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Okay. I would try to say why compare typology of female citizenship in MENA.

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I will present. I will talk a short time about economic and legal aspects related with reform.

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I will do some sensitive comparison. Paraguay's most similar cases because I.

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I choose Egypt and Morocco for my group. I choose Lebanon, Syria for my Nazareth.

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And I choose Kuwait and Qatar for it.

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For the for the Akalis. And if I have time, I will do some conclusions on post 2011.

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And then my theoretical and analytical perspective on reform is really reform to parliaments.

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I am a political scientist. I know very little about law.

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I had to learn it the hard way. I didn't of courses. I had to do individual courses at home reading and I will.

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I go through family law, through a series on citizenship.

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And so I chose, which actually would be my opponent.

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This year she's coming to Oslo to meet my opponents after the.

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I'm very glad for that, too, because she was my door opener for family because her book on citizenship and and gender in the Middle East.

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You know, when I read it was this everything is about family. You know, what is family? You know, I was curious and she was the door opener, too.

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So so this is why I always deal with family. It's female citizenship team family law through female citizenship.

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These two for me are important. And when not saying say that actually my citizens are not part of the Demas.

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Demas is the Greek word for for people.

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And democracy comes from that word because but in political science we are so focussed on Kratos, which means governance.

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We forget that you govern the people and the people have two sexes, you know, female and means.

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And my argument is that women and men are really not part of the demos.

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So they are part of the polity, not the states, even because we have many stateless, but they are parts of the polity, but they are not part of demos,

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which is a smaller ring, and they don't share equal civil political rights with males, which makes them an excluded part of the demos.

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And and I focus on religious law. I'm not into Islamic jurisprudence.

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So because I deal with multi-religious states, I have to do understand religious law in general.

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And the framework is I want to do more stuff on looking at economy economic pressures, because if you remember,

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Laurie Brandt did a book, an excellent book 15 years ago and political liberalisation.

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And she took economic liberalisation as a fact, as a as a, as a as, you know, something given I would do the other way around.

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I would use political liberalisation as a given.

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I will focus on economic liberalisation and see the impact of economy economy on legal reforms.

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So this is I want to do that. I don't know how to do it. I would try.

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Why compare it is because comparison what appears at first sight to be odd becomes familiar,

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and what looks familiar becomes less obvious and more fascinating.

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This is a Norwegian political sociologist, Goldstein Richter, who I use in my Ph.D. as a theoretical, methodological and analytical perspective.

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And I will use him. And this is this is just to show my ignorance, my personal ignorance,

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because I did not know that English was the language sorry, French was the language in the courts in England.

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And so does anybody know? 1360 I was like, what?

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I only learned that only, you know, like two months ago. And if you see here.

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This is in Salisbury taken an eastern my colleague you're you're to laugh which means God's as

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my right and like I love the thing my Suzuki this is maybe it's in Syria it is dear in Moldova,

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which means gods is my lord. I mean, this means I mean, I think this is interesting to see that law was in in England until 1360.

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You know, this is very strange for an Arab, but I'm sure it's not strange for English people.

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But for me, it was very strange. In general, personal status, though, and the motive is more progressive than the master.

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This is something which the human development supports and towards the rise of human sort of sense.

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And I was saying, why? Why is that so? Why is it more progressive?

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So this is this is, you know, the start of my interests and to looking at what are the social forces that impinge

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on female citizenship in general and family law reform in particular in MENA,

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how and why do some persons form succeed while others fail in Parliament?

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And so it's how can we conceive of patterns of variances, the sorts of focus I focus on the three subregions which impinge on reform.

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And I mean, this is the table I have looked upon and I differentiate between two basic things which are, for me, different.

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This is the individually based citizenship rights. You know, Morocco before 19 and 2004 was here.

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It was group based.

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What I mean by individually based citizenship is that it is a relationship between as a citizen and a direct relationship with the states.

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I mean, theoretically, it is like that, in fact, is it's not.

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But this is the theory. Now, here is the topological period in Morocco changed for me.

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This is very big, really big that this changed in 2003.

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And although it is not very you know, it's the best we have.

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It's really the best we have. Sorry, this. So so this is this is happened in Turkey.

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First of all, of course, Tunisia seconds.

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We have this extremely interesting experience in south Yemen and now we have Morocco

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to Morocco is sort of that you know that it's showing a way looks to Morocco.

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And as I put a question mark some other places you know Iraq where do I put Iraq?

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I put it in blue. The name mean the non-Arab speaking Arabic states, Israel, Turkey and Iran, which fits differently.

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And then we have no. So this is this is then this is the typology.

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I work in a sphere of economy.

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I was I will not talk so much about it, but I will tell you that economy is important for politics.

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I mean, economy changes things, economy changes.

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It's pressures the state to think differently.

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And I will show you only two very interesting. So two very interesting economic what you would call indicators.

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If you see this women in non-agricultural wage labour, can you see that Morocco has the highest number?

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This is from 2011. It has 21% women working in North Korean sector.

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Second place is Egypt. It is 19. This is the highest in the Middle East.

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And then we have seen in the US 16% working in non-agricultural aggregate agrarian sector.

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And the numbers for click on cluster I think is not so good because they include non citizen team-mates.

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So I take them, you know, I don't take them seriously.

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This is interesting because where do we have the the best legal framework for reform this Morocco?

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And I think while Moghaddam has something she says that it is women working in the public

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sector who are demanding more economic rights because they are the ones who see this most.

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It's not the women who have to work in the fields from day to day to meet their needs.

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It is the women who have high education, who work in the service sector, who work in public offices and who are organising themselves.

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And I think she has a point. And I think these these numbers really show it.

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Number two, which I think is very interesting, look here, the number of unemployed youth female is is is lower than the unemployed youth.

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Maybe this means that more young women in Morocco are employed than men.

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Can you see that's not so in Egypt.

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Not so in Syria. Huh? In Lebanon.

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Many young women. This is from 15 to 24 hour employees.

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There is very low unemployment among young women.

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They are competing for jobs after when they reach 24, when they start having children, when they start establishing families.

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I think these numbers are very interesting from a social scientist perspective because they are the ones who say, Oh,

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why is my brother going to have the rights when I have the same education and have the same, you know, opportunity to have the same kind of mind?

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I won't mind my rights.

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I think this is extremely interesting to see such such numbers and look at the social forces that are pushing for reform to give women their rights.

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So this is why I think economy is important. And what's that?

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When I when I look at the sphere of law, I look at the mode of institutionalised institutionalisation of the court system,

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which I wrote an article where I compare states with dual courts, which is Syria and Lebanon, and states with unitary courts.

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And, you know, it's very easy to see that women in states with unitary courts get more rights than men and women in dual courts,

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because in drug courts, you have the religious clergy who are and present very conservative interpretations of family law.

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And the interesting thing with the police is, of course,

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that Kuwait has had a unitary system for a long time and Qatar has just recently merged the two courts.

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So this for comparative reasons is very interesting from five, ten, ten halfway through.

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Okay. Good to have you. So I just think.

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Okay. So so this is this is why I do this comparison.

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So this is what I just said, the U.S. court system. This is found in Egypt, Morocco to a court system.

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And the police. Yeah, this is what I. But this is really interesting.

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They have the dual courts in Kuwait, which have been merged. But I don't know.

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You can tell me after they have in the civil court in Qatar today, they have they have some of the religious judges who are dealing with civil law.

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And this is really extremely interesting. I don't like it. It's for you legal people to talk.

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But for me as a political scientist, I find it very interesting that they are dealing with civil law and they are not really trained in civil law.

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So what's happens is interesting to do to do to do research, I think.

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Okay. I would have to step here and put in this one. Oh, this is the way I works now.

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I put like I puts here in like, cities.

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I look at the citizen sick regime and puts for each state and each subregion is tentative.

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I have not finished. This is what I am going to do more. And so I look at the court system.

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Sammartino called this fine and look what it is. And it's and this is how you do comparative work or I trying to do and interesting you know you

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see when we'll see the outside again it's economic interests which pushes the states to sign.

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If you really see when they sign, why they sign it, because they want to show us for the rest of the world.

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They want to be part of the rest of the world. I thought, you know, 2009, we're having world championship and football in 20 years.

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We have to do something to show that we are, you know, parts of the world,

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not only sports and in the architecture and and in the in fabulous architecture, by the way.

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So so song and and also we have to look at a strength of religious authority.

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I mean, Morocco, it is law. It is explicit and public.

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We have an Islamist opposition, but it is co-opted and marginalised in each of the time.

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It you know, it is much more stronger.

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And when we Kallenbach who is doing research on Egypt, she is she is also my companion citizen from Norway.

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She is doing excellent research on the strength of conservatives who are now marching in to sort of redefine Islamic,

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for example, law and and wanting to change it from the 2000.

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In Syria, it is it is a high conservative.

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I think it is low probability for change towards less gender citizenship.

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After all the turmoil, Lebanon, it is very high.

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Political power is distributed along sectarian lines. And in Kuwait, well, I say it's medium.

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Sunni-Shia sectarianism has strengthened after 2006 following a new me media.

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No, but I will show you more of that very interesting thing.

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Things are happening in Kuwait because I was there before I was in I one week.

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I was two weeks in Kuwait in April.

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It's extremely interesting to go to the to the parliament and see what the four women's first time female representatives have done in only two years.

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Amazing, amazing lot of things they have done.

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I will try to write something about it, but this is really interesting what they have done in Kuwait in only two years.

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They are out of the parliaments now. They were not re elected.

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And I look at agents at reform. If I want to comment on an online us, I would say, well, yes, most of feminism, yes.

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But I don't believe in that so much because it looks like it is more and you know, speaking.

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But really, what's the what's the state authorities support is what I call Victorian Islamist ideals of domesticated womanhood.

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I think this is the sort of they are sort of out, you know, Botox, feminism, maybe you can talk about it like that.

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So what's it target? But, you know, compared to Kuwait, this is nothing.

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Yes. 2 minutes. Okay. So I would just say a few words about how I if you want this, I can send it to you.

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You can write to me your email, I can send it. This is.

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And so I look here at the female citizenship outcome.

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How has how has female family reform, which parts of family form have changed in these six states?

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And then I look at the C main citizenship in general. Okay.

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So if I go back to the conclusions. I think that's the stations regarding family law reform have gained renewed salience through Armenia since 2000.

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Ironically, Contestations are less sharp after 2011 uprisings because they are enmeshed with what are presented as more important issues.

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Contemporary consultations related to family law reform reflects points of dissent and conflicts that existed before the 2001 11 uprisings.

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These persist in times of political transition,

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although proponents and opponents invariably come to a demobilised phase where tolerance of diverse actors increases.

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This second thing is not me whose written this is what we call the Bible of transitional theory and political science, which is written by O'Donnell.

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Jayakumar O'Donnell. I have a this in the paper.

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You can have it later, but it's very interesting to read what they write on theory, on transition and their basic.

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This was written in the mid 1980s and they studied transitions in South America and and also in Eastern Europe.

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Later, they did more research. But it's very interesting to see the Arab transition phase through the theories we have on transitional theory.

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And in the course of transition, Afghan citizens will not necessarily get what they deserve.

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That is extended citizenship, but they what they are or more probably others negotiate.

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So seen within a state formation perspective this I'm really interested in state formation more than democratisation.

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I think these two are are overlapping but they are separate reforms related to family law in MENA reflect

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varied tracks which ruling authorities in MENA have chosen since establishment of modern territorial states,

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which is around 1920.

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So family law reform is thus as much part of the process of state formation in MENA as it is part of a process of democratisation.

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And this is where law comes in because law is so young. It's so you know, it's so young.

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It's still in the baby stage, really, in the Middle East.

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If we talk about territorial states from 1920, it's only like 90 years old and the state system in Western Europe was established.

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If we take a year, 1648, this is the Westphalian fourth,

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this I have only one picture to show is Sami Low in Mena is perceived as the last bastion then CMA citizen.

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Mena might have been the world's last colony. And this is also I have stolen from the title of the book.

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But you know, we are always talked about the last colony, last only one really.

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Women in Arab countries, they are financially not the worst off.

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There are many, many worse places in Africa which are economically much worse, worst off.

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But legally, I think it's really strange that they have so little legal power capacity.

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Look at this picture.

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The Qataris have forgotten that their women where heads of families for, you know, like centuries and they put this on the new statistics.

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This is from September 2009. They did a survey in Qatar with the Statistics Bureau says, oh, women support families.

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What's your revelation? You know, women have supported their families, you know, life for hundreds and hundreds of years, also, including in Qatar.

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But when they get down on numbers, it's that household female heads of households count like I think they found like 20%.

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I have the numbers. So it was like, surprise, surprise.

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Okay. Thank you.