The first paper will be presented by Professor Rajeshwari this Monday, and she's going to speak on what comes tomorrow.
I think that you should be. Thank you, Dana, and thank Shailendra, and good for organising this conference.
Let me share my screen street the way that we do this, which I.
Yes, hello, everyone. This paper, Richard Snyder,
this marks comes to Maharashtra as it photography so much bad and the shipping of drugs and Mumbai's emancipatory hot zones is about.
As you can see, a Judkins outbreak was Emirati intellectual from the colonial period.
So liquor store appropriate. A drive to appropriate the ideals of Gandhi and Marx in an exposition that records that gathering so much.
It was a significant theoretical attempt on back of the obligatory Rubicon.
What I suggest in this paper is that it was also an unusual and ambitious, retooled Marx,
as the record translates the Marxian message for the Marathi slash Indian and also perhaps the global audience,
given his inherent sort of ambitions related to moral universalism of his times.
So he was also trying to address the global audience.
Nobody could pose a nationalist iPod, though anti-colonial nationalism remained the main political project for him.
We would, in what he imagines as his ethical project of agreeing so much about,
as I recall, transcends and subverts the colonial hierarchies of knowledge and power.
As he enters into a nuanced, transnational conversation with Gandhi and Marx,
Marxism had Americans the record of the material basis of social relations and therefore how
political struggles in the material realm became a precondition for realisation of Swaraj.
Most of the articles writings which read in Marathi look for spaces to relate in the of Marxism, in the Indian context,
and to link the anti-colonial struggle with anti-capitalist politics at the same time as a rare non derivative response to democracy and politics.
The record also argues about the concepts of truth and set in Gandhi would enrich the ethical possibilities within Marxism.
I argued that judges are wreckers interventions in the form of geography, so my job must be viewed as a rare,
courageous and unfortunately completely neglected intellectual exercise that began normal conversations in the world of ideas.
It must be seen as one of the many attempts of dynamic interactions between situated regions of human emancipation that
contributed to the shaping of cosmopolitan thought zones in pursuit of shared and historical exaggerated points of emancipation.
Although the relapse, his argument, you know,
in a very elaborate manner in his writings that consist of which consists of around 25 books and
over 300 articles I've just mentioned are been excited for the purpose of this short presentation.
I have selected some films from what we might call attitude towards system.
These words are from both Gandhian marks and puts them in a conversation with each other.
In that sense, it becomes a more group and an actual exercise of translation and circulation of ideas and terminology at various levels.
These are contextual readings of Gandhi and Marx.
We had the context is not only of those nationalist discourse, but also contemporary Marathi public sphere,
which was largely a great Marathi word that did not appreciate Gandhi.
Much of the emerging socialist and communist, as well as Gandhian politics, which had developed their own distinct readings of both Gandhi and Marx.
And now, with hindsight, what do we make all as the derivative prism through which the modern Indian political talk was
and is constructed and interpreting all these other contexts in which the record was writing?
I'm not going to dwell much on this part right now in this presentation,
but I just wanted to mention it as a kind of backdrop backdrop to our discussion instead.
As I said, I have selected a few items from his discourse.
And the first one here is my number one.
And that itself is a very interesting exercise that somebody could undertake.
Madhu drives to develop the terminology, meaning clear terminology in Marathi or social sciences.
He leads Marxian message as moral materialism.
What do they want him? There are three basic premises of Marxism exploitative nature of capitalism,
materialist conception of history and the necessity of collective action to bring about the norms and
social order identifies Marxist radical critique of capitalism as the most crucial aspect of Marx.
The import of what he mocks proved how a majority of the population is no different than the capitalist framework of law
and how capitalist social order has deep implications on the social cultural spheres and culminates in market culture.
Therefore, what words out there concludes, is that the struggle against Marxism goes against capitalism for those against capitalism,
I've knocked me out of material struggles, but he sees them essentially as moral struggle,
therefore describes Marxism as moral materialism, or they think no more.
Now, interestingly, the question of violence,
which might occupy the Central Centre stage in the discussion of Marxism at that time, becomes a subsidiary question.
What is our record? And he thinks that violence is justified in Marx due to absence of alternative political modalities.
And that's where he danced to Gandhi, and he looks for these alternative political modalities in Gandhi's messages.
And there are three films to himself which constitute the basis of good ideas that come into play.
So the first one is about that, yeah, and very interestingly, nobody things, Lucas,
I'm going to be off Lucas going to which immediately borrows from Peter, and he was a he was a staunch guy as well.
And so it was a very unusual during the rigorous search for this,
but flipped the concept of trust from the individual to the social level and from the procedural.
The substantive moral search for the ultimate invariably takes shape at the social moral plane.
There cannot be any individual personal pursuit of truth or social sphere involves the
moral choices and gives rise to multiple claims of these are bound by grandiose portraits,
but is the truth received at the moment? Now what is going on?
Understanding of the concept of truth recognises these partial claims as authentic.
It's a good idea to, but insist on some truth.
It involves fiercely supporting the truth that arrives at a moment.
So said no acting because these partial claims of truth in the social that.
These are seen by some pretty good at fictional claims to include justice put forward by different social groups.
Plurality of these claims is explained in terms of unequal locations of these groups and systemic nature of social injustices.
These claims are authentic, and yet we consider the essentially open nature of the growth of the waste space for the boat.
So Baghdad's insistence on holding on to proof that we have arrived at that moment legitimises distortions in the social sphere.
It also supports and initiates active political participation in these conversations for the sake of fiction of our work.
Therefore, they could emphasise this confrontation is roll-ups. It is neither.
I see resistance to injustice, not merely positive assistance to others in seeking truth,
but Gavino becomes a tool and the framework for a collective political actions against injustice.
No awareness of the ethical issues that suggests the constant evaluation and deformation of
political and religious stubbornness as awareness towards the systemic character of injustices.
It is because of our limited understanding of the systemic dimensions of social injustices that we constantly need to revise our claims.
The governor does not allow any social group to declare its own claim as the only legitimate claim to treat the governor.
That implies that we must be truthful in the realm of social obligations.
But it also involves a critical assessment of the social obligations themselves.
In the light of the article of morality and reason politics, this provides the possibilities of constantly examining our sins and claims to justice.
Now, this glimpse and the sense of justice is provided by non-violence, and so they could.
Interestingly, logically, you are using political non-violence,
and that is what addressing this act is a very concrete criterion rejection, authenticity of claims of truth on moral grounds.
Non-Violence does not mean mere absence of physical violence.
In fact, following Gandhi approved the use of violence in certain cases, given the systemic character of social injustice, the violence of the week,
as Gandhi said, just the most important aspect of the government, according to the record, was the concept of political non-violence.
Politics in this case essentially equated to formal investigations over the idea of common good.
Such politics hopes to transcend the fictional claims over available resources.
Non-Violence becomes a device to judge what can be good and challenged.
The fictional claims of plurality of sectional claims points to the existence of unequal, hierarchical social relations.
Since violence is defined in terms of being justice advocates,
its followers sided with the most oppressed groups who see their claims through justice gets judged with the help of non-violence.
Ridicule develops the concept of non-violence as a principle of judgement over killings.
So in that sense, the Gandhian ideal would be realised only after intense confrontations.
Non-Violence helps being more liberal to others in the true sense of the term.
And in that sense, transcends liberalism. Now, because of Mixed said,
the principle of non-violence helps in reaching the ethical possibilities within Marxism and links the model with
political without losing the sight of the ideas it helps in transcending the major plus for this struggle will impress.
It helps them acquire the character of struggle for justice.
This provides a legal basis for social struggles without regard to the communist state and
symbolises the difficulty in Marx and must be seen as most attractive aspect of Marxist thought.
The theory helps him in reaching the elements of equality in modern history.
He also wants to abstract elemental,
critical things that cannot be realised without effective political interventions in the existing social realities.
Insights of Marxism prove crucial in gaining political consensus of the inputs of Marx
that also essential in not celebrating non-violence as a ritual or a strategic device.
By defining the principle in terms of justice, nobody good on 46 political potentials in a significantly.
Not doing so much, but in fact makes upon me the confidence to actively participate in politics and support the socialist project.
What immediate realisation of those ideas.
And for Doug record, develops Gandhian critique of capitalism with the help of these three concepts of a stale.
So as you can see for him,
Trump is essentially related to production and distribution of wealth since labour loading those persons to draw upon the wealth of this society.
Capitalism establishes the relationship between labour and wealth and legitimises the government.
And that is where the two principles of non stealing and non accumulation are interlinked
and accumulation as a new position of the productive wealth interpreted as that,
and it results in poverty and slavery of the labourers.
So in short, what good is trying to suggest in developing a Gandhian critique of capitalism using the Marxian
insights is that the value Gandhian values is not essentially derived from the spiritual morality,
but morality, which is firmly rooted in material. How to achieve this morality, how to go about it.
And they had a good proposal, this idea of disaster, which in itself talks about his bringing together of Marx and Gandhi.
Not enough, you know? So he gives gives us an elaborate proposal regarding the politics of hope, which he calls the security guarantees,
just as the anti-capitalist politics shaped within the context of the post-colonial model in which you are
democratic state since capitalist inequalities operate both in their heads of state and civil society.
Nobody could have said just that Europe must be better. Its politics in both these realms,
these aware of the complex nature of the capitalist state and hold the mere rhetoric of opposition to state what work.
Therefore, opposition to state should take the form of reforming the state or expanding the possibilities of democratic politics within its realm.
Besides the state as a machinery of coercion, escapism,
machinery of coercion and also be forced into regulating capitalism that is injustices in the realm of civil society.
In other words, there is a recognition that the steep reality in abiding capitalist democracy like India is complex.
That so much about Price to deal with these complexities surrounding.
Surrounding. Buddy.
So thank you so much work, Grace, for dealing with these complexities surrounding the state in its politics.
Zarif expressed scepticism about power, about power politics, and he suggests active participation in politics for every workers.
Gambian workers prefer not to embed electoral arena because it was not rigged recognises the crucial role that electoral politics plays.
Christine is also aware of the fact that real political choices are always very limited and any
efforts to change these need to operate within the existing choices contingent nature of politics.
Insists insist that security workers must participate in electoral politics and must allied
with the anti-capitalist forces parties in order to strengthen them in the electoral.
In fact, he also recommends of politics, must develop its immediate goals and practical programmes for realisation of these goals.
And his advice was that everything is structured so as you do against the use of oenology is very interesting.
And he borrowed the entire within. The mythology also were to give a new meaning to do, but his project of bringing together can be a must.
So for him said Socialism is dharma, and so it becomes this or not more quite a winning form of politics, which he envisages.
So if we select socialism as you go tomorrow, what it of that everyone would be able to target the focal points of structural, systemic oppression.
You know, I was in Zagreb because there is a clear recognition of the primacy of the political and also of essentially competing nature of politics.
And the fact that you need to do politics within the existing choices is also there.
There is also a realisation that any project of emancipation needs to wade through these
contingencies in order to arrive at the collective moksha of what they would imagine.
This is perhaps the gist of it. I have something.
But this is perhaps the gist of ridiculous arguments in February, so much, but as I read it, well, yeah.
Yes, I don't know. Now, five minutes. Yes, yes, I know.
So I was finishing breakfast. So this is perhaps the gist of the ridiculous argument in so much as I read it in 2021.
But the real question is why is it significant it the time when what can the Marxian versions of politics are nearly extinct?
And when they go to school, the world of modern universalism has also practically disappeared.
In fact, it is. It is also important to note that still a historical project political project always remained neglected because he is.
He did not get any following what amongst the gun villains, as well as the socialists in Maharashtra as well as in India.
But apart from that, I mean, I'm not discussing that at the moment. I think they'll be good.
And his project has important takeaways for the contemporary students of history of ideas like us.
Most of us at these degrees, I would just shortly explain these takeaways before I close.
The first is what punishment? Because says that essentially plural history of ideas in India and how these oral histories
were shaped through the regional language discourses in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The analysis of these pluralities as he ambitiously traverses the local and the global discourses in his formulation,
and that while writing exclusively in that was a constant choice.
That was a conscious choice on his part, and it speaks of a lot.
Many things as far as this, this plurality in the history of history of ideas is concerned.
In fact, his insistence on rethinking morality and his meticulous efforts to develop democratic terminology of social sciences,
alertness of the distinctive historical and intellectual processes which went into the making of vibrant regional public spheres,
or what media films as regional arbiters of modernity in India.
As this very conference appropriately suggests, we need to preserve that embraced and critically interrogate also these regional
public spheres in order to understand the brutal history of Indian modernity.
I believe there is a leading provider in this journey.
We could also has a lot to offer to the descriptive to the discipline of somebody do.
What did you go thought that has arrived only recently? Simply listed the features of competitive political talk like these.
The the the. The protagonists of that discipline,
I have suggested this new perspective in the studies of political thought represents a motivation to develop resentment towards grounded in
the historical traditions and contemporary practises of especially non-Western societies aims to broaden the range of intellectual resources.
In the study of political core, Zeke's gross, contextual exchange of insights to develop conversational,
discursive narratives that would be disruptive, decolonising and seeking to displace the hegemony of Western categories and methods.
I would say that I mean, this is just in a nutshell,
but I would say that in this world and by crude interventions into Marxism, that Medicare premiums, these ambitions,
these ambitions of the enterprise for comparative political thought, he initiated non-hierarchical,
pluralist and therefore potentially subversive conversations with would be across context.
Yeah, I've just finished many similar projects of emancipation.
It's a shame that nobody remembers I regret, not even in my and stop you.