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And with that, thank you very much for attending. And I'll hand over to Jason.

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Well, thank you very much. I apologise for the interruption in our scheduling previously, so I'm delighted to be here today.

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So I'm gonna go ahead and share my screen. All right, can you guys see it?

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Awesome, awesome. So.

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As you know, I am Jason Forest. I am currently the director of Interactive Data Visualisation at the Koven Response Centre at McKinsey.

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Not necessarily the director. The director of all interactive data visualisation from McKinsey.

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Just just my own little IP, my own little happy island. But, you know, I first encountered WBB DeBois data visualisations early in twenty eighteen.

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At the time there was very little research about the work and I became obsessed

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with learning about more about it so that I could help to tell its story.

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It's been a remarkable journey and one that I was completely unprepared for.

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So before I start, I want to just take caution to say that the word Negro will appear frequently in this talk.

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It's not a word I take lightly, but it's the term that Dubois uses throughout this phase in his career.

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And I think it's best to honour and contextualise his use of language.

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So the nineteen hundred Paris Exposition was created to celebrate the achievements

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of the 19th century and sought to accelerate innovation in the next.

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It was designed around the Eiffel Tower, built for the eighteen eighty nine exposition.

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But it was 10 times larger, expanding all the way to the newly created Grand Palais.

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The fair was visited by nearly 50 million people and displayed many inventions for the first time,

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including the Ferris wheel, the diesel engine, the escalator and the first talking films.

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By the way, my wife challenged me about that. And I went back into the research. Yes, indeed.

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The first talking films in nineteen hundred fifty six countries, including the U.S.,

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participated in creating pavilions representing their respective cultures.

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But special exhibits were located elsewhere.

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So the exhibit of American Negroes, which we'll be discussing today, was housed in the palace of social economy shown here.

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But it's important to see the nineteen hundred exposition in the balance of history as a

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century of unprecedented innovation and widespread change was coming to an end in 1833.

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The very term science was invented in 1863. Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation in 1865.

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The US civil war comes to an end, and as a result of the reconstruction period,

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former slaves are now granted unprecedented rights under the 14th Amendment.

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But racist lawmakers gained power across the southern states.

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It's in the 18 nineties and Jim Crow laws began to radically rollback these rights under the guise of separate but equal segregation.

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This illustration from the eighteen ninety three Chicago Exposition adds further insult

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to injury by mocking the members of the human zoo known as the Dahomey village.

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A few years later, another racist human zoo display is featured in the eighteen ninety five Atlanta Exposition.

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Outraged by the exhibit's lawyer, Thomas J.

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Calloway sends a letter to hundreds of African-American leaders across the country that says, quote, to the Paris Exposition,

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thousands upon thousands will go a well selected and prepared exhibit representing the Negroes development will

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attract attention and do a great and lasting good and convincing thinking people of the possibilities of the Negro.

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Thomas Calloway was a classmate of Dubois from Fisk University,

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and both men were in close contact with the most recognised African-American leader at the time, Booker T. Washington.

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A plan was crafted along with Daniel Murray, the assistant librarian of Congress,

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and the team was awarded fifteen thousand dollars from the US Congress only four months before the opening of the Exposition.

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Dubois was the obvious choice to lead the effort as chief curator,

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and he began to quickly compile the work on Dec. 20 aides eighteen ninety nine with his students from Atlanta University.

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What follows is a frenzy of activity in just four months.

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Prominent citizens, educators and students across the country began to assemble the materials.

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The five great Negro schools of Atlanta Fisk, Howard, Hampton and Tuskegee universities prepare exhibits.

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Dubois and his students conduct a sociological study in Georgia and begin to hand draw the 60 plus charts.

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Daniel Murray collects more than a thousand books and pamphlets by Negro authors.

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War heroes are documented businesses. Church and black newspapers from across the countries send in photographs of their finest and best.

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Four hundred patents by African-Americans are collected as a subtle nod to systemic prejudice.

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Dubois Hand writes over 400 pages documenting the erosion of civil liberties known as the Black Code at the Black Codes.

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After working tirelessly on the exhibit for months, Dubois writes in his diary that he was,

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quote, threatened with nervous frustration and had little money left to buy passage to Paris.

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But he did. But he did arrive just in time. He quickly set up the exhibit in time for the judges.

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Despite missing some of the materials from the universities.

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But the judges still recognised the exhibit by awarding it several prises, including an overall grand prise and Dubois a special gold medal.

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The resulting exhibition was a targeted attempt to sway the world's scientifically minded elite to

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acknowledge the American Negro in an attempt to influence cultural change in the U.S. from abroad.

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Pulitzer prise winning biographer David Levering Lewis writes, quote, In many ways,

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a Negro exhibit represented the last hurrah of men and women of culture and

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accomplishment who still aspired to full citizenship rights regardless of colour.

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While the judges awarded the exhibit with several prises, as you can see here,

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the direct impact of the exhibit of American Negroes is hard to measure. While the African-American press reported on the exhibit, gleeful excitement,

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the European media only mentioned the exhibit in passing and the white American press completely ignored it.

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The American public never even knew the exhibit of American Negroes even existed, despite the work by DeBois,

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Calloway and the extended community to show the show off the best of what African-Americans had to offer.

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The exhibit was met with indifference. But let's take a step back and look at William Edward Burghart Dubois.

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He was the first African-American to receive a doctorate from Harvard. Previously,

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Dubois studied at Humboldt University in Berlin and travelled in Europe before

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ultimately landing his first academic job at the University of Philadelphia,

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desperate to help the plight of the African-American population.

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He quickly turned to the recently developing fields of the social sciences in an attempt to collect compelling evidence needed for cultural change.

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Dubois was rigorous in his approach and tried to incorporate the latest scientific standards.

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He said, quote, The American Negro deserves study for the great end of advancing the cause of science in general.

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No such opportunity to watch and measure the history and development of a great race of men ever presented itself to the scholars of a modern nation.

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Arriving in Philadelphia after graduating from Harvard, he created his first Watership study.

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The Philadelphia Negro in eighteen ninety nine, compiled nearly by himself.

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Dubois personally conducted some 5000 interviews to complete the study.

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Here's a spread from the book, which shows some of his data visualisations clearly focussing on the scientific presentation of the statistical data.

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Dubois was very ambitious.

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That same year, he outlined a 10 year study of the American Negro seen as a continuation of the Philadelphia Negro research,

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and he conducted a similar study in Virginia. Dubois actually moved to Atlanta before the Philadelphia Negro is published.

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So when Callaway suggested Dubois become the curator of the exhibit for the Nineteen Hundred Exposition,

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Dubois naturally proposed as a study of the Georgia Negro. Like I said, Dubois was very ambitious, and at the time he wrote, quote,

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I wanted to set down my aim and method in some outstanding way, which would bring my work to the thinking world.

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The Great World's Fair at Paris was being planned, and I thought I might put my findings into plans,

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charts and figures so one might see what we were trying to accomplish.

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Dubois recalls the creation of the exhibit. In his autobiography, written at the age of 90.

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Quote, I got a couple of my best students and put a series of facts on the charts.

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The size and growth of the Negro American group, its division by age and sex, its distribution, education and occupations, its books and periodicals.

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We made a most interesting set of drawings, limned on pasteboard cards about a yard square and mounted on a number of movable standards.

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The details of finishing these 50 or more charts in colours with accuracy was terribly difficult,

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with little money, limited time and not much encouragement. The resulting exhibition was more than just a scientific report.

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DeBois set out to make a target attempt to sway the world's elite by upending the stereotypes and presenting a modern, successful and educated people.

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He set out to do this by crafting a structured statistical argument of the quantitative facts.

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On the first chart in the series, he leads with the statement, quote, The problem of the 20th century is the problem of the colour line.

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It's a phrase he uses again in the book that brought him global fame in nineteen, 1983, The Souls of Black Folk.

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One of the most powerful examples of data visualisation was made one hundred and twenty years ago by an all African-American team led by Dubois.

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Only thirty seven years after the end of slavery in the United States. The data visualisations the exhibit are split into two sections.

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The Georgian Negro, which focuses on the typical state of Georgia, which had the second largest African-American population,

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Virginia was the largest, by the way, and the highest Negro to white ratio.

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The other section is called, quote, a series of sophistical charts illustrating the condition of the descent of the

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descendants of former African slaves now in residence in the United States of America,

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which focuses on the national and international view of the data.

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The exact sequence of how DeBois made the chart is not entirely known, but the Library of Congress has the Georgia Negro as the first of the two.

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This is the sequences as defined potentially even by Daniel J.

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Murray himself when he entered them into the Library of Congress a few years after the exhibition.

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But we'll come back to the whole sequence a little bit. Let's start to dig into the work by looking at an international view of the data in Negro

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population of the United States compared with the total population of other countries.

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This map diagram shows us the comparison between a smaller seven point five million populated all Negro America,

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two other countries all drawn in proportion to their populations.

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DeBois makes a comparison in terms of nationhood.

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Clearly inferring the existence of an independent black state that exists as an equivalent to the established European countries like Spain,

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England and Hungary. You'll notice that the chart is in English and French so that the widest group of exposition guests can read the labels.

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Pivoting them from the international to the national in the next chart in the series,

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DeBois visualises Negro population growth as a small nation growing inside of the American silhouette.

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Dubois elegantly crafts a complicated, complex argument as a silhouette of the country grows.

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The Negro population also grows not as a at a faster rate, but as a distinctly different entity.

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This is not a line or bar chart to compare numbers. Dubois again visualises the data in terms of distinct nations when viewed alongside the

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preceding image showing a fully Negro populated US in comparison to European countries.

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Dubois clearly implies the possibility of a separate Negro nation state.

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This chart and literacy of the American Negro compared with that of other nations is

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from the second series and you'll notice the printed title at the top of the chart.

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If there was a breakout idea that challenged the status quo, it's this finding by Dubois.

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One could almost hear his surprise when he wrote, quote, Negro illiteracy is less than that of Russia and only equal to that of hungry,

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while Negroes were synonymous with being undereducated. Dubois shows that several European countries had a higher illiteracy rate.

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He's literally saying to the audience at the Paris Exposition, Are we really so different than you?

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The finality and the one world title illiteracy speaks volumes in this chart.

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The period at the end of the title helps to underscore the severity of the statement from the Georgian Negro series.

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This chart is an unusual plodding of time versus rate, with time on the vertical and bars extending from each access to form a sort of lattice.

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DeBois is only telling part of the largest story in this chart. As the white illiteracy rate in nineteen hundred was only six point two percent.

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But Dubois was not highlighting the racial disparity in the series.

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Instead, he was focussing on the decrease in literacy and overall progress in the African-American community.

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Here's an example of an updated version by database's superstar and Guardian contributor Mona Chalabi,

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where she updates the chart with the latest available data.

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I show it as a quick example of how the visualisations of the past can inspire the forms of data storytelling in the present.

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Income and expenditure of one hundred and fifty. Negro families in Atlanta, Georgia, USA is probably the most unique chart in the series.

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It is singular in its horizontal format and features a unique design within the exhibit.

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The chart access so as acts as a sort of key to the entire series as it humanises the data.

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The top row of a chart is like an expanded legend with rent, food, clothes,

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taxes and other expenses also doubling as column headers that are map to the colours we see in the horizontal stack bar below.

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This chart actually comes at the end of the Georgia Negro series.

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It's number thirty one, but actually was displayed as the introduction to the charts in the exhibit.

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As you can see here in the original photograph on the inset image, you can see the coin and photos of the Charn DeBois.

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You see mixed media on the chart to connect the data to the rest of the exhibit,

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which relied heavily on images of prosperous, successful African-Americans that challenged conventions.

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As my research intensified, so did my questions and I found myself in contact with the Library of Congress prints and photographs division.

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After six weeks of correspondence with the librarians, I was permitted, quote,

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very special permission to view only one of the data of the Dubois original charts in person.

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It was a real tip, thrilled to see the handmade work and examine the actual pen marks I'd been studying for months already.

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As you can see, the charts are quite large at twenty seven by twenty two inches.

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That's my computer there for scale.

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This is also the only work in the series to feature gold leaf and coloured crayon as well as the collage photographs.

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It's also an important chart, as I argue,

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that Dubois was actually amongst the first designers to consider their their visualisations to be interactive as evident in the label.

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For further statistics, raise this frame. This photo that I took of the original work shows how the chart was physically handled.

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And these marks suggest the indentation of the fingernails of the Paris Exposition.

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Guests exploring details like these could only be possible by being the original

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works and certainly helps to understand the context and creation of the work.

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Since the charts were made to be handled, they were sequenced to explore new layers of data and each subsequent chart.

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It's likely that a jump from one chart to another was synonymous.

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And Dubois's time to a double click in ARS. Out of the 60 charts in the exhibit,

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I find personally find this work to be the most compelling proportion of freedmen and slaves amongst American Negroes.

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The label slaves arranged inside of the mountainous black area is still a kick in the gut.

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The green ribbon at the top of the chart shows the ratio of free to enslaved African-Americans over roughly a century.

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There are many different ways that DeBois could have charted this data by putting the focus on the

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Freemen both in the coloured ribbon as well as by listening out the percentages of each decade.

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It emphasises their minority in comparison to the massive black area below the story.

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It tells a simple for 76 years, no less than eighty six percent of all African-Americans in the U.S. were slaves.

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But the nuance story remains on the right side of the chart.

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The immense a proclamation of the Emancipation Proclamation was signed on January 1st, 1863.

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Yet it takes an additional seven years and a civil war for the remaining six million,

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six hundred and seventy five thousand slaves to gain their freedom.

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Here's a chart from the Georgia Negro series. And as you can see, it's made in much the same way as the chart that preceded it.

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This time we see the percentage of freed Negroes over the same 73 year, three year period as a red area cascading down the right side of the chart,

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wavering between point seven and one point seven percent until it reaches one hundred percent at the bottom.

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Let's look at the 1860 census to get some sense of scale of the total population of one million.

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Fifty seven thousand people in Georgia. Four hundred and sixty two thousand were slaves.

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That's forty four percent of the entire population. As I said a second ago, the chart on the right is a sort of rotated view of the chart on the left.

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DeBois is careful to keep similar types of data in their comparative modes while

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exploring each data set to highlight the story on each level of granularity.

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This chart, occupations of Negroes and whites in Georgia is also from the Georgia Negro series.

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It presents a dazzling, near symmetrical chart of DeBois own design or two mirrored fan charts display corresponding categories,

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allowing the direct comparison across an event horizon that effectively delineates the colour line.

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The legend applies equally to both groups, and the distribution of the occupations between the two groups is surprisingly similar.

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Negro farmers are only two percent lower than white farmers.

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Negroes have a considerably higher percentage of service occupations, while whites have considerably more industrial and mechanical jobs.

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But they're displayed here is as comparable units within a circular hole.

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I find this chart to be quite effective while non-traditional. Even now, it's intuitive and using the right data could easily be used again today.

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But with this chart, I also want to address what I think is a misconception.

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A number of articles have come out have called that the striking design and limited primary colours of the charts to press age modernism,

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while this concept is very appealing. I believe it is an incorrect.

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As I mentioned earlier, Dubois considered himself to be an academic and he was deeply versed in the most contemporary methods of depicting data.

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Dubois had studied many sociological texts, including the work of Henry Gannett, which he referred in the Philadelphia Negro the year before.

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So it's obvious that Dubois was familiar with Gannett Statistical Atlas of the United States,

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featuring luxuriously illustrated maps and charts, as well as sociological data incorporated into the work.

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Considering the boys and teen were under such strict time constraints, luxuries like printing were clearly out of the question.

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The resulting handmade works gained an artistic dimension that is missing from the more scientific work at the time.

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Each chart would need to be hand painted watercolour on fit card, and it's likely that Dubois chose.

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You chose to use watercolours by George C. Osborne, manufactured in Philadelphia.

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He likely chose basic primary colours for his for their ability to easily imprint on his scientifically minded European audience.

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He stripped away any decoration in order to make the charts more effective, and the precisions of the charts conveyed scientific authenticity.

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While the works are remarkably beautiful, they were likely crafted for influence, not artistic merit.

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So if you'll just excuse me for a moment, let's take a little due to detour into art history,

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while precursors to modernism were president present in the 19th century.

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The concept of modernism wasn't really established until the other isms,

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like surrealism, had crystallised around Europe in the first years of the 20th century.

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This took time and most of the modernists were simply too young to have been directly inspired by the works at the Exposition in nineteen hundred.

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Picasso was 19 years old and travelled from Spain to Paris for only a few months in the fall.

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Walter Gropius, who started the ball powerhouse, was only 17.

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Laszlo Mahal motherly knowledge was only five p.m. Mondrian was twenty eight, but was living in the Netherlands.

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Kandinsky, also 28, but had just traded a career and long to attend art school in Munich.

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The fusion of science and art that fuelled modernism in general and in specific,

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the Bolthouse in Vienna Circle was certainly a similar space at DeBois was operating in two years earlier.

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But as a sociologist, one could only imagine what might have happened if he and his team had found the right support at the Paris Exposition.

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Had the impact of the exhibit of American Negroes. Been an international touchstone.

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Dubois might have crap continue to craft just statistical charts and the line between this work and what was to come in.

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Art and design might have been possible. OK.

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Back to statistics, this chart, acres of land owned by Negroes in Georgia also comes from the Georgia Negro series.

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Not only do we see the two hundred and fourteen percent increase in acres of land owned,

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but Dubois presents us the data in the shape of the state of Georgia itself.

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Dubois creates a visual analogy suggesting that Negroes are Georgia,

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which is a very optimistic statement despite the rise of Jim Crow laws designed to strip African-Americans of their legal rights.

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Yet the chart shows steady socio economic progress in spite of the prejudice.

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So this is the most recognised chart by Dubois City and Rural Population 1890.

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It exemplifies the creativity Dubois employed in creating this work.

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And in some ways cements his place in history as a data of his innovator.

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It's an unusual chart and that that we now call the Dubois spiral.

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And while it is obscure, it actually does a very good job at showing massively disproportionate comparisons.

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The chart tells a story of just how many more African-Americans lived in rural Georgia than in the smaller or larger cities.

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The large red spiral immediately leaves an impression, a visual beacon that draws the eye in in a way that few charts could.

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The innovation that Dubois' made was built on precedent, as it was common at the time,

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to simply bend a very long chart into a series, into a sort of a snake.

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If it didn't fit in a lot of space and we see this on other charts from the same series on the right.

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Another way of looking at the Dubois spiral is to envision it as a horizontal stack bar

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chart and extremely long scale breaking the stack bar until a series of angles highlights.

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This is the disparity in the data and the resulting massive red spiral is a great way to focus on the main insight.

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Of course, as my illustration shows on the right, it could have also been an ordinary bar chart.

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But if it were, I doubt I'd be speaking about it today. One hundred and twenty years later.

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This brings up an important idea that's easy to gloss over. But remember that Dubois was trying to impress his audience.

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He was trying to show off.

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And while many of the charts are traditional in their design haina that these kind of unusual forms would create more interest.

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Not all of the charts are created equal and sorry, not all charts are created equal.

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And twenty two of the charts in the exhibit are fairly conventional. Bar charts are visual literacy allows us to quickly read traditional chart types,

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but at the same time it also makes them easier to forget the role of novelty in our chart.

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Making should not be devalued nor even dismissed as chart junk, but rather used to focus to focus our audience's attention on what matters.

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Clearly, this form resonated with audiences and it's proven to be historically important.

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As a result of its novelty. Like I said earlier, I'm very interested in the sequence of the charts of the exhibition.

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I feel that learning about more about the sequence could help us understand how they were made and how they were meant to be viewed.

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As my research intensified to compile a list of the charts in sequential order as provided by

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the Library of Congress and then returned to the exhibition photo itself to look for more clues.

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What I found was shocking.

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On the upper right side of the image of the chart that I could not identify and was not in the collection of the Library of Congress.

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I triple cheque the inventory and there was only one chart that was similar, but it was not the same design.

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I quickly started to play around with the image in Photoshop and found the highest resolution image I could.

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I could already see that it was indeed a unique new piece that had not been studied before.

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So like anyone working on a research project, I then went and pleaded with a librarian for help.

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Luckily, the University of Massachusetts at Amherst Library had the original image and sent over a high resolution version and.

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The decrease of literacy amongst the black freedman of the United States.

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This previously unknown work was hidden in plain sight.

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The quality of the image is now high enough to decipher the text.

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The chart shows the 36 percent drop drop in a literacy of Friedman over a 30 year period.

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As you can see, as I was able to, I was also able to recolour the work based on the corresponding great scales in the image.

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There are only a few options available from the limited palette to choose from.

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And I believe that the green and black colour have a clear correlation with some of the charts we've seen earlier in the lecture.

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I believe the newly discovered chart is a missing link between these three views of data for both illiteracy and the proportion of Freedman.

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The work creates a correlation between freedom and education and shows just how this

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systematic Dubois was in crafting his message and reinforcing it throughout the entire series.

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There are sixty three of DeBois charged from the exhibit of American Negroes in

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the collection of the Library of Congress by identifying a 60 fourth chart.

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It opens up some additional ambiguity. As mentioned, some of the works in the second series have printed titles,

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which means they could that they were actually created first as it would take longer to get the titles printed.

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But the charts in the second series with green outlines here are actually hand lettered.

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So it could be that they were actually created at the end of the project. And if you think about it, it makes sense.

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As a research and data collection for the Georgia Negro series was being conducted.

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Some of Dubois students were already draughting the initial charts. It's very likely that the team uncovered additional insights as they work.

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And since Dubois was committed to his structured argument, they would naturally find additional visual methods for telling the compelling story.

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It's important to consider just how surprising this exhibition would have been as

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African-Americans were held in low esteem across the white world in nineteen hundred,

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while certainly free of the hostilities of white Americans.

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This exhibition was intended to curry favour with Europeans, many of which still harboured significant prejudice.

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Dubois and team took great care and considering how their exhibit would be perceived.

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And it also makes sense. It's such a strong visual would take a very important place in the exhibit itself.

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Above the crowds in the line of sight from outside the exhibit.

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Certainly the story of the great improvements in literacy would have been more palatable than the story of slavery itself.

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Because this exhibit was not successful at the time.

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DeBois took an abrupt turn away from the social sciences and in 1983 he published the work that would bring his ideas to a global audience.

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The Souls of Black Folks is a remarkable book that pairs elements of its ethnographic research with African-American poetry and spiritual songs.

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In the book, his anger, his anger boils through.

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His rage is paired with his brilliance, and his passionate voice quickly became recognised as a leader in the struggle for African-American rights.

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So it's interesting to think about this quote again, written in his biography at the age of 90,

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on his early years in social sciences, where had I failed?

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There were many answers, but one was typically American. As the event proved, I did the deed, but I did not advertise it.

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In the long run, advertising without the deed was the only lasting value.

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Perhaps Americans do not realise how completely they have adopted this philosophy.

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But Madison Avenue does. The story of the exhibit of American Negroes is so compelling because it is the story of a missed opportunity.

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It is ultimately a brilliant tragedy for the small nation of people that Dubois and has expanded.

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Team tried so hard to present to an indifferent white audience as viewers of this work in the present.

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We are all too aware of the inequalities that followed after the exhibit.

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We can point to the superior design and brilliant minds with the knowledge that their

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cause was not recognised until the Civil Rights Act outlawed discrimination based on race,

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colour, gender or national origin. Sixty four years later,

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knowing that a pivotal moment like this existed with such incredible opportunity for change all the

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way back in nineteen hundred gives additional perspective to the Black Lives Matter movement today.

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Now one hundred and twenty years later. While I'm thrilled to be discussing this today,

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the fact is that this work is still under explored and has yet to be embraced, embraced by mainstream academics.

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Dubois abrupt turn away from the social sciences certainly necessitates the study of his career and impact later in his life.

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Yet at the same time, his role and his social in the social sciences remains less known.

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The charts of the exhibit were only digitised in 2013. In any previous study was done on the on the only available black and white microfilm versions.

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There are a few rich sources of information, many by DeBois himself,

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such as the full recounting of the exhibit and the review of reviews, as well as a recently published book on the subject.

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WBB DeBois Data Portrait's Visualising Black America.

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But the fact remains that more research is waiting to be done not only on the context of the exhibit,

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but on the historic data itself as compiled by DeBois and his team.

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This is a rich source of information just waiting to be explored.

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So wrapping up as I've gotten involved in researching and writing about these works,

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I have found there are more voices from the past that have just not been explored.

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I continually find amazing stories such as the work of Marine Doi Rahaf, wife and collaborator of Autonomy Rahaf,

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who taught at Oxford and her life's work of creating pictorial statistics for educational purposes.

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Over and over again. I find graphic forms from the past that can inspire us to create new ways of communicating or visualising ideas today.

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This research has changed me as a person and as a practitioner.

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So I end my talk today by asking you what other stories out there are to be found and retold.

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Thank you very much. Oh, thank you very much indeed, Jason, that was captivating.

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So everyone should feel free to type questions into the chat so I can put them to Jason.

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But I will use my chairs prerogative and start with one of my own,

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which was to ask how was he and his colleague able to get their hands on so much data?

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I mean, this you we we're struggling in these days with some of the Kobe things to get

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information on populations and some ethnic subgroups and all sorts of things.

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And so, you know, this is so long ago, I, you know,

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like I was particularly struck with the graph that you showed of Georgia and all those numbers for each year.

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So what were the sources of data that you was able to access?

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So a great question. Thank you for asking it.

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I've been asked that question before. And my last quick answer was I kind of stumbled on it.

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I think I have a better one this time.

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So what's fascinating is there really there were statistical data sources about different types of races in the U.S. at the time.

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They go back roughly to the civil war, but not before, which makes sense.

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Right. So what's fascinating about Dubois is that he conducted most of the research.

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So he had about as like 12 to 14 students at Atlanta University.

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There is there are some kind of remote students, I think one that lived in Virginia that was also connected to the programme, to the the project.

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And from what I can understand, in the four months leading up to the exhibition itself, they went out and found it.

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They built the data sets themselves. OK, so not just data, visualise whose data collectors as well.