The vision is that the embassy is going to speak to us on Margaret and the power of the governments
of Punjab and the comparison with the upper caste men serving jobs in models is up to extremes.
On the spectrum. OK, then, so you can work.
Yes. Yes. Thank you very much. Professor Wudu,
I'm I'll start by saying that I'm very happy to be here because this is the first time I'm attending this international conference in Russia.
And I also have a feeling that maybe I'm breaking a link, which has been established right from the beginning.
But I will still continue with this my presentation. I have a bad throat, so I'm a bit sorry for that.
So. Second, the slide.
Yes, so it has been famously accepted in India that the interests of the powerful
have been has to be balanced with those of the demands of the marginalised.
And there have been two important ways in which this actually has happened.
The first is, of course, the well-known phenomena of vernacular ization of politics.
And the second is the globalisation of politics.
I will concentrate on the second aspect here.
So one of the ways in which localisation has happened in India is via the seventy Third Amendment to the Constitution,
which happened in nineteen ninety three.
According to this, what happened was that at the village level, they want to beat the drum projects which were to be elected first of all,
which is very important that they were to be elected, and they would also have some functions and sources of revenue.
So on these two important accounts, that is,
the Trump Congress would have elected the judges and they would elect this sort of bunch and they would have some other sources of function.
They would have other functions and sources of revenues. So this was the new thing.
So we have this has been happening since nineteen ninety three.
So we have some history with respect to what is happening there.
Now, interestingly, in India, what we see is that the phenomenon of decentralisation and globalisation has happened almost at the same time,
which is that the economy started to open up around nineteen hundred ninety one and
the process of decentralisation also started sometime around nineteen ninety three.
So it's such an interesting thing which is happened because at the same time,
the international funding agencies also started to talk about decentralisation for better governance.
So what this said was that if you want to have some amount of funding from us,
you will have to decentralise now in the developed world where they had matured democratic systems.
Decentralisation of this kind had already happened, but it started to happen in India around the same time.
This decentralisation was also accused of, you know, making the state weak or making the same bit weak.
And in order to say that it would lead to a hollowing out of the state from the voting.
Because if you have globalisation of the economy on one hand and if you have local bodies having more power,
then the central government and the state government will not have enough power to do what they want to do.
But I don't believe. It has happened at this stage, I must also bring in what was done by.
Rajiv Gandhi and his perception about the governance in India.
First of all, we know that he was he came to power in nineteen hundred and eighty four.
And actually the opening up of the economy started in nineteen hundred eighty four.
It was not announced. It was not declared. But the most of the economists would say that it happened slowly and steadily from nineteen eighty four.
And with respect to governance, his ideas were informed by what he thought about the corruption in the developmental schemes,
the delays which were there, which happened from DR, the militia level.
And he also spoke about the role of the power brokers.
So it was within this framework that he actually tried to pass the localisation bill once in 1987,
once in nineteen eighty eight, but he could not do it. And his idea was to give the direct power to the people of India.
Now, if you come to Maharashtra,
we see that the project law was passed in nineteen hundred ninety three and give 27 percent of the reservation to a season,
a seat and woman, it was increased. It was 33 percent and afterwards it was introduced to 50 percent in 2011.
Now the case for reservations of this kind, for different ethnic groups or for women has been argued well in the domain of political science.
You have the theory of the politics of peasants.
Then you also have the theory of critical mass and political participation.
And of course, we all know that God had spoken about it and written about it in nineteen hundred and forty six.
Now what I have done is that I have done the comparative analysis of 32 villages with
which have the little woman set up and just under two villages which have a podcast.
Male said bunches and there were selected babies.
So it was done in April, May 2018 and I would I would just like the hospital d'souza and say that I've tried to be.
I have avoided being excessively evangelical or overly sceptical.
I have Fiero. I don't want to do that now.
Around one hundred and around 120 questions were asked,
and the idea was to find out what makes this sentence effective and is focussed means a bunch more effective than the little woman sarpanch,
or it's not like that.
So for that, I have fought doses, which is that of material assets, which talks about land condition of both assets and things like that.
The second one is important, which speaks about education, and the health was just that one gets from others.
The third is that of social discrimination, which speaks about disrespect of any faith and like,
you know, being followed by the first name and things like that. The fourth one is that, I think because of political goodness,
when I am looking whether the Serpent Woman or the left or upper male has got those family background,
whether he or she has been a plunger cleared out and whether he or she has been or anyone in the
family has been a member of a milk cooperative or a sugar cooperative and things like that.
And all these students who are all these first four independent variables in the final one is all these
four leads to the effective participation of the Dalit or the open category male female sort of quenches.
Now, the way in which effective participant has been defined is I am looking at the
involvement and the knowledge about how the Punjab actually works and things like that.
Now what I find is that after being this sorry, it was done as I said that in the villages of what happened on Sunday,
which are advanced parts of my Rashtra, relatively speaking at least.
And what you see, what I thought was with respect to all the indices,
actually the urban and the upper caste males are just statistically significantly better off.
This is not a very surprising thing because we can imagine that he would be having more land.
He would. Having more political support and things like that.
No. So in a way, it is unexpected kind of floated aside.
The second thing which is done is that there was a regression which was fitting and the main reason why the
the woman is not as effective as the urban male self-image is that she faces a lot of social discrimination.
So what we find here is that social discrimination does hampered the work that you're wanting to do.
It's actually a psychological barrier and ritual which will feed into to the next slate and say that yes, it is accepted that the.
That the psychologist and the political scientist have been dealing with issues
of dignity and self-respect for some time now and how it affects performance.
But now many economists are also trying to find out certain things anyway.
So I know going quantitatively the relationship between the independent variables like I said and how it affects the performance.
So they are also using their methodologies, and my paper is one such attempt to do something like that.
But what we can also do is we can look at some of the you can look closely at some of the interesting and more granular results,
and some of them are very interesting, unexpected and some of them are not expected.
What I found is that originally actually 60 percent of the females have bunches.
They had to be boxed in to standing for elections. They were not very willing to stand in the elections, and it is a phenomenon which is known.
But 92 percent said that once they were elected, they enjoyed being disappointed and surprisingly as high as 62 percent said that
they would be willing to stand again if they are given the opportunity to do that.
Next, no folding unfolding of the fan flag on the Republic Day or Independence Day is a very important event in any village.
So what I've found is that your woman was not a loud woman of any cost when not allowed to unfold the flag.
But you're 100 percent of the Dalit woman were allowed to unfold the flag.
But because maybe one of the reasons is that photographs of such functions are taken, then they have to be seen.
But if you stepped in the Grampian jet office. Maybe that is the reason, but I'm not really sure about this.
But all of them said that yes, you were allowed in a way to unfurl until the flag, but only 37 were allowed to make the speech.
So this is a very low percentage, which is that in one of the interesting thing is that only 27 percent went out of their village.
To the biggest city or the Centre for work, but out of that out of this 27 percent,
if you one percent said that they liked going out to work now, it is heaven was.
It's a really high figure, which means that the worst of all enjoyed being out, and it also gave them the exposure to the outside world.
There was a certain kind of mobility which they enjoyed, and though 27 is a very low percentage that everyone is so more Typekit of.
Next to what we see is that 70 percent always fall in the middle.
Jack, this is a very high figure actually, and always spoke the same.
Or they always spoke in the grump and jet meeting, and 73 percent say that they attended the gram panchayat office every day,
which is also very interesting and somewhat unexpected for me.
Because you also think that the not only for everyone all woman is the husband's what being the verb.
So that's phenomenal, isn't it? You see that these people have been attending project meetings in offices now in the
budget offer drama when you have your monthly allocations for Dalits and for women.
But what I found out was that the knowledge about the lists was done.
Was higher, almost double that of the allocation for women.
So it means in a way that their identity was more delicate and less as a woman and 31 percent explained the work,
which they had done very even after they had been elected.
This was also not a very low figure. Now, another interesting thing was that the role of young boys, but apparently not the girls were young.
The little boys were single. The little ones said punches in doing their work in the sense that they would drop things still hard work to do.
And they would themselves also want to learn a whole lot of things because I suppose they were looking at their future and things like that.
They would take lot of initiative and find out things and inform also, the woman said.
When just said that, we are helped a lot by young Dalit boys, and it was also said that these two boys are.
So if they faced some kind of violence, then they say that they would also retaliate with violence.
Now we are going to have a minute, so self-initiated.
So this I mean, this kind of violence being prevalent or inevitable part of politics in India,
I think at least the little boys are trying to counter it in some ways.
So what I've done is that basically is to do some features.
Well, it's an ongoing process.
It's all happening and we are looking into how it how it has affected Dalit women who have moved into power in some senses.
Some of the results are, of course, expected, but some of the results are not expected and they are very positive.
Sort of said the real issue would be, I suppose, is the speed of change acceptable because,
as Giuliani has said, that different factors affect the speed of change.
So I'm sure some people will find that what is happening is too slow, and some people may say that it is OK.
It's not so bad. But I'll finish by. It is acceptable to some people and not some others.
I'll finish by saying what I'm saying is they said at some stage,
which is that Indian people are very patient and they should become somewhat more impatient in this public place.
And I finish. Thank you very much.