translation is caregivers.
Rajan Heart, where they work, is a struggling suburb of Calcutta.
The political turmoil in Bengal has meant that when the region had global poor municipality was dissolved.
The threadbare resources of this, you know, seven percent kiosk solved all the mental health support in the neighbourhood.
With the dissolving of the municipality and escalating a political conflict,
the kiosk had to eventually shut down for a brief period when there was a murder at the doorstep.
The clientele is 60 percent Hindu, 40 percent Muslim, occasional Christian and Adivasi or grandparent patients.
Patients come from households, so households of five or six, which earn less than 5000 Indian rupees per year.
Sorry, but a month or so, 20 percent of the population in this enlarged heart.
They live in slums, and 16 percent of this slum population is below the poverty line.
The clients come by themselves, are brought to the kiosk by concerned family.
Roughly half of the clients have a psychiatric history and are already receiving some form of psychiatric treatment.
In many cases, this treatment is facilitated and continued by Anjali workers.
The roster of illnesses includes paranoid schizophrenia, depression, OCD, bipolar disorder dementia.
Talk therapy at the kiosk addresses symptoms in a compassionate way pills can't.
This is language used by the counsellors fanatic cleanliness.
The symptoms should be recorded in Bengali insomnia, domestic violence, lack of personal hygiene, pyromania and, of course, suicidal thoughts.
There is also counselling for non psychiatrist symptoms, so I want to talk and briefly like you to talk about a very elaborate case study.
A young man comes to the kiosk saying he suffers from crippling, low self-esteem.
He's disoriented, can't take decisions, can't even make eye contact with his interlocutors.
And the reason why this is a deadly problem is he's a traffic policeman, so it's never really an accident waiting to happen that, you know,
his sleeplessness has periodic amnesia and a developing alcohol addiction alongside his inability to make eye contact with people.
He's sort of obviously signalling. He has married a village girl and seems to be fixating on her lack of educational qualifications,
so she actually has secondary education 10 standard exams to her name.
The counsellors suspect he's seeking their approval to carry out an extramarital affair,
so the respond frankly help your wife to come up in life instead of opting for a new woman.
One of them advises the women. Women are not smart phones is an analogy used by one of the women on smartphones, Nokia or Reliance.
So the counsellor says with barely concealed pride and the cunning metaphor which can be swapped or upgraded, the man continues to come to the kiosk.
Despite this reprimand and says in one of his monthly follow ups that he could not have talked to relatives about any of this.
This is ongoing. The treatment sessions are like islands people follow.
They come back again. They often have to be referred to public hospitals, etc.
The John Managed kiosk is also an ambulatory in the sense of the free clinic, but the Freudian free clinic,
in the sense of the counsellors go knocking on doors and armed with introductions and hand builds an offer to discuss mental health problems.
Monnett Gotha is the term they use. Not not to be confused with Modi's Mann Ki Baat.
This is sort of heart to heart would be the most accurate, if not literal translation in the process at the doorsteps, then counter paedophilia.
Marital rape addiction depression isn't leading to loss of function,
and they make notes on the families that are particularly afflicted and follow up.
Why should I talk to you? Someone asked Monica. Because I will listen with full attention, she replied readily.
The wives are more responsive to these home visits. They observe the home visits and word of mouth work.
They walk as excellent publicity for the kiosk,
where there are two counsellors for each patient 30 to 40 minute sessions and four to five sittings a month for six to eight months.
Counselling helps our patients express pain, resolve dilemmas, diffuse family and mental pressures, and get clarity.
We work hard to make sure it is not branded as Pagal ID cards.
The treatment of madness, but is instead an opportunity for those oppressed by silence to talk, says one of the counsellors.
I'm going to conclude, I mean, I'm not trying to.
This book is not about psychoanalysis in an international frame.
I think it's naive and futile to agitate for a more equitable distribution of Freudian
psychoanalysis when the discipline itself is has fallen into disuse in India.
It is, however, not naive and futile to urgently question the prejudice that the poor may not have emotional
resources to sustain deep analytic work or the prejudice which I see in a lot of these,
you know, sort of like GPL guys, you know, poverty action lab guys,
the chronic poor need immediate relief and contributions, not psychotherapeutic assistance.
As Professor Honey Oberoi Vallely, a psychoanalyst who runs a free clinic at Ambedkar University,
says and she's echoing from Friday here without knowing it.
Rather, unlike psychiatry, where the illness metaphor can ruin psychoanalysis can enable us to work with the patients, not just on them.
So my scholarship urges that we democratise not just the curative function of psychoanalysis,
but its epistemological one, which involves the cultivation of complex temporality and psychic depths.
It also cautions that our inability or unwillingness to recognise the psychic life of
poverty would be responsible for the denial of legitimate community to poor populations.
Thank you.