So hopefully everyone can see that. Well, thank you so much. A part of the seminar series.
And I showed up a few of them last term, my my timetable and 14 of them was a bit packed on Monday.
But yeah,
it's a real pleasure to be with such great company and of some fantastic talks last term and by looks at some fantastic talks this time as well.
Bonnie, and thank you, everyone for coming. It's a real pleasure to be talking about this topic, which, you know,
in recent weeks seems to have become at least in the Twittersphere, a sort of bone of contention again in recent weeks.
So maybe should shed some light on aspects of that, that controversy.
Before we get to the sort of paper proper, I think I should outline some of the background to this,
this talk and this paper and how it came to work on Savarkar because it wasn't planned per se, it was kind of a small side project.
And basically, my my book, which which will be mentioned, dealt with liberalism specifically that the minority's liberalism in the Ph.D. thesis.
But as I came to convert that to a book, I started to think a bit more about Republican iterations of political economy,
which the thesis had kind of, I think, indirectly dealt with, but maybe not spelled out.
Whereas the book the book does, and I'm sort of arguing that's part of the radical aspect of his thought.
Aside from the liberalism and I started to think about republicanism, sovereignty,
popular sovereignty in particular in other avenues of Indian political thought,
and was invited when I was a teaching fellow at Edinburgh to give a talk at what was then called the Centre for Modern History and Violence.
I think violence in modern history, which has now become a centre for modern and contemporary history.
And I said to you, Well, look, I work on liberalism says not that much violence kind of involved.
So I then kind of tried to work up something about Subiaco,
which was actually dealing with his first major publication of the Indian War of Independence and
how revolutionary violence had a role in his kind of iteration of popular sovereignty at that time,
which which wasn't yet of the kind of kind of the stages of making distinct distinctions between political Hinduism and Islam.
So that ended up eventually being published in modern intellectual history.
The article deals with the personal ism of sovereignty and the figure of the hero and how you know
you've got a very sort of social form of sovereignty that doesn't actually require the state,
doesn't require political concord per say to work.
And then I started to think about, well, look, if that is, if that is what I make of that 1999 work,
the Indian War of Independence, in which sovereignty is talked about a lot in which glory is talked about.
A lot, you know, the glory of violence and how that can be used to construct a type of sort of political consciousness and a popular psychology.
Does that kind of feed forward into some workers later works as well and does it in some way sequence the relationship between Hindus and Muslims,
even if it's in a slightly modified form.
So these these concepts might change as some of his own political thinking is changing towards towards Muslims.
So that was really the kind of the driver behind this paper, and hopefully it will find its way into an article form soon.
I should say I'm not. I'm not sort of planning on writing a book on cybercrime, so this will probably be the end of my my dealing with him.
He may find his way into a second book that that deals more broadly with Indian right wing thought,
but I'm not doing another intellectual biography on an individual.
And so I guess this is this paper is kind of my take on on how Hindu nationalism arises,
the kind of context in which it develops, particularly across time in the jail,
which has been dealt with, I think, by scholars in a kind of, you know, he clearly exhibits Islamophobic tendencies in his description and so on,
but hasn't been dealt with in the context of putting it into dialogue with his other works and also explain the fact that this 1927 account,
My Transportation for life, is not just a memoir of his time in prison,
it's probably another form of history writing which which most of the rest of his writing is that seeks to put himself into Hindutva as a history.
So we shouldn't really just take it at face value. It is to me anyway.
A deeply political text and a deeply stylised text said I wanted to see, you know, how that text stood up against essentials of Hindutva in 1923.
Six glorious epochs Hindu Rashtra Darshan. All those works are subsequently published.
So, yes, those are some of those those lingering questions that that sort of make up this paper, there's another kind of, you know,
comedian point in the paper as well, I suppose,
where one subject is kind of under house arrest in McGarry from the 1920s up to his final release in 1937.
What in the Indian context is further shifting his political thinking towards a more hardline attitude towards the Muslim minority in India?
So are there further changes within this kind of intellectual genealogy that maybe certainly the works I've read have not fully captured,
in my view yet? I'm not going to dwell on the European tradition in this talk too much,
but it is an interesting thing to to think about if we're thinking in terms of glory as this continuous theme that runs through some workers work.
How does it stack up against a particular European tradition, particularly the comes from the early, modern and modern world?
So we know. We know Subiaco was so so we can you still see me, my webcam seems to have disappeared.
Yes, yes. Oh, good. Sorry. My laptop's just being nerves, are we?
So we know that the worker had a copy or read copies of Russo's work in his time in jail.
Through that, it's, you know, it's not impossible to to assume that he may have also talked about read about hopes of
Machiavelli insofar as it deals with them when he's talking about a more proper or self-love.
And in the European tradition, these are very, you know, they're hedged kind of concepts that Machiavelli certainly deals with as a virtue.
It's it's kind of inheritance in the classical world. But he still thinks the glory should be, as we know, expressed through the prince,
primarily that when kind of individuals or sections within a state seek glory for themselves, that has the potential, at least to unsettle the polity.
So you've got a kind of quantified form of virtue there. Hobbs actually takes a different line.
Yes, he refers to the Leviathan as the king of the crowd that they're supposed to be an extent to which the sovereign
keeps a lid on this type of pride of glory seeking in order to allow political concord to to continue.
And Rousseau, as we know it doesn't totally bash self love, but thinks in a commercial society that it needs to be directed in meaningful,
socially productive ways, primarily through education and so on.
So throughout this entire European tradition, you've got, you know,
some suspicion at varying levels of what glory and pride should be doing in any kind of political society.
I won't kind of pull the cat out of the bag at this stage because the paper lays it out.
But you know what I'm trying to say here, to some extent, is that some architects are much, much more kind of absolutist idea to glory.
I mean, he thinks it is just an absolute virtue and absolute goods.
It, to some extent, just needs to be unleashed in a very passionate form and unleashed socially.
There's no real kind of goal of the state in his understanding of how how glory ought to function.
And I want to suggest that this is a really key part of how he sequences the
relationship between Hindus and Muslims pretty much after the publication of in 1923,
right down to his his death. And these are the primary works I'll be I'll be dealing with so sensitive in 2019 23, a small aspect of his poetry,
which was penned while he was in prison and then some of these ones that emerged as he was under house arrest, a Hindu in the empire.
My Transportation for Life, which is he's presented as his reminiscences of prison life,
but which I take to be a political tract, Hindu version and security box, which again, the title is a bit of a giveaway that.
So sentenced in February 1911, Sephora.ca was was shuttled between yet another central jail in Puna and the Don Green Byculla Anthony jails in
Bombay before finally being transported to the Cellular Cellular Jail on the Andaman Islands on the 4th of July.
Sarkar observed his fellow inmates at these intermediary jails before he gets to the underpants and describes in my transportation how he
conceptualised the parameters under which individuals from disparate Hindu castes and communities might recognise each other as equals.
I suggest that in these colourful accounts, he proposed transforming identities preoccupied with gradations of religious and social purity by
encouraging his co-religionists to collectively embrace and demystify bodily and behavioural taboos.
And by colour, Anthony Sabara was interned with everyday law breakers and not necessarily political prisoners such as himself.
He noted that social barriers between these criminals were unconsciously overcome in moments when prisoners opened,
quote, overstepped the bounds of decency,
end quote and lost themselves in excess in order to better cope with a better life, the imprisonment had reduced them to.
Poignantly, a pointedly referring to the linguistic diversity, several notes how those prisoners hailing from Zind,
Gujarat and the Konkan coast quote scarcely understood and quote what the other said, much less what they felt.
In spite of this, the impulsive and effective act of revelling in open quote, the obscene form,
the common bond between them all and quite Subiaco identified this process as creating, in his words, a social union and a national language.
He observed that the prison gangs that form through this affective exuberance tacitly develop ritualistic forms of gift-giving to maintain solidarity.
For example, by using tobacco as currency, prisoners enforced common values and duties that did not require verbalisation or conscious consent.
This, in his words, outrageous multitude was united by again quote great instincts and sensual appetites.
These gangs functioned to us as interest groups,
and the salako notes were able to force concessions from the prison authorities through the weight of their unity.
After this on board, the statement to the Andaman islands, several Modi events witnessed on the mainland,
James bulking at his instinctive Brahmin revulsion to intercourse living.
He realised the reason compelled him not to feel shame in sharing social space with 50 others from,
in his words, the dirtiest class of the Indian population. Separately, even castigates himself in my transportation and by implication,
his Hindu readership for not realising such spaces forced a re-evaluation of quote, self conceit, superiority and separateness from the rest.
He recommended the strategic adoption of shamelessness in socially mixed spaces as an antidote to Hindu disunity,
but also regarded it as a shield against potential external humiliation.
To take one example, in the end, women's groups of prisoners were forced to bathe naked or covered by a pretty threadbare loincloth.
When the superintendents of the jail were usually observing them and often superintendents of the endemic jails,
as we know, were taken from some of the Muslim inmates.
Sabra proclaimed that the murderers superintendents usually delighted in the humiliation of other prisoners,
but they found a thoroughly shameless, in his words, nude father, whom they found difficult to humiliate.
As my transportation develops, it becomes clear that submarket regards Muslims as the only cohort in the cellular jail,
demonstrating any form of group solidarity.
In noticing this, he place great stock in the qualities of collective valour and goal oriented duty epitomised by the Indian dacoit, the Oct Bandit.
Recasting his acquisitive violence and criminality as a misdirected political virtue, Subiaco reflects on one of the Muslim wardens, Anthony himself,
a self-confessed dacoits who re-evaluated his own attitude towards Sephora.ca,
put upon learning of the letters, and we can take this with a pinch of salt.
Quote daring and valour and helped him to smuggle letters out of the prison to support his brother on the mainland.
Brags about how he lectured the commander on the selfishness and banditry on selfishness and banditry,
while simultaneously drawing attention to the fact that it was a shared appreciation
of their courage and glorious violence that seemed to engender this mutual respect.
However, the subject goes on to identify the passionate excess of Muslim politics with praiseworthy courage and glory.
He also notes that it was motivated by an innate cruelty that was decoupled from any well-reasoned political objective.
Salako further illustrated this with the example of his indie Muslim quote, super super dacoit end quote,
who used his favoured position amongst the Muslim inmates to curry favour with the prison authorities, but also arbitrarily murdered a fellow inmate.
So he claims for being, quote, too intimate with his enemy.
We also then told myself that another Muslim man in the same gang is said to have murdered his sister
when he was not in prison in a frenzy because he discovered her in the company of moral rights.
So I can't bear in mind that several sort of history rights are here and in a part sort of highly stylised history, writes I.
I've taken these claims with that with a pinch of salt, and this might misdirected fierceness,
subacute attributes exclusively to Islam and its allegedly narrow theological priorities.
For several of these priorities, preferred to attain religious glory through conversion and humiliation as he sees it.
And so we're not constrained by any legitimate political interest.
The so-called fanatical purposes of Muslim unity in prison did not stop at courting the British authorities with prison rations,
preferential promotion, but also using namaz as an excuse to avoid their fair share of prison labour.
And then on top of that, he claims that converting them to converting Hindus to Islam,
even though that their political interest in the prison has been met. So he sees essentially a sort of excess and unnecessary.
Some cooked up this two pronged Muslim domination, not as politics proper, but as an illegitimate quote religio political offensive,
returning to the figure of the Muslim dacoit salako described his theological excess over secular political interest,
claiming that the quote Hindu thief is less harmful to Hindu culture than a Mohammed faith because the former will only rob,
but the latter will break the temple. He is robbed, he will break the idol in it and will give a shattering blow to the head of a career end quote,
dubbing the end of the jail and India itself as a quote jail masjid.
Several accused the colonial authorities have been implicated in upholding a biased system that threatened Hindus as fragmented.
Sorry, that treated Hindus as fragmented and showed favouritism to Muslims as a single block.
Complaining to the jail, Superintendent British Superintendent Mr Barry Sopoaga is asked why Hindus do not begin their own
programme of convergence in response and sauerkraut is forced to concede that this was a valid charge.
Several regard it should be a Hindu programme for reconversion as a pragmatic
and secular political riposte in order to contain Muslim theological excess.
He set aside spiritual considerations and readily admitted the proselytising was quote,
a game played by Muslims who openly invited the basic elements of Indian society
into their community when they were quote whether they were quote a wicked man,
a sinner or a drunkard again aware of his largely Hindu audience,
someone who paid lip service to the spiritual commitments and redemption in all religions,
including Hinduism, but quickly turns this on its head to secular arguments about collective glory and self-love as a means to quote social cohesion.
Hindus afflicted by what Suffolk are called self-righteousness turned up their noses at the wretched who had left their faith and in doing so,
had risk the haemorrhaging of a future Hindu progeny to other communities who would now claim Hindu heroes as their own.
And he's very, very, very keen to point out that he's yes, there is a numbers game here.
It is partly about demographics, but it's always the heroes he focuses on.
What happens when a hero is born to a Muslim community that might have been born to a Hindu community if that conversion hasn't happened?
So why? In the wider kind of scope of my reading of subscore,
I'm liking this back to the hero kind of embodying sovereignty that he was even talking about in 1999.
Using examples from Hindu antiquity, Sabah asserted that Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana, was himself a criminal and sinner turned glorious saint,
and the Hindus were forsaking such potential by being indifferent to conversion from their ranks.
And he even makes the same point about overrunning to imagine if everyone exists had been born within a Hindu dynasty rather than an Islamic one.
To remove such thinking in the undamaged jail, several claims that he recruited an aria,
some artist who was a Hindu gunda, a violent criminal trial in order to take Hindu boys under his protection,
intimidate Muslim wardens and achieve parity with the political strength of Muslims through the principle of quote setting a thief to catch a thief.
It was the very nature of his challenging and base existence that by habits in several crosswords, made the good that a tenacious daredevil.
This misdirected courage and will was allegedly lacking amongst Hindus and could easily be turned
to manliness and virtue if heroism was combined with the appropriate political instruction.
In stark contrast to Islam's theological axis,
several group promoted the passionate secular excess as a necessary condition for a cohesive political category to emerge.
And interestingly, he takes the French Revolution the archetypal example of popular sovereignty as an axiomatic example in his writing.
And he even says, look, the revolutionaries and experience the government.
The Jacobins was an absolute disaster. But what he's interested in is what he calls the ecstasy of joy when faced with
the extremes of kind of life of counter-revolution and all this kind of stuff.
And he's, in my view, is making the kind of quite conscious comparison to the common language,
the passions that he's described amongst him, prisoners that he's seen.
And he wants the transmutation of India prisoners in some form of kind of Hindu sovereignty that should be
with secular is clear from several because concluding statements on the movement to his last he remained.
He maintained the proselytising was only necessary because Hinduism notions of spiritual purity
connived with fanatical Muslims to drive millions of low cost Hindus to convert to Islam.
Since modern political categories depended on a visceral sense of common purpose,
stockbroker's justification for reconversion was secular insofar as it was about achieving a parity of social strength,
both in terms of raw numbers, but more importantly, perhaps the raw fellow feeling that underlay general will.
Salako insisted that should he was not a means of antagonism, in his words between Hindus and Muslims,
but a reconfiguration of their political relationship on the basis of, again, in his words, Wright's knowledge and right under right understanding.
So it seems to be a very kind of, you know, responsive move in his understanding of it,
that Muslims act religiously, that fanatically they don't allegedly have political reason.
Hindus must deploy political reason as a sort of response to this.
And he even says, you know, should he would construct in the way he uses bridge between Hindus and Muslims
as distinct in enclosed formations that made parity feasible at this stage?
But seven crore was in no doubt that while Hindus could be political, political Muslims would always be religious or political.
So there's no real capacity in his thinking to convert what he sees as a theocratic Islam in something resembling a secular political category.
As a paradigm for how Hindus were especially suited for secular politics,
soccer would turn to the guitar and its account of Kinsley like Gandhi Suffolk,
who viewed the Geeta as a philosophical rather than narrowly theological document document.
So not not a doctrinal document, one that considered legitimate action for all without making a distinction between religion and non religion.
For Gandhi, as we know, the greatest conversation between Krishna and Arjuna was instructive for desire.
This action only through Gandhi's understanding of hymns hymns as the only thing that allows you really to achieve unattached political behaviour.
Others, as we know, like Tilak, read the data more as a treatise on positive renunciation,
and instead he regarded Kristof's advice as undergirding the historic sites political
subject that was achievable only through violent action against the fraternal enemy.
While the importance of Geeta to till it was was squarely in the realm of the temporal, others, like Aurobindo Ghose,
regarded the battle of Kurukshetra as an arena in which all secular social values essentially broke down.
And as Arjuna is faced with his dilemma,
Ravinder recommends the abandonment of cost to entirely so the man transcends such considerations and lives purely within the divine subacute.
Geeta, on the other hand, offers what what I've dubbed a perspective this conception of social and political truth,
in which political interest and historical context were the final arbiters of appropriate action for several Hindu civilisation,
had an inbuilt dialectic between reason and passion, which was especially suited to forming social aggregates in a changing historical environment.
Chaturvedi has already shown that some workers are justified warfare by ignoring ethics in the pursuit of political Hinduism in this account.
This is permissible since Muslim and British invaders had violated the ethics of war,
and consequently Hindus were entitled to historical currency by recovering their pride and liberty at any cost.
I would suggest that warfare was was one part of summer because engagement with the Quita.
But he also turned to the tax discussion of the tripartite. Sorry, I forgetting to move forward in the slides.
And yet he also turned the text discussion of the tripartite Gooners, or modes or qualities which constituted the personality of each individual.
You can see these qualities on the slide.
The three characteristics were present in different proportions in each individual and actually in principle in all things created by God,
but also varied according to time and place.
Sobaka made no judgement on which quality was more virtuous or more morally righteous, unlike Gandhi, who tended to favour subtopic traits.
Sabotage suggests that the true meaning of the Geetha, unlike Islamic texts, unlike Christian texts, is not in terms of raw numbers,
but it was lies that it was not in total using religious injunctions to virtue and absolute truth,
but the qualities of people as they varied across time and space.
So again, this is a very secular account of what these qualities enable one to to do in terms of analysing society,
but then enable one to create a political movement on the basis of this kind of index.
Only a quote, not absolute unquote absolute passionate social relations defined by the application of human reason
would recapture the gator's essence and its analysis of the quote fine distinction between man and man.
And I think that's really the key quote here about what Suffolk getting out of the goodness collected.
Collectively, The Goonies make made up for the essence of Procreate, the German source of nature that in most accounts,
comes from the divine and the fluidity and contradictions that inherently make any understanding of the logic of nature mystery.
So returning to basic human impulses and bodily processes connotes the patanjali classical.
Your text on the yoga citrus had reflected on the contradiction in being kind of repulsed at your own body, its functions, and so on.
But yet, finding the identical features in another potentially attractive such variance in human feeling was,
in his words, beyond human intelligence to grasp. In the end,
subclause iteration of Procreate demanded that quote If a man wants to live in this world
and quote he required in a historically reflexive three edged weapon as he called it.
And I think that what he's again referring to is the boonies that not only are you
using this to understand the diversity of kind of characteristics in the world,
but you yourself must kind of cultivate each individual one as you encounter an obstacle in real life.
So, you know, if you want to overcome an enemy,
it would stand to reason that the right you say kind of traits are the ones he thinks are the most appropriate.
So as I say, this is not about sort of absolute morality and unchanging truth.
On the contrary, one could, in his words, successfully face these threefold qualities unquote in the various combinations only if the
weapon was oriented towards a particular temporal goal and was adaptable in its pursuit.
If Sarah's diagnosis was the Hindu, political subjectivity in his own time was only possible through passionate glory seeking,
then the Gooner the Hindus needed to cultivate urgently was righteous.
Poetry seems to become an important medium for establishing how the Queen is working in real life as well,
and much like, you know, a lot of his contemporaries like kickball.
And so, you know, I think sulcus is appealing to poetry because he appreciates that reason alone.
Written down and kind of clear prose is not what is going to get to the heart of people's passions.
Not not the sort of thing that's going to make them sequence it in the most appropriate way.
And that again feeds into why he writes history in such a kind of swashbuckling way.
You know, it's a very kind of highly stylised narrative history. So, you know,
he's trying to nudge Hindus into a into a political rather than religious subjectivity with some of these interventions and Indonesian gesture,
we find some collapsing philosophy and poetry into one another in order to rediscover the life affirming dialectic between beauty, passion and truth.
And again, we don't know precisely which of nature's texts has or hasn't read,
but he does make the point of saying that some of nature is in his prison library,
so it stands to reason that he's he's generally acquainted with nature's works.
It was only through the nuance of poetry that Salvatore felt that he could express the conflicting impulses imposed on man by the goodness and profit,
musing upon the natural sciences and the dancing philosophy.
Some of the stress, the tensions between scientific opportunism of his age and Hindu philosophies,
preoccupations with self-loathing coming through positive renunciation of the material world.
Juxtaposed to both of these was the lingering temptation of passionate and desirous collective action,
which Subiaco encountered in quote historical science end quote.
And it was in reading this that he says, you know, the will to power asserted itself with tremendous impact.
So he feels as though he's trapped between this kind of, you know, highly materialistic, highly scientific reading of the world.
And he says in his letters to his brother that he, you know, stands by utilitarianism, as is the thing that really opened his mind to politics.
So, you know, on the one hand, you have that sepulchre. And then on the other hand, you have this character who's, you know,
drawn to a kind of Mazzini and Nietzsche type of self making only in composing poetry, in his words, a highly ornate and emotional style.
Did Salako feel he could resolve these tensions into a template of timely political action?
So alongside history writing, it was poetry that result in subsequent tough words, the conflicting suggestions of the senses,
the emotions and the reasoning Faculty of man and indeed thousands of lines of poetry were penned by him,
allegedly on the walls of his cell in the jail.
These verses, he claims, were committed to heart by a devoted fellow inmate who upon his release relayed them to subclause younger brother in Bombay,
who had the the epic that he penned on the walls, published as commander in 1921 under the pseudonym Virginia Vasey, which means exiled.
So title commander, the poem is a romantic tragedy, which which lyricist is the interactions between four protagonists Kamala,
her husband Mukund, which is also a word for Flaubert and another name for the young Krishna.
His friend Mukul, which is a synonym also meaning Flaubert and Mukhlas field,
say the verses juxtaposed discussions of two types of Raja say passion, the erotic and the vengeful.
The erotic is concerned with the necessary sexual,
sexual and kinship relations required to reproduce the Hindu social unit and is compared with the equally carnal desire for revenge in the poems.
Wider context, which is the battle of Pandit Kemal is depicted as trapped by a sort of biological determinism
as she wanders a garden of flowers basking in their colours of love as speaker calls them.
Subscore adds to this the erotic metaphor by noting the significance of rebirth through through flowers and seeds.
The male characters are presented with the opportunity to contextually navigate their desires through the goodness.
Mukund has taken a vow of celibacy until Mukul has married, but throughout the poem,
Mukul is the mouthpiece of this biological determinism and urges Mukund to attend to his husband duties and carnal desires in order to procreate,
rather than thinking of any wider sort of personal political duty. Beyond that?
Yet this encouragement is not borne of any kind of in the social tradition, in fact, so powerful is the universal sexual impulse.
The speaker even hints that Merkel is seeking to satisfy Kamala in the Garden of Flowers himself, even as he's urging her husband to do so.
The importance of sexual action is not simply that it reduces the group, it reproduces the group,
but that it also propagates the heroes heroes through which can do glory is made possible.
Southern Cross spells this out,
enlisting heroic Hindu warrior kings who fought campaigns against Muslim rulers and were born to a particular epoch to fulfil this glorious destiny.
He even commends depictions of Hindu gods and goddesses having sexual intercourse because every Hindu
parental union in sex is to be praised irrespective of marriage or the fetters of religious injunction.
And so we're again, we're back to this kind of revelling in what what a conservative Hindu viewpoint would maybe view as obscene.
Echoing his description of cohesion through the common vulgarity of the prisoners he talked about earlier,
several shows how common last cuts across social barriers and lays bare the naivete
of religious morality by moving away from the arbitrariness of cost and derma,
which of course we don't have. Gumby takes to be a total inversion of liberalism and the sort of kind of hinted some Freudian slip
Indian political power sephora.ca foregrounds the glory attained through historical self overcoming,
as with his account to resume responsible external subjugation.
In this case, the perceived Islamic yoke in the prison is as much a product of Hinduism psychological defects as it is Muslim religion or politics.
The only political solution is that human desire and interest are completely fulfilled by the application of individual will and self overcoming.
The Gunners allow for this transformation, where Islamic scripture ostensibly does not.
With the prospect of war, however, some accord also uses Commander to explore when it would be appropriate for carnal desire
and so the potential to reproduce the potential to metamorphosis into martial glory.
Here he signals the adaptability and reflectivity of The Goonies when there is a sudden
and static incursion into the bedroom at the point of looking the commander's orgasm.
Also, it seems that to the point of the consummation.
Mukul, the soldier who dressed as a soldier, burst into the bedroom and is determined to answer the call for a call to arms,
even though she is deceased at this point to avenge himself on the Muslim armies in the name of the heroic Shivaji.
At this point, Mukund in line with several close reading of the key to adapt his pursuit of glory to new desires,
new interests and new psychological needs.
Mukund flatly tells Mukul that he can no longer promise to bend commander and stay by her side when the enemies of him were poised to humiliate them.
He rhetorically asks whether he and Mukul were not identical all along and
that one need not make a definitive choice between sex and martial sacrifice.
As Mukul had shown in the garden when he was sort of coming on commando when he shouldn't have been,
one could and should pursue lust and the soldier's duty with equal vigour in order to help safe the sovereign Hindu interest.
So at this point, you know, it's sort of background.
Also, I want to go into too much detail, but my suggestion is that the shifts that happen in kind of British constitutional reform in nationalism,
with things like the communal award of the sort of concrete ization of the Muslim separatist
issue in Indian politics actually causes this this doctrine to become radicalised even further.
So at this stage, we're talking of a certain type of parity Hindu glory seeking in order to overcome humiliation so
that you can achieve some element with what's seen as the glory of a Muslim theological interest,
even if it's not political. After the late 20s and 30s, I think this takes some sort of absolutist turn.
So Saracho is eventually released in the thirties, as we know goes on to become the leader of the Maha Sabha.
And we know within the Maha Saba, Hindutva was adopted as a popular definition of Hindu national self not the only one,
but but was engaged with quite quite widely. So, for instance,
be a smudgy in March A. The prime consideration for them is communal piety through military force such as that was such that Muslim
theological aspirations to sovereignty were contained within a new political concord in which Muslims had to quote and this is Muji writing.
So comport themselves that they may soon come to recognise that it is no longer
paid to attack Hindus wantonly and quite what some workers secular definition of
Hindu politics and reinforced was immunises words that victory alone at any cost
and by any means counts irrespective of truth or general conception of sin.
However, glory as a prerequisite for rekindling self-love seemed to fade from moong and jaywalkers iteration of Hindutva,
so they focus on one aspect of it. They took an integrative view of Hindu civilisation, which actually in some ways is more conservative than Hindu.
Nationalist funding came when she and Rajiv people like that. As a historical given, but lamented its lack of military organisation,
the existing cultural distinctiveness of Hindus and even that sort of virtues were to be applauded.
So you can see why. These figures also do a quite laudatory towards Gandhi of various points and could be
applauded once the shadow of war had kind of passed and the shadow conflicted past.
So in another quote, it's one says well and scientifically cultivated might to punish those who dare disturb your non-violence.
You need to do it in order to actually retain non-violence,
which is the sort of statement I can't imagine making as using non-violence as a kind of absolute form of morality that you are trying to get back to.
Geochronology may have regarded the Congress off alliance as an artificial unity, in their words,
but they had little to add beyond the clamour for military organisation and greater capacity for self-defence.
A more nuanced reading was undertaken by Hindu idealists like nuts, but right and Malaysia and even Swami Sutherland,
who was a leader of the shooting movement in northern India when Typekit was incarcerated.
Also afterwards. These individuals certainly recognise the need for Hindu military organisation,
but also a wider programme of quote rekindling the glory unquote of Hindu civilisation through
renewed self-love and the recognition this would force upon other communities through respect.
A stalwart supporter of Gandhi Shrubland did spiritualised his politics,
unlike several interpreted the Ghitis battle of Kurukshetra as a real and sinful event which ushered in.
Is it the kind of Yuga an age of mutual jealousies and pride after which Hindu cohesion was forever undermined?
However, Sutherland,
like Salako did propose that Hindu self-respect could be rekindled through a programme of Muslim reconversion that did not make caste distinctions,
but actively encouraged those orders to return to the fold. The construction of Hindu temples in every major town capable of accommodating up
to 5000 worshippers in shrublands ideal would inculcate the same undifferentiated.
Passion nurtured by the Islamic State, in his view, Malawian much,
but Wright also named Suffolk's essentials of Hindutva as the most important
contribution to Hindu ideology because it offered a clear definition of a liberated,
glorious and descriptive Hindu national, rather than considered the writing of essentials as itself.
A glorious step forward in the Hindu reawakening that matched, in his words, the Vedic thorns that had inspired earlier stages and enlargement.
Roy's words, Hindu glory,
did not contemplate the exclusion of anyone who is prepared to sail under the Hindu flag and takes the credit or discredit that attaches to so.
You can see there's a variety of kind of interpretations of this doctrine that you're Lajpat Rai.
A lot of good work being done on him recently, I think, is a bit more sort of dynamic in his view of the Hindu Muslim question,
but you can see others taking a slightly more rigid view as well.
I think the rest of the state really won't say that your subject is definitely leaning towards that,
that rigidity as time goes on throughout the 30s and 40s.
And though they do differ from some of the paradigms of Hindu being posited by the idealists captured much of what sarvikas emphasis on desire,
passion and glory intended to convey. It was not enough to achieve parity through strength of arms alone.
One had to have a positive account of oneself as a social unit through glory and pride and self-love,
and the respect and recognition that is forced on other from other communities.
So, as Sabra says, there cannot be an honourable unity between a slave and his master, and this Republican language, I think, is very telling.
It's not the language of interference, it's not the language of positive liberty per say.
It's the language of the slave inhabiting a kind of psychological space that he thinks doesn't allow Hindus to prosper or even reassured Muslims.
In his nineteen 1925 work Hindu psyche that just as Muslims had their own heroes around which a sense of pan-Islamic striving developed,
his perspective is the count of communal glory positioned Hindu heroes like Shivaji against Muslim foes.
And it's a really interesting section because he's almost doing the things that you know.
I allow you to have your history in your heroes or your heroes.
And I might write my heroes in a way that make your heroes look bad or cowardly or whatever.
But but it's just a necessary aspect of writing history for a community.
So again, that this sort of moving away from any sort of empirical truth, but more an attitude towards what history writing can do for a community.
If in these stories, the Hindu heroes were ultimately defeated as they were at the Battle of Panipat,
the record of glorious collective striving made the future rebirth of Hindu political identity possible.
It's carnal desire was amongst the more powerful tools to bring about social unity.
Individual sexual competition and lust obviously risks unsettling the social boundaries one was trying to maintain.
And as such, Salako admitted that eventually all humanity would sooner or later have to be considered a single community.
And so again, there's this retention of a certain kind of liberal arts to the cosmopolitan attitude that his earlier writing maintains.
But at a more rudimentary stage of forming social bonds between fragmented peoples in India,
passion would have to generate the largest social unity possible.
And at this stage, he seems to think that because of everything that's going on in Muslim separatist politics,
the Hindus are the only group that can do that.
Why human desire had to be corralled into Hindu political formation at this stage was because one had to pursue the social
configuration that maximised the potential will to power of a multitude at a particular historical juncture in 20th century India.
Several pointed to Hindu religious categories as the most appropriate sociological scaffolding,
upon which a large Indian social unity could be constructed. In this pursuit, sauerkraut makes no claims about the theological ambit of the state.
He endorsed non-belief and the creation of a variety of imagined polities, so long as Hindus retain the general will to glory and political unity.
This was epitomised by Shivaji, who called his Murata empire out from under Mughal sovereignty but who never forced Hinduism upon his subjects.
Several Refaat referred to Shivaji erroneously by the German epithet for King Koenig, but he actually writes as cunning and implies that even the the,
uh, the linguistic roots of this term gets entomology of this term means the able man the Kernan is the verb to to be able to do something in German.
And he really, I mean, I tried to look this up because that was the automotive turning. It was no tour at all.
So again, this is him really kind of trying to emphasise this business of the sovereign here.
It must be the man who overcomes everything and embodies self of overcoming for the rest of the community.
Although this is not the correct etymology,
it does emphasise the significance of suffixes preoccupation with the secular and embodied in the sovereignty express.
Both this desire for collective glory and the superhuman will to pursue it at any cost.
As questions of Indian federal. Asian considered the permanent separation of Indian communities along majority Korean lines from the late thirties.
South Korea's thinking becomes even more hard line the Muslim League, separate separatism risks,
permanently subdividing communities and smaller political units, either within federal borders or two separate nation states.
Several feet irreversible Hindu fragmentation since vestigial minorities from both religious groups
will be left in the various Hindu all-Muslim dominated provinces or into new sovereign states.
Speaking to the massacre in 1937, several imputed this strategy to Islam's theological rigidity,
causing it to irrationally quote stand in the way of larger associations and aggregates of mankind.
And under such circumstances, this species of communalism, as he calls it,
is condemnable from the human point of view and constitutes to him an acid test distinguishing
a justifiable nationalism or communalism from an unjust and harmful war against his words.
By this point, Sabra could no longer aspire to parity,
and his ideal of Hindutva from the 30s would force Muslims into a dominated minority status in a contiguous Hindu polity.
Sufferers early, a composite account of Hindu-Muslim revolution in Indian War of Independence of
1919 was possible because Hindus had reclaimed the glory and self-love through
Shivaji campaigns against the Mongols and could now enter into a political conflict
with Muslims who recognised Hindus as equals on the basis of their glory.
In the aftermath of partition, however, several totally redefined his story of 1857,
with Hindus now described as fighting a war of liberation from both the British and the perfidious Muslim collaborators.
And it's interesting that if anyone plays the role of collaborators in his 1989 count, it's the Sikhs.
So he shifted, shifted the emphasis completely.
Whereas in 1912, some could hope for a resurgence of vestigial revolutionary will from 1857 to overthrow the British and create,
in his words, a United States of India. By 1949, this idea was edged out by dreams of Hindu empire that avenged earlier invasions
from beyond the Khyber Pass by even dreaming of subjugating Afghanistan.
Domineering imperial glory now substituted relative national glory because partition had
resulted in the externalisation of the Muslim League's so-called religio political ambition.
Even South Asian Muslims were thereby transfigured into quote, in his words,
an everlasting enemy because there were no in several terms small Pakistans in every town.
Consequently, even if Muslims in India remained a numerical minority,
Solbakken accused them of not accepting political minority in the manner of the Parsis or Anglo Indians,
since Muslims would retain the desire and being to dominate with external assistance when dealing with the political science,
as he calls it a foreign relations.
One could not throw the question of political Concord's back onto the social as he had done in his social constitution,
which is what Lagunas was all about. Which is to say that with Pakistan,
that could not be a sort of socially constructed political party that because allegedly achieved on the Andaman islands,
and he does credit himself with having achieved that. So again, we should maybe take that with a pinch of salt.
And the Gunners remain central to having navigated this increasingly polarised environment.
Actualising a Hindi political categories still relied on glory,
but could now entertain the complete subordination of Muslims and their relegation to a deep, politicised and purely religious minority.
Viewing the Gandhian renovation of the Gaon concept of Ahimsa as a perversion of the Vedic flexibility imbued
in the goodness sabka exhorted Hindus to supercharge register passion into quote enraged intolerance.
To be sure, it was still a vital prerequisite for Hindus to overcome their humiliation and suffering continued
to critique individuals like a Belphegor who characterised the Hindu history as a chain of quote,
continuous defeat in the fight for survival of of which Ambedkar claims every Hindu did feel ashamed.
Subiaco exhorted him there is to move beyond even the vengeful glory of Kamala by extracting an effective surplus through conversion,
violence and sexual warfare in order to permanently subordinate Muslims.
Drawing on the works of Gujarati, Brahmin and former member of the Indian National Congress came one.
She said Baraka makes the reconstruction of Hindu temples pillaged by Muslim invaders as a key of the key plank of the end of the platform.
Munshi had written highly stylised histories of India and his native Gujarat,
which embellished classical and mediaeval accounts of universal Hindu kingship and victory over Arabs,
Persians and Afghans between the 8th and 13th century centuries.
Some of these dynasties had also rebuilt temples destroyed by Muslim invaders,
and it was in this spirit that when she campaigned to have the stone of Temple famously rebuilt in the early 1950s,
however, Sarvikas engagement with when she's programme was not simply to echo,
rather than scheme of providing an institutional locus around which a unified Hindu identity might emerge.
It did not even repeat because earlier analysis of the jail masjid as a political combined for conversion.
Instead, he now called for enraged intolerance and retribution against mosques as a way of eradicating any
Muslim claim to historical glory as a way of forever safeguarding Hindu political sovereignty.
Several salako understood the wiping out of quote existence.
All the masjid, without exception and quote, is the only way Hindus would be restored to its original glory.
Those conceptualisation of carnal desire and sex also altered from his poetic discussion of it.
Kamala had framed the tension between sexual and moral duty as a form of civic virtue through communal glory,
seeking in a way similar to Hagel's identification of the need to resolve the tension between family values and civic duty in Sophocles and.
His analysis of police activity after 1925, however, several weaponized sex into an increasingly violent to say action.
As with temple politics, sex became a tool for dominating Muslims through enraged intolerance and relegating them to a minority category.
Salako recommended the abduction, rape and forced conversion of Muslim women as a secular act of communal reason because Islamic fanaticism,
in his words, ostensibly obligated Muslims to convert American women en masse in excess of any reasonable political objective.
So adding to the problem, Hindu religious duty was typified by Pramanik injunctions against impurity and
had in some estimation promoted the chivalry that stopped in his viewpoint.
Hindu soldiers from raping Muslim women and by allowing non Hindu women to be returned to
their communities and not properly understanding the lesson of the Gooners Hindus had,
quote utter disregard of the proper place, time or person for understanding virtue and had quote fell as miserable victims.
As a result, Sabathia's modelling of this abduction and rape of enemy women,
in his words on the epic Ramayana as Demon King Ruthven encouraged Hindus to emulate so-called shameless was the practises, and I'm glossing this.
This aspect of this thought. I mean, Luna Sebastian's written, fantastic journal article on it.
So that's worth reading.
But these were justified since they were in defence of Hindu political sovereignty and were not a form of unthinking Muslim religion,
political aggression, in his words, which he said was now motivated by an unmediated sensuality.
Nora Robins enemies didn't make the gods Rahman Lakshman portrayed as definitively wrong in their chivalry, either,
so several cortines them worthy of imitation because their virtue was justly adapted
to the context in which they were guarding their own sovereignty during war,
when their womenfolk were abducted and taken to the ASO Kingdom. They responded by meting out what Sabra calls military and political defeat,
but also what he calls social revenge by killing in quotes the demons of the enemy and
rescuing Hindu polluted women without regard for britanico kind of morality on purity.
So in the glorious now subset now subsisted on the absolute prevention of the
future glory of the enemy by attacking the reproductive means and through this,
their capacity for producing glorious heroes.
This these special weapons for special occasions of some of them were justified until Muslims had quote dwindled into a negligible minority.
So what I want to say is in this perspective, this world view, the goodness could certainly not nurture religious tolerance where appropriate,
but Salako decided that such liberality should be allowed only when the Muslim was no longer capable of enhancing the tiger,
free scoring and scope of their own religion. So just to finish up,
there can be no doubt that if we conflate secularity with the idea of religious tolerance or separation of of of politics from religious
activities we do in the West and clearly suffer because politics offered a pretty full vision of secular action in secular politics.
But some of those post can look, the politics was secular because it redeployed non spiritual categories like glory in a
way to index the psychological capacity or the incapacity of a multitude of social union.
Moreover, in the form of the three edged weapon of The Goonies,
these Hindu categories made Indians the masters of their own social psychology independent of a political ConCourt or a secular constitution.
Yet this seemingly dynamic social constitution was predicated as a secular response in sarvikas
estimation to Muslims as nothing but an unthinking religious political as opposed to secular antagonists.
In this way, Hindu authors claim to secularity relies paradoxically in the incapacity to imagine
an alternative secular concord based on spiritual but non doctrinal categories,
as arguably Mahatma Gandhi could do. Even as a deeply outsized religious minority,
Muslims were to be retained within the borders of a sovereign Hindu polity because the secular categories of glory and recognition,
which is to say, the conditions of possibility for Hindutva as a political category were all relative and relational in character.
On the eve of decolonisation on, veterans astutely noted the curious destination that some workers thought had arrived.
That asking why quote Mr. Savelkoul of the sowing the seed of enmity between the Hindu and Muslim nations should one that they should live
under one constitution and occupy one country and quote solbakken would justify this in the language of imperial rather than national glory.
Citing the Catholic empire of Austria-Hungary and the Muslim Empire of Ottoman Turkey as political models in both of these polities,
the glory of majority depended upon their dominance over a Congress of politically subordinated to minorities, at least in surrogacy.
Even if Hindutva is defined against a fanatical Islam which stood and Islam which stood in the way of larger social aggregations,
the type of secular Hindu politics Subiaco legend rejoiced and relied upon the presence of the quote Open enemy.
This enemy was devoid of any political reason and whose raison d'etre was reduced exclusively to the object of secular Hindu glory,
as in when the historical context demanded it. It is hardly surprising, then, that in more recent times,
members of the Sangh Parivar would justify their political violence by claiming that quote Muslims had
no compulsion about killing people while a Hindu would pause before killing and ask why he was doing it.
Thank you very much.