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Thank you, Faisal, thank you for inviting me to this, thank you to Pamela and also and really enjoyed last yesterday.

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I don't know how much of my publication in four has actually got into the booklet that you have.

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So just wanted to say this is from a book I'm finishing. It's called Unseen City, the psychic life of Poverty in Mumbai, London and New York,

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and my interest in psychoanalysis goes back to like studies to my doctoral dissertation

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where I wrote about the history of hysteria in Victorian literature and culture.

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And I kind of, you know, just kind of like you really ran away from it in between.

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I wrote a book in 2014 which had not a line of psychoanalysis in it.

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And this book is kind of, in a way, trying to figure out why I ran away from psychoanalysis and what would kind of, in a way, make me stay.

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So this is kind of this is it. I'll read from a paper just in the interest of time.

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Otherwise I'll really go over. You know, when you're finishing a book, this is kind of really trying to you 100000 words in 20 minutes.

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So, yes. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, first published in Portuguese in 1968,

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the Brazilian educationist frame rate turns his attention to what he calls the culture of silence of the dispossessed in the years immediately before,

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Freddy, who is professor of history and philosophy of education at the University of Helsinki,

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had conducted his early experiments with the teaching of illiterate populations,

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an initiative that was considered so radical that he was imprisoned for 70 days after the military coup of 1964.

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So Freddy left for Chile soon after his release, working with UNESCO's and the Chilean Institute of Agrarian Reform and Pedagogy of the

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Oppressed was published during his this time this decade long exile from Brazil for free.

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The world is not a given reality, but a problem to be worked on.

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The human inhabitants of this world have the ontological vocation, he says, to be a subject.

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Education can either be coercive, forcing younger generations to conform to the status quo,

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or it can be the practise of freedom, fostering creativity, criticality and liberation.

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Archaeological definitions of humanisation must take into account what Frey records ontological possibility and the

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historical reality of dehumanisation and dehumanisation concerns not only those whose humanity has been stolen or stunted,

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but also the perpetrators guilty of what Frederick calls the distortion of the vocation of becoming fully human.

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It is dehumanisation which leads the oppressed to struggle for the emancipation of labour.

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But Freddy sort of, you know, warns against, you know, pressers the oppressed, becoming oppressors of oppressors.

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He warns also, and this is again a point about benign paternalism I brought up in my response to Qoo10 Man's talk yesterday.

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He warns also against four acts of charity. You know, he sees that can they can.

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They can, they can tap into false charity.

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So this an interesting quote from the book True generosity lies in striving so that these hands, whether of individuals or entire people's,

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need to be extended less and less in supplication, and so that more and more they become human hands, which work and working transform the world.

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So there are two sort of, you know, insights that I take away from this study that the lesson an apprenticeship for true generosity

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must come from the oppressed themselves and that the oppressed will not gain this by chance,

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but through the praxis of their quest for it. So Fred, is you.

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Pedagogy of the oppressed is a pedagogy that is forged with not for the oppressed.

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The problem, however, is this and really puts those himself.

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How can the oppressed as divided inauthentic beings participate in developing the pedagogy of their liberation?

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So, you know, how can the depersonalised the colonised the subjugated race, whom Albert said,

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you know, had characterised as bearing the mark of the plural, then have a singular?

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How can how can these people inaugurate libertarian praxis?

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How are the masses to reinstate individual rights and collective freedom, all the while restoring the oppressors humanity?

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So the times that Fraidy invokes in this context are critical and liberating dialogue reflective participation of the oppressed.

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He insists that this is not merely armchair revolution, but a call to action, one which has trust in the oppressed and in their ability to reason.

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Revolutionary leadership mobilised within and across class lines must be dialogic, he says, and quote intentional.

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Save for Friday, political action is pedagogical.

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My current book ventures another modality the psychoanalytical I mean, I must warn that it begins with psychoanalysis,

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but where I end is like, really, you know, talking shop, but talking the talking cure, it's not really psychoanalysis anymore.

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So this kind of emancipatory action, not for but with the oppressed.

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When we think of psychoanalysis, however, in the race of in the context of race and class, we are likely to be staggered by the lack of intersection.

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We are likely to be staggered by the lack of committed involvement and other sort of human freedom.

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I'm sorry, I'm really encouraged into quoting Friday because you essentially said, you know, one of his heroes was Freddie and Fannie on it, as I did.

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I really found so many of these relevant to my dog today.

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So valorise in processes of sovereignty and liberal democracy in the West, Freud himself had written in civilisation and its discontents,

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as published in 1930, that in an individual of neurosis, we take as our starting point.

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The contrast that distinguishes the patient from his environment,

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which is assumed to be normal for a group all of whose members are affected by one and the same disorder.

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So let's say poverty, let's say colonisation. No such background could exist.

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So this doesn't give give rise to the sort of normal logical claim that the primitive or the socially objected do not have an unconscious,

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the other unconscious. In fact, Freud says the content of the unconscious is very controversial.

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Statement can be compared with an Aboriginal population of the mind.

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So the preferred preferred trajectory of individuation, as we call it in psychoanalysis,

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is from group to self, a Salford that is based on the exclusion of the group.

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And Dark Continents study of the colonial genealogy of psychoanalysis,

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Ranjana Nakano has outlined Freud's use of what she calls the evolutionary progressive model to describe how the anthropological object becomes

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the historical subject in psychoanalysis and psychoanalysis is the symptom and mechanism of the creation of the European sovereign subject.

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She calls it the calm violence of interpolation by which a social contract is formed,

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that both individuals as members of a group at the same time as it confers upon them the culture or civilisation these group entities.

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In an article titled Poverty and Psychoanalysis The Poverty of Psychoanalysis,

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Manasi Kumar points out that there is an abundance of metaphoric appropriations of poverty in psychoanalytic literature.

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So you have poverty of ego, poverty of symptomatology, poverty of experience,

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the psychological poverty of groups of very famous quote from civilisation and discontents,

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voluntary poverty, disease and Freud's concept, the psychological poverty of philosophy.

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So these are reflexive figuration, the distance, the real thing.

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And, of course, imply that to be poor is to have an impoverished inner life.

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Kumar, however, does not mention Freud's technique papers where he, especially his father, recommendation on the technique of psychoanalysis,

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where he frets on the investment of time and money in therapy,

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and the impossibility of delivering what he calls a short, convenient outpatient treatment for obsessional neurosis.

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Arguing against gratuitous treatments, you know, a therapy session,

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Freud says in an is an investment of time equivalent of a seventh or eighth part of the psychoanalysts monthly stint,

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Freud's let slip so he's against free treatment. But he let slip that he had offered free psychoanalysis as an experiment,

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only to realise that removing the transactional and regulatory element vastly increased instead of alleviating the neurotic resistances.

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Kumar also does not touch on the free clinic phenomenon, which is kind of the starting point of my.

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Project. So two months before the armistice at the 5th International Congress of Psychoanalysis in Budapest,

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Sigmund Freud famously declared that the poor man should have just as much right to

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assistance for his mind as he now has to the life saving help offered by surgery.

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There necessary aim to be a de facto science Freud's clinical practise embraced

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the social democratic ideology of post-World War One Vienna between 1918 and 1938.

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His pronouncements on free clinics helped create a dozen of cooperative mental health clinics from Zagreb to London.

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I was very feel very fortunate that I've been able to work at some of these for this book.

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There were free clinics, literally and metaphorically a and done two states.

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The freed people of their destructive neuroses. And like the municipal schools and universities of Europe, they were free of charge.

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I mean, I really have to sort of rush through this bit because I want to show you my casework.

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But just like. Sorry, just this bit.

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The free clinics and kind of sick Europe, you know, what did the free clinic do to not just free treatment,

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but connecting psychoanalysis with public health, clinical research, free outpatient clinics and a voluntary free fee structure?

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So not just low fee, but a sliding fee, which is much more sustainable.

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A voucher system, you're afraid, very bloody minded thinker.

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He's too busy, but he has a voucher system where he can actually say that this person can actually,

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you know, sort of see you on my behalf and I'll reimburse a colleague. Question of gender, sex and sexuality So they became very, very interesting.

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Research centres for women's health and children's health, social welfare, you know, pioneering work in the field of child and adolescent development.

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I am going to kind of like maybe linger there and then come back to come back to it.

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So. In the sorry yes, and the frequent phenomenon did not last long.

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Very short lived. In 1933, Freud's books were banned in Berlin, and the frequent phenomenon ended when,

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on March 12, 1938, thousands of men to German troops marched the Nazi flag into Vienna.

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So in the chapter from which it was drawn,

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I examined the evolution of psychoanalysis in India as accidentally coinciding with the free clinic movement.

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And just want to kind of like you've already mentioned, getting the Chicago Bulls just wanted to kind of mention the founding of Lumbini Park,

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the image you first saw of the Bengali bubble receiving therapy. It's actually from the 1940s units in Lumbini Park.

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Just dwell on this slide a little bit similarities between Lumbini Park and the free clinic model,

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so equal emphasis on scientific and humanitarian work. The founders aspired to build a teaching and research centre.

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Plans included the foundation of a child guidance centre, is a non-profit organisation as well, with a voluntary fee.

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And this is the extraordinary thing about the Ngobeni Park and the free clinic model that they're non synchronous in some ways,

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not adjacent cultures that just the dates overlap.

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But there was no correspondence between both who was very, very instrumental in this or kind of, you know,

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the the kind of Indian Socratic that the newly minted Indian psychiatric society, the other kind of, you know,

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very interesting thing about Liberty Park is that at a time when thousands of psychotics lived behind prison bars,

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the stigmatising word lunacy persisted and Liberty Park offered a systematic psychological as well as physical appraisal of each individual case.

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In my chapter, I kind of go through these unintentional but rather sort of uncanny similarities.

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And I kind of move up to kind of present times.

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As you know, several people have mentioned, psychoanalysis is in disrepute in India.

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You know, psychiatry, you know, 70 percent of psychiatrists work in the private sector.

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The 2010 study of Michelle by Mr. Girish Word states that there are 3500 psychiatrists in the country to its 600 clinical psychologists.

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The number of psychoanalysts has dwindled to 31.

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And so in the context of this, I examine a free or low fee initiatives which offer psychologically informed psychotherapy to poor populations.

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So before I share my case studies, I want to kind of like mention some of the hurdles.

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You know, that I have faced some of the sort of not so I'm trying to work through. The first has to do with the cost of psychoanalysis.

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As I mentioned before, the payment for treatment is very crucial to the transference, relation and psychoanalysis.

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The transparencies, as at once,

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both the obstacle to the talking cure and the means of walking through that is a way of cordoning off the tendency to repeat,

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to act out and to run it through the transfer circuit. Through the payment of a fee.

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The libidinal economy of the psychoanalytic dyad is set in play, the ANALIZZATO becoming bonded to the analyst connected,

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but also invested in a kind of imaginative and financial speculation.

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The concept of free clinics, therefore, is not free of contradiction.

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The transference as Michel Foucault, one of psychoanalysis, is most, you know, a critical reader's has not,

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as is precisely what differentiates psychoanalysis from the ethnological science.

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It drew from. It's difficult to sort of let go of it with the payment with with the sort of, you know, entry exemption of of payment.

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The second thing the second hurdle is this question is there a connexion between poverty and mental illness?

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Can a study of mental illness in poor populations contribute to a fuller understanding of urban poverty?

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The third very critical one is how cross-culturally applicable is psychoanalysis cannot cope with race and cultural

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difference cannot cope with this disparate paradigms of individual and collective trauma and individuation in extremists.

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Psychoanalysis is culturally specific, as we know, traceable not to the beginning of time, but to the end of the 19th century.

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And and, you know, the wonderful work by Nicholas Rose, who says that interiority that is the sort of stock in trade of psychoanalysis is,

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of course, an inside formed by discourses outside the human being.

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Rose says is not an immutable entity, but a latitude and longitude at which different vectors of different speeds intersect.

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However, Rose says in the same breath that psychoanalysis is very valuable for its refusal to

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celebrate the sovereignty of the autonomous and self-identified subject of self-realisation.

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So one of the questions I have is that if we can prove that psychoanalysis is a sort of a non-political discourse,

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can it be mobilised to articulate what Emily APTA, in a different context, calls a dispossessing of collectivism?

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Can it kind of in a form, a kind of psychotherapeutic public defined by non-proprietary models of language and identity?

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I'm now going to take you to South Bangalore. Yes.

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So these are these are some of my curse words because, you know, this is, as I said, it's kind of like almost a decade long project.

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I have too much. A lot of it is still unprocessed. But I thought I would illustrate some of my points through the case studies.

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So this is the sum of Hanaa Counselling Centre in the book,

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I kind of write also about the trajectories I've had to kind of in a way carry out to reach these centres.

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The formidable Chandrashekhar, a.k.a. CRC,

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who was described by some Nieman psychiatrist as the rock star of psychiatry and who in his heyday is treated up to 50 patients a day,

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is deeply invested in two causes, raising social awareness around mental health and furthering mental health education.

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That's the first one, and the second is counteracting the commodification of mental illness in the lucrative pharmacotherapy Chandrashekhar,

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who was a psychiatrist at an enhanced for 44 years, retiring in 2013.

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As time has tirelessly translated his vast medical experience in one of India's foremost public sector mental hospitals into public lectures,

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public education initiatives, ambulatory care and villages, and finally,

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the rehabilitation centres and free clinics he has set up with his private funds in the city.

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Sorry, this section of the paper is called abbreviation, so he reaches out to 150 villages around Bangalore.

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To those people, he says, who doesn't? Who don't have the 50 percent less than you can offer?

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One cent 50, I guess, bus fare to the city and has published over 100 popular books on psychiatry,

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some of which have been translated from the original camera to Urdu, English and Gujarat.

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He receives letters from patients in Karnataka and the adjoining states, describing various mental problems every day.

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So far, I have replied to more than 40000 letters, she tells me.

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It was an interest in Canada literature that drove CRC to psychiatry, particularly the way in which human behaviour was an atomised, he said.

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In the novels of Triveni and the books of our serum, however, mental health care is not just about delving into the unconscious of individual minds.

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It is also about addressing the psychiatric health of society.

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The 710A Counselling Centre is run by counsellors trained by CRC and a team of psychiatrists and psychologists over 25 to 50 sessions.

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We primarily teach counsellors how to be empathetic. He was really like asking me to train as a counsellor, and it was.

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I really wish I could. So he shows me a hand-drawn diagram that outlines the basic tenets of counselling and thought bubbles

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arranged around the terms of the term as counselling and the and the terms around it are listening,

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understanding, being non-judgmental, being responsive, keeping confidences and finally making a change.

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The counsellors are volunteers, mostly white collar professionals, with two or three languages.

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One of the counsellors I interviewed, Gottfried Prasad, has degrees in clinical psychology and education and volunteers once a week at the centre.

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The counsellors and psychotherapists do not follow any school of treatment as such, and methodology tends to be eclectic.

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I would describe it as supportive psychotherapy, a combination of psychodynamic cognitive,

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behavioural and interpersonal conceptual models and techniques.

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So it's rural and poor populations. The task of the counsellor often begins with removing.

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Ignorance and addressing misconceptions, superstitions and scientific belief around mental illness are the worst offenders,

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and these are all from the sort of, you know, case studies gathered by alignments of planets of the rule, Saturn defects in the horoscope,

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the envious attitude of others spirit possession, blackmagic done by enemies.

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Fears around masturbation intercourse outside marriage.

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Patients at the Santana Counselling Centre start with an initial psychiatric evaluation carried out by CRC,

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and the pathological cases are instantly dispatched to demand, so the nearest government hospital with trained psychiatrists,

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the counsellors decide over the course of the sessions whether the patient requires medicine, therapy or both.

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The device pragmatic, workable and time driven strategies through rapport building,

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we allow the patients to find their own resources got through there, he says.

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Unlike psychoanalysis, the course of treatment is short, sometimes lasting for just two to three sessions and outcome oriented.

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And we can talk about this in Q&A. I obviously don't have time to can go through all of this.

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The goal is the alleviation of symptoms not necessarily helping the patients know themselves or their desires.

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In fact, the word desire did not come up once the centre is designed to look not so much like an analyst chamber or a set of doctor's chambers,

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but a place of active commerce where messages are received, decoded and recorded.

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The hallway is divided into makeshift rooms made by temporary partitions.

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Patient decks and Cuba cubicles. One can probably hear a patient white and cubicle two.

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It is also not uncommon for sessions to be interrupted by CRC or by a member of

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the volunteer group wanting to consult the senior therapists on a matter arising.

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Some of the bonus programme to receive people who are not likely to do one to one therapy.

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The questionnaire you are handed when you step into the portals of the counselling centre is almost

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always filled by family and friends and counsellors said they drew heavily on family background,

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as well as relying on leads and feedback from the family members.

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The most common forms of mental illness they face are depression, anxiety, learning difficulties, neuroses related to family issues,

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pride of place taken by mother and mother in law, daughter in law problems and alcohol addiction.

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The duration of each session is 30 minutes. Counsellors try to understand the nature of the problem.

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Is it guilt? Does it loss? Is it anxiety? While also addressing immediate physical manifestations such as sleep deprivation, loss of appetite.

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Low self-esteem? We don't go to childhood experiences because there is no time that you devises.

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The case records of some of the counselling centre as reproduced in kiosks, many do it yourself.

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Counselling books seem too good to be true, and I'm talking about hundreds of these in my book.

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There is 40 something Mrs. Pratibha who has for 18 long years suffered from incontinence when under stress,

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the stresses stresses seem at first to be money related. So job loss, debt, the fear of financial ignominy.

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The the problem first started at age at age 14, when she both enjoyed and feared a physical relationship with a male classmate.

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The counsellor in charge of this case adopts three key strategies enjoins the patient to treat the urinary problem as psychosomatic.

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In this case, it means it's treatable through therapy, working at removing guilt around adolescent sexuality.

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And recommending practical, commonsense measures, and this is something I've seen across the board in Indian free clinics,

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common sense measures such as consuming less fluids before adjourning or informing colleagues and her boss about her medical condition.

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The five counselling sessions are supplemented with a consultation with ICRC.

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We are told that he prescribe medications to take for some time and instructed them Pratibha and her husband,

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who has attended all the sessions to come for weekly follow up sessions to report on progress.

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Three months after the sixth session, Pratibha is rid of the problem altogether,

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now she now she comes to now once in two months just to recharge herself.

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She stopped taking medicines and the problem has not recurred. The case record states have one more case study.

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I won't read it now. If you want, I can discuss it during the Q&A.

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I mean, I was sort of sceptical when you know, every case study sort of ended very brightly, and I kind of concluded that they lacked transparency,

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especially in delineating the role played by pharmacotherapy or psychotherapy or both,

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especially when, you know the delivery of these was integrated in the course of a given treatment.

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So while CAC had oversight when it came to counsellors, his own medical practise was not monitored,

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and the counsellors say rightly that the centre has 100 percent success rate.

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Their urge to reintegrate people with psychosocial disabilities back to the society is admirable.

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But in the absence of follow up exercises, the claim seems dubious.

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So finally, you know, the sort of, you know, the methodology of counsellors is too eclectic and too ad hoc to set solid precedents.

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So, you know, Seattle and difficult is the sort of engine room of some and his other sort of, you know, free clinics such as Prasanna.

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But it's very difficult to imagine the centres running at all without or after him.

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I remembered after, I'd say, talk about two sort of unique case studies in detail in this chapter.

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I remembered afterwards that the two female patients I dwell on in this chapter had both insisted on absolute confidentiality.

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There were middle class women struggling to make ends meet, and while none of them were sort of, you know, troubled by hunger,

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inequality or the wide gap between financial predicament and the prevailing standards of necessities that we associate with acute poverty,

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this too, you know, would be a definition of a free clinic.

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I'd have to acknowledge that a free clinic is a safe haven where women could,

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under the cover of anonymity and immune from social discrimination or moral sense,

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should be allowed to be allowed to talk freely and be hard and liberate themselves from obsessional neuroses.

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I will move on to Kolkata to kind of a case study from Calcutta in Kolkata for years, I've worked with Anjali,

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which is a mental health rights NGO whose aim is to establish a mental health and mental illness within the mainstream health paradigm in India.

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So Anjali works with three public sector mental hospitals in West Bengal.

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Pavlov's Lumbini Lumbini comes back again and Balrampur and the aims of the Anjali intervention are as

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follows full rehabilitation of psychiatric patients to family and society after the course of treatment.

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Removing stigma around psychosocial disability by encouraging encouraging civic participation in this rehabilitation.

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Upholding the human rights of each patient by enlisting their participation and consent and decisions impacting their lives.

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So I want to kind of talk a little bit about my collaboration with John Romano. It's an Angeles community mental health initiative.

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Gentlemen, these are John Manoush, which concerns the training of Lay Counsellors, the very foundation foundation of the free clinic edifice.

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So in 2016, I attended a skills training sessions and such as like something like the team building workshop.

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They also have that focussed on personal growth and domestic violence.

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All six women drawn from poor households had experienced brutalising experiences of physical or psychological torture within the nuclear family.

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In half of the cases, the violence was endemic, the perpetrator still in an intimate relationship with the victim.

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And while the latter had coping mechanisms in place, there was clear evidence of residual rage and guilt and unresolved trauma.

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So the participants were eloquent and presented and consolidated insights.

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Common features and causes of domestic violence were recognised, and its debilitating physical and psychological impact dwelt on.

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The facilitator then offered ways in which, through introspection and esteem,

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building the difficult task of regeneration and self-empowerment could begin.

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So the participants of this workshop, all seven of them run the general manager programme.

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The five of them here. John Romano, roughly translated as the psyche of the people,

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strategically uses the city's extend municipal corporation system to train volunteers and barefoot researchers in therapeutic techniques.

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So this is, you know what Sudhir Kakar called the analyst does the vulnerable expert.

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The aim is to again disregard the stigmatised, institutionalised mental health and make it accessible to last mile communities.

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At the Roger, Larger had global poor kiosks, so this is the kiosk that I shadowed.

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Initiated by Anjali in 2007, the all woman team of counsellors engage with the local population in the form of dialogue and counselling,

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door-to-door leafleting, home visits, etc. The General Manager Programme believes that for a psychic capability to be secured,

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this kind of talk therapy has to play a role alongside sort of general policies in the area of social and economic entitlements.

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The seven lay counsellors all related their commitment to mental health as a striving for social equality,

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both for their adolescence and for themselves. One of them reminded me that this social work was not a hobby,

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but a livelihood and mobility story that lifted them from violent, deprived, precarious living conditions.

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It made them feel valued where they had felt valueless before Mulherin came Moldovan for India.

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That's the sort of Bengali phrase they used.

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And detailed sort of interviews I conducted with them all, the counsellors recounted painful, poverty stricken childhoods.

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So Monica and this is Monica, she won a sort of Presidents Award Woman Exemplar programme when it comes to gender.

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Monica mentioned 17 years of trauma in her sort of early life.

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So domestic violence, a lack of educational opportunities, dead-end, low paying jobs.

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They said that this dominant in culture, this quotidian struggle made them the caregivers they were.

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They call themselves 40 Cherbourg, which just kind of I guess the closest translation is caregivers.

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Rajan Heart, where they work, is a struggling suburb of Calcutta.

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The political turmoil in Bengal has meant that when the region had global poor municipality was dissolved.

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The threadbare resources of this, you know, seven percent kiosk solved all the mental health support in the neighbourhood.

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With the dissolving of the municipality and escalating a political conflict,

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the kiosk had to eventually shut down for a brief period when there was a murder at the doorstep.

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The clientele is 60 percent Hindu, 40 percent Muslim, occasional Christian and Adivasi or grandparent patients.

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Patients come from households, so households of five or six, which earn less than 5000 Indian rupees per year.

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Sorry, but a month or so, 20 percent of the population in this enlarged heart.

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They live in slums, and 16 percent of this slum population is below the poverty line.

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The clients come by themselves, are brought to the kiosk by concerned family.

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Roughly half of the clients have a psychiatric history and are already receiving some form of psychiatric treatment.

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In many cases, this treatment is facilitated and continued by Anjali workers.

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The roster of illnesses includes paranoid schizophrenia, depression, OCD, bipolar disorder dementia.

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Talk therapy at the kiosk addresses symptoms in a compassionate way pills can't.

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This is language used by the counsellors fanatic cleanliness.

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The symptoms should be recorded in Bengali insomnia, domestic violence, lack of personal hygiene, pyromania and, of course, suicidal thoughts.

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There is also counselling for non psychiatrist symptoms, so I want to talk and briefly like you to talk about a very elaborate case study.

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A young man comes to the kiosk saying he suffers from crippling, low self-esteem.

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He's disoriented, can't take decisions, can't even make eye contact with his interlocutors.

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And the reason why this is a deadly problem is he's a traffic policeman, so it's never really an accident waiting to happen that, you know,

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his sleeplessness has periodic amnesia and a developing alcohol addiction alongside his inability to make eye contact with people.

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He's sort of obviously signalling. He has married a village girl and seems to be fixating on her lack of educational qualifications,

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so she actually has secondary education 10 standard exams to her name.

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The counsellors suspect he's seeking their approval to carry out an extramarital affair,

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so the respond frankly help your wife to come up in life instead of opting for a new woman.

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One of them advises the women. Women are not smart phones is an analogy used by one of the women on smartphones, Nokia or Reliance.

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So the counsellor says with barely concealed pride and the cunning metaphor which can be swapped or upgraded, the man continues to come to the kiosk.

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Despite this reprimand and says in one of his monthly follow ups that he could not have talked to relatives about any of this.

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This is ongoing. The treatment sessions are like islands people follow.

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They come back again. They often have to be referred to public hospitals, etc.

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The John Managed kiosk is also an ambulatory in the sense of the free clinic, but the Freudian free clinic,

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in the sense of the counsellors go knocking on doors and armed with introductions and hand builds an offer to discuss mental health problems.

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Monnett Gotha is the term they use. Not not to be confused with Modi's Mann Ki Baat.

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This is sort of heart to heart would be the most accurate, if not literal translation in the process at the doorsteps, then counter paedophilia.

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Marital rape addiction depression isn't leading to loss of function,

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and they make notes on the families that are particularly afflicted and follow up.

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Why should I talk to you? Someone asked Monica. Because I will listen with full attention, she replied readily.

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The wives are more responsive to these home visits. They observe the home visits and word of mouth work.

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They walk as excellent publicity for the kiosk,

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where there are two counsellors for each patient 30 to 40 minute sessions and four to five sittings a month for six to eight months.

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Counselling helps our patients express pain, resolve dilemmas, diffuse family and mental pressures, and get clarity.

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We work hard to make sure it is not branded as Pagal ID cards.

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The treatment of madness, but is instead an opportunity for those oppressed by silence to talk, says one of the counsellors.

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I'm going to conclude, I mean, I'm not trying to.

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This book is not about psychoanalysis in an international frame.

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I think it's naive and futile to agitate for a more equitable distribution of Freudian

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psychoanalysis when the discipline itself is has fallen into disuse in India.

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It is, however, not naive and futile to urgently question the prejudice that the poor may not have emotional

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resources to sustain deep analytic work or the prejudice which I see in a lot of these,

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you know, sort of like GPL guys, you know, poverty action lab guys,

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the chronic poor need immediate relief and contributions, not psychotherapeutic assistance.

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As Professor Honey Oberoi Vallely, a psychoanalyst who runs a free clinic at Ambedkar University,

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says and she's echoing from Friday here without knowing it.

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Rather, unlike psychiatry, where the illness metaphor can ruin psychoanalysis can enable us to work with the patients, not just on them.

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So my scholarship urges that we democratise not just the curative function of psychoanalysis,

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but its epistemological one, which involves the cultivation of complex temporality and psychic depths.

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It also cautions that our inability or unwillingness to recognise the psychic life of

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poverty would be responsible for the denial of legitimate community to poor populations.

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Thank you.